This article addresses the issue of interpreting the work and biographical myth of L.N. Tolstoy in V.V. Nabokov's novel "Pnin." The aim of the study is to examine how through the reconstruction of Tolstoy's personal supertext, Nabokov conveys his philosophy of time. This question is relevant in the context of studying Nabokov's historiosophy and the writer's reflection on his own literary genealogy. The analysis reveals that in Nabokov's reception, Tolstoy is a national genius who was able to recreate the effect of natural time flow. Explicit references to Tolstoy and his biography allow for correlating the characters' reading experience and their perception of time: from frozen time during reading-performance to the reverse flow of time during co-creative reading. The motifs of Tolstoy's works actualize the key problem of the relativity of time for Nabokov. Although the unreliable narrator emphasizes the power of time and fate over the lonely hero, in reality, Pnin has access to multiple temporal dimensions. Just like in "Anna Karenina," the technique of temporal synchronization highlights the interconnectedness of characters' fates. Tolstoy's personal supertext enables Nabokov to understand the theme of family as a timeless connection between people that defines the characters' place in the world.
With the development of integration processes on the territory of the Eurasian Economic Union, the convergence of transport and logistics systems is a necessary condition for both transport connectivity and the development of trade relations. The current geopolitical situation, which led to an increase in traffic and within the EEU and the redirection of transport flows to the East, requires a change in the paradigm of the legal regulation of the transport industry at the interstate level.Aim . Reveal the main problems of international legal regulation of the convergence of transport and logistics ecosystems in the Eurasian region.Tasks. It is proposed to consider the main trends of the formation of an array of legal regulation of the transport and logistics industry in the EAEU as part of the implementation of a common transport policy and the implementation of major infrastructure projects, such as the Eurasian transport framework, to analyze the relevance of the main EAEU documents in the field of transport and logistics, to present the basic elements of the new paradigm of the EAEU unified transport system, including railway transport.Methods. When conducting the research, comparative-legal, formal-legal methods, synthesis, deduction, induction, as well as abstraction and the systematic method were used.Results . The necessity of a significant change in the approach to the formation of an effective model of international legal regulation of transport integration within the EAEU, clarification of the main directions of a common transport policy of the member states of the association, ensuring its competitiveness at the world level, transport and technological sovereignty of Russia and other partner countries, full realization of the transit potential of the union, as well as the effective functioning of the industry in the conditions of Industry 4.0 is substantiated.Conclusions . The proposed integrated approach will make it possible to fully implement the adopted Strategic Directions for the development of Eurasian economic integration until 2025, to lay the foundations for a new stage of integration of transport and logistics systems within the EAEU with the achievement of the set significant milestones in the interests of the countries and peoples of our integration association.
This study is aimed to determine current trends in the development of international legal regulation of the use of unmanned technologies in rail transport related to the implementation of digital services and technologies of Industry 4.0 both in the transport and logistics ecosystem of Russia and in the regional international transport systems.Aim. To determine the level of development and effectiveness of the existing set of regulations governing the use of unmanned technologies in rail transport within the EAEC.Tasks. To analyze the existing body of normative legal acts regulating the specified sphere, to identify gaps in the existing regulation of unmanned technologies in the railway transport.Methods. Using the method of comparative legal analysis and the formal-legal method, this paper analyzes the existing legal regulation of unmanned technologies in rail transport within the EAEC, identifies the gaps in legislation and indicates the main directions of its development to create a regulatory framework that allows the effective regulation of the introduction and operation of unmanned technologies on the railroads of the Eurasian Economic Union.Results. The study showed that at present the legal regulation of unmanned technologies in the railway transport is at the initial stage of development. The existing regulatory framework regulates automated and remote control technologies for railroad transport is insufficient, while the level of technology development in the railway sphere allows the introduction of unmanned locomotives to improve the level of competitiveness of the industry. Given the ongoing integration processes and the high level of interconnection between the transport and logistics systems of the EAEU member states, the development of a unified legal regulation of the use of unmanned technologies on the railroad should take place at the international level within the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union. All the more so because technical regulations defining the requirements for the safe operation of rolling stock and railway infrastructure are currently being developed and implemented at the level of the EAEU. The experience of creating a unified approach to technical requirements in the industry is a positive basis for the formation of regulations for the introduction of innovations that meet the level of the technological mode of Industry 4.0.Conclusion. The main directions for the development of legal regulation of the use of unmanned technologies should be to ensure the safety of the use of unmanned technologies by establishing criteria for their evaluation, testing and certification systems, as well as developing principles of liability for damage caused to life, health and property of third parties in the transportation process due to error, malfunction or imperfection of this kind of technology.
Despite the formal equality of women and men in rights, political activity and the decision-making process on public issues remain male-dominated areas. Political priorities are determined by men, and political culture continues to be mainly masculine. Therefore, separate women's political parties, with their own programs aimed at solving gender problems, enable women to represent themselves in the political processes of the country. The article examines the experience of women's parties in three countries: Sweden (Feminist Initiative), Germany (Feminist Party of Germany), and Spain (Feminist Party of Spain). The author also provides and analyzes data on the involvement of women in the top leadership positions of states. It is argued that the study of the differences between women's parties in individual countries makes it possible to assess the level of the problem of women's participation in politics.
For a long time, the research of Belarusian foreign policy evolved within the framework of neorealism, with the main attention paid to structural factors (external environment) and, to a very limited extent, to internal environment. The specifics of the Belarusian political system – the so-called superpresidential personalist republic, where power is concentrated primarily in hand of one person – made it meaningless to study the vast variety of other domestic actors, who hardly influenced the foreign policy decision-making process. Nevertheless, the political crisis in Belarus in the second half of 2020 has raised a critical question of inevitable evolution and transformation of the domestic socio-political environment. The result will be greater involvement in the foreign policy making of those "hidden actors" who haven't yet come into the spotlight. It is not possible to predict the format or timing of this to happen. However, new political circumstances in Belarus increase the relevance of studying such actors, their demands, interests, and potential links to the current or future foreign policy of Belarus.
In the western philosophical and political thinking C. Léfor is considered not only as a famous thinker, but as a key political philosopher of the end of the 20th - early 21st century, the author of the well-known and hotly debated thesis about the emptiness of state power in democracy, democracy as the acquisition of democracy, totalitarianism as a mutation of democracy. In Ukraine, in its return, he remains barely unknown: there are neither translations of his texts, nor any serious reception of his theoretical heritage. At the same time, our state has certain problems on the way of democratic progress, due to its totalitarian past, the rudiments of which can be observed up to this day. So Claude Lefort's ideas, moving from Marxism to democracy and dedicated to defining the conditions of its occurrence and the peculiarities of functioning, which proceed from the absolute denial of any forms of totalitarianism, are very useful for understanding the main benchmarks of democratic growth in Ukraine.The study examines the main aspects of the formation of Claude Lefort's philosophical and political views, beginning with his interest in Marxism and Trotskyism, followed by the phenomenology of M. Merlot-Ponty and the study of N. Machiavelli, J. Michele, A. de Tocqueville, the debate with J.-P. Sartre and K. Castriadis, the result of which was formulating his own political conception and understanding of democracy as political modality of finding the truth. The main focus is also directed at the analysis of the decisive guidelines of C. Lefort's political theory - the concepts of power, conflict, political action, wild democracy, the study of ontological conditions for the existence of a society, which, as shown in the article, were shaped, to a large extent, under the influence of M. Merlot-Ponty and N. Machiavelli. The phenomenological, M. Merlot-Ponty-like interpretation of Machiavelli's works allows C. Léfor to formulate a negative and positive definition of the social, negative in that sense, that social is not conditioned by absolutely productive relations, positive, since the main characteristic of the social is its controversial nature, the conflict that is the source of political power, where people assert themselves as the subject of politics, and the power is an empty space, and a symbolic institution of the social at the same time. ; У західній філософсько-політичній думці К. Лєфор не просто відомий мислитель, він ключовий політичний філософ кінця ХХ - початку ХХІ століття, перу якого належать широко відомі та гаряче дискутовані тези про порожнє місце влади у демократії, про демократію як набуття демократії, про тоталітаризм як мутацію демократії. Натомість в Україні він залишається маловідомим: відсутні як переклади його текстів, так і будь-яка серйозна рецепція його теоретичної спадщини. Водночас наша держава має певні проблеми на шляху демократичного поступу, зумовлені її тоталітарним минулим, рудименти якого можна спостерігати й дотепер. Тож думка Клода Лєфора, яка рухалася від марксизму до демократії, присвячена розкриттю умов її виникнення та особливостей функціонування, що виходить з абсолютного заперечення будь-яких форм тоталітаризму, є дуже корисною для розуміння основних орієнтирів демократичного зростання України. Дослідження розглядає основні аспекти формування філософсько-політичного світогляду Клода Лєфора від захоплення марксизмом, троцькізмом, через феноменологію М. Мерло-Понті та студіювання Н. Макіавеллі, Ж. Мішле, А. де Токвіля, дебати з Ж.-П. Сартром та К. Касторіадісом до формулювання власної концепції політичного та розуміння демократії як політичної модальності пошуку істини. Основна увага спрямована, крім того, на аналіз визначальних орієнтирів політичної теорії К. Лєфора – концептів влади, конфлікту, політичної дії, дикої демократії; дослідження онтологічних умов існування суспільства, які, як показано у статті, сформувалися великою мірою під впливом М. Мерло-Понті та Н. Макіавеллі. Зокрема, феноменологічне, у дусі М. Мерло-Понті, прочитання Н. Макіавеллі дозволяє К. Лєфорові сформулювати негативну та позитивну дефініцію соціального, негативну у тому сенсі, що соціальне не обумовлено абсолютно виробничими відносинами, позитивну, оскільки основною характеристикою соціального виступає його суперечлива природа, конфлікт, що є джерелом політичної влади, де народ стверджує себе суб'єктом політики, а влада є водночас і порожнім місцем, і символічним інститутом соціального.
Present-day global political landscape is imbued with populism, a weighty evidence of which is the presence of the "term" populism in public debate, which is aggravated by its semantic and ideological ambiguity, since, embracing a wide range of phenomena and movements, populism has become a kind of umbrella under which all or almost all forms of political discourse can be placed. The debate about populism proves its amalgamous nature and the discrepancies in its evaluation, which take place not only in the media-political, but also in the scientific context. In addition to attempts to conceptualize populism, or at least to reveal its essential features with which the political and politological community would agree, this dissonance generates another desire, namely: to find out what the unbelievable surge of populism in the world is all about and whether it points to the normal development of a society of democracies or to the fact that society is not alright, and the political class must respond accordingly.Approaches to the understanding of populism (E. Laclau, P.-A. Tagieff, M. Kenovan, C. Mudde, P. Rosanvallon, I. Surel and I. Meni, etc.) classify it differently (as a general rule, as normal politics, a subtle ideology, political style, deviation of democracy), but on the basis of the main features of populism, the consent, in spite of the announced polyphony, is possible. Populism is characterized by a simplified understanding of society, the unity of which is based on its identity, the opposition of a dirty corrupt elite to a pure and healthy united people, a subject of common will, a claim to a monopoly of possession of the truth about this will.Of particular interest is the relation between populism and democracy, the study of which usually takes place within the classical debate about the development of democracy in modern societies, where the excessive attention to the democratic procedure is accompanied by an ever-increasing holding the population off the actual participation in making political decisions, which is, according to researchers, the cause of the emergence and success of populist political forces, that is, populism is the answer to the crisis of representative democracy. The unpopular thesis presented in this research consists in a certain shift of emphasis, namely: if populism is a pathology, then democracy itself (in the broad sense of the word, as the setting and the way of considering the development of society) is pathological in its essence, and that populism is nothing else as its epiphenomenon, which needs democracy for its existence, embodies its imperatives, but in no way can be influenced, distorted or perfected. Two attributive characteristics of democracy (the idea of freedom and the idea of equality) generate populism, and the fundamental impossibility of democracy (as an ideal form) ensures its success. Therefore, along with the emergence of democratic thinking there is necessarily a populist thinking, and the multitude of forms of embodiment of a democratic setting prompts proteism of populism. ; Глобальний політичний ландшафт сьогодення пронизаний популізмом, вагомим свідченням чого є усеприсутність «терміну» популізм у публічних дебатах, яка посилюється його смисловою та ідеологічною неоднозначністю, оскільки охопивши широкий спектр явищ і рухів, популізм став парасолькою, під якою можуть бути розміщені усі або майже усі форми політичного дискурсу. Дискусії щодо популізму оприявнюють його амальгамний характер та розбіжності в його оцінках, що мають місце не лише у медійно-політичному, але й у науковому контексті. Цей дисонанс породжує, крім спроб концептуалізувати популізм або принаймні виявити його сутнісні риси, з якими погодилася би політично-політологічна спільнота, й інше прагнення, а саме: з'ясувати, з чим пов'язаний нечуваний сплеск популізму в світі, на що він вказує, на нормальний розвиток суспільства демократій чи на те, що з суспільством не все гаразд, і політичний клас мусить реагувати відповідно.Підходи до розуміння популізму (Е. Лаклау, П.-А. Тагієффа, М. Кенован, К. Мадда, П. Розанваллона, І. Суреля та І. Мені тощо) класифікують його по-різному (як назагал нормальну політику, тонку ідеологію, політичний стиль, девіацію демократії), натомість щодо основних рис, притаманних популізму, згода, попри анонсовану поліфонію, можлива. Популізм характеризується спрощеним розумінням суспільства, чия єдність фундується його ідентичністю, протиставленням брудної корумпованої еліти чистому і здоровому єдиному народу, суб'єкту спільної волі, претензією на монополію володіння істиною про цю волю.Особливий інтерес становить відношення між популізмом та демократією, дослідження якого зазвичай відбуваються в межах класичної дискусії про розбудову демократії у сучасних суспільствах, де перебільшена увага до демократичної процедури супроводжується все більшим відстороненням населення від реальної участі у прийнятті політичних рішень, що і є, на думку дослідників, причиною появи і успіху популістських політичних сил, тобто, популізм є відповіддю на кризу представницької демократії. Непопулярна теза, представлена у цій розвідці, полягає в певному зміщенні акцентів, а саме: якщо популізм – це патологія, то патологічна за суттю сама демократія (в широкому сенсі слова, як установка і спосіб мислити розвиток суспільства), і популізм тому не що інше як її епіфеномен, який потребує демократії для власного існування, втілює її імперативи, але жодним чином не може на неї вплинути, спотворюючи або вдосконалюючи. Дві атрибутивні характеристики демократії (ідея свободи та ідея рівності) породжують популізм, а принципова нездійсненність демократії (як ідеальної форми) забезпечує його успіх. Тому поруч з появою демократичного мислення обов'язково з'являється мислення популістське, а багатоманіття форм втілення демократичної установки спричиняє протеїзм популізму.
Within the context of conditions for the existence, activity and development prospects of a region's territorial communities, a resource approach is something of particular significance. A region's development depends on the participation of city dwellers and villagers, these being the main territorial communities, in processes such as modernization and the social development of territories. From the author's perspective, the future of any given region is determined by social resources bearing a space-time nature, which include the quantitative and qualitative composition of the population (human resources), human and social capital, eventfulness, and social activism. The social resources of territorial communities are one of the important basic components for fulfilling the domestic demands of the population: life-supporting, existential; the demand for solidarity connections, national-ethnical, labor, leisure, educational and cultural relations; as well as self-fulfillment and self-actualization. This article's author notes that the social resources of territorial communities provide external communication with other communities and territories, defining the competitive capacity and investment appeal of any given region, as well as the qualitative and quantitative composition of migration flow. What makes social resources, which can be defined as a product of people collaborating and cooperating, unique in comparison to material resources, according the author of this article, is down to such properties as the ability to capitalize and constantly reproduce, replenish as a result of the development of territorial communities, the advancement of forms of governance and self-management, shifts in people's social qualities during the process of socialization, education, self-education and self-fulfillment on a certain territory. The sociological-managerial approach's "new agenda" consists of proactive creation, development and advancement of social resources, while keeping them within a certain territory. A region's social resources ensure its stable operation and advancement as a socio-economical and communicative system, existing within a certain space-time continuum. A multitude of differences in the existence of territorial communities, on the one hand, and the reduction of the uniqueness, individuality and manners of cultural consumption, social interests and relations under the influence of globalization on the other hand – this all indicates the emergence of a new scenario, new opportunities and limitations in terms of regional development. These social transformational processes are in need of sociological introspection in order to define the trajectory for the development of Russian regions, to examine collaboration between urban and rural social communities within the context of a single regional system, and to improve social management.
The Russian Federation is strongly involved in globalization process. As a part of the BRIC countries Russia tries to become an industrial country, to develop manufacture and concurrence. Recently the Russian Criminal Code was revised in order to make Russia more attractive for investors. The punishments for the significant part of medium and little gravity economic crimes were commuted. By the Federal Statute №244 from September 28, 2010"About Innovation Centre "Skolkovo" Innovation Centre Skolkovo was established in 2010 year. December 16, 2011, Russia joined the WTO. The legislation in the Russian Federation develops very fast and tries to conform to necessities of the day. Accession to the WTO and fulfilment of taken obligations, creation of conditions for development of innovations with liberalization of laws directed at facilitation of conditions for running business should, hopefully, raise the competitiveness of Russian economy and lead in the future to the transformation from row-materials orientated to developed industrial economy.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.em.17.2.2176
In the past 20 years the ideas of A. Greif have drawn much attention among the Western economists and economic historians. In Russia, this perspective is rarely discussed. This paper attempts to fill the gap and review the methodology, the basic concepts and findings of Greif, as well as their impact on development in the field of institutional economics and economic history. Advantages and drawbacks of Greifs approach to the historical analysis of institutions are considered.
