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This article examines Kodak photographs made by participant soldiers and photographer–correspondents working in the field for the illustrated press during the concluding phase of the 1883–1898 campaign to defeat an Islamist insurgency in the Egyptian Sudan, whose leaders sought to create a regional caliphate. It explores how the presence of early generation portable cameras impacted on image making practices on British operations, and how aspects of campaign experience were subsequently represented in Kodak-derived photograph albums. With reference to graphic art and commercial photographic practices associated with Nile tourism and recent military activity in the Nile valley after 1882, the author argues, firstly, that the representation of combat was transformed by handheld photography and, secondly, that in the context of photographs of logistical activity and leisure, picturesque aesthetics were occluded by a 'documentary' mode of representation synonymous with the increasingly industrial nature of Western armed conflict. The article also calls attention to how photomechanical reproduction made possible the widespread availability of affordable albums for a public here identified as the readership of the illustrated general interest weeklies. More generally, the sheer number of photographs resulting from the use of Kodak technology prompted a more fluid use of montage-like techniques by album makers, for public and private use, including text and multiple image combinations, to build more dynamic visual narratives of experience on campaign than had hitherto been possible.

This paper charts how architects, conservative businessmen and conservative politicians helped develop Melbourne's interwar garden suburbs. It maps the ways in which architects transformed these suburban landscapes into highly charged political symbols that supported the values of the conservative Nationalist, United Australia and Liberal parties.

Jusqu'à récemment, l'aspect le plus négligé de la science politique a été la psychologie. Malgré les emprunts que les politicologues ont fait à d'autres disciplines telles laphilosophie, le droit, l'histoire et la sociologie, ils n'ont tenu aucun compte de la psychologie jusqu'après la deuxième guerre mondiale. Depuis tors, les politicologues américains ont abordè le domaine avec enthousiasme mais les canadiens traînent toujours loin derrière. Aux Etats-Unis, la psychanalyse a apporté une contribution importante aux études politiques et des travaux de grande portée ont été réalisés dans les domaines de la personnalité et des attitudes, dans celui de la perception qu'ont les enfants de la politique, dans les affaires internationales, les besoins humains et le leadership.L'étude du leadership peut également être coiffé du titre d'« hégétologie ». Aux Etats-Unis, c'est devenu un sous-champ de la science politique couvrant une variété de sujets. Au Canada, le travail est à peine amorcé. Malgré que l'hégétologie soil un domaine légitime d'étude politique, cen'est pas encore une science. Les preuves empiriques sont de qualité inégale et dispersée et il est bien difficile de faire des prédictions justes. L'avenir le plus prometteur de la recherche en hégétologie repose sur la coopération interdisciplinaire.

The political theory of Louis XIV is contained for the most part in the King's manuscripts which repose in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. These include the longest and most fruitful source, the Mémoires de Louis XIV pour l'instruction du Dauphin, some of his letters, and some of his miscellaneous short pieces. Many of the several thousand additional letters which Louis wrote either have been destroyed or scattered far and wide. There are a number of editions of his works but they have been almost entirely literary and designed for the popular market.In spite of the plethora of literature on Louis XIV and his grand siècle (1638–1715), no systematic exposition of his political theory has ever been published, though a number of authors have touched on his ideas in passing, including the historian Lacour-Gayet who promised a study of Louis' political theory but completed only a preliminary survey of its antecedents. The purpose of this paper is to attempt in brief compass to remedy this deficiency.Louis XIV is a classic example of a political thinker whose ideas are frequently alluded to but rarely examined. The popular tendency to refer to him as the prototype of all autocrats suffers the usual inadequacies of a stereotype; it overlooks the subtleties in his theories which greatly affect their interpretation. In order to avoid semantic wrangles it may be useful to follow the broad lines of Aristotle's analysis of monarchy presented in his Politics, Book IV, chapter x.