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John Goldthorpe is one of Britain's most eminent sociologists and a strong advocate of quantitative sociology. In this concise and accessible book, he provides a new rationale for recent developments in sociology which focus on establishing and explaining probabilistic regularities in human populations. Through these developments, Goldthorpe shows how sociology has become more securely placed within the 'probabilistic revolution' that has occurred over the last century in the natural and social sciences alike. The central arguments of the book are illustrated with examples from different areas of sociology, ranging from social stratification and the sociology of the family to the sociology of revolutions. He concludes by considering the implications of these arguments for the proper boundaries of sociology, for its relations with other disciplines, and for its public role

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AbstractA consensus has developed in political and also media circles that in Britain over recent decades social mobility has been in decline. According to the consensus view, as construed in political circles, educational policy is seen as the crucial instrument for increasing mobility. This article shows how the consensus emerged from the research of a group of economists into intergenerational income mobility. It is argued that, primarily on account of various limitations of the available data, the economists' finding of declining mobility is open to question; and, further, that, because no explicit distinction is made in their work between absolute and relative rates of mobility, its reception, among politicians especially, has been attended by considerable confusion. An alternative to the consensus view is put forward, based on extensive research by sociologists into social class mobility, which is seen as better capturing the intergenerational transmission of economic advantage and disadvantage. This research indicates that the only recent change of note is that the rising rates of upward, absolute mobility of the middle decades of the last century have levelled out. Relative rates have remained more or less constant back to the inter-war years. According to this alternative view, what can be achieved through education, whether in regard to absolute or relative mobility, appears limited.

Der Autor untersucht den Zusammenhang von Beschäftigungsverhältnissen, ihrer vertraglichen Regelung und der Bildung gesellschaftlicher Klassen. Im Mittelpunkt des Forschungsinteresses stehen der Arbeitsvertrag, die Arbeitsarten und die Dienstleistungsbeziehung. Seine Darstellung wird von der Zielvorstellung geleitet, ein möglichst allgemeines, werturteilsfreies Analyse-Instrument zur Verfügung zu stellen, das die Klassenstruktur moderner Gesellschaften auf der Grundlage der Theorie rationalen Handelns beschreiben und erklären kann. (ICG2)

La mobilité sociale occupe une place majeure dans la sociologie depuis la fin de la guerre. Depuis quelques temps toutefois des doutes sont émis sur le sens et l'utilité de ces travaux; des critiques sérieuses portent en particulier sur les idéologies sous-jacentes à ces recherches. L'auteur prend position sur cette question. Il montre qu'à travers certains écrits de Marx on peut constater une reconnaissance du fait de la mobilité. Les positions de Bernstein, Sombart, Michels et Sorokin sont scrutées. Puis l'auteur passe à un examen et une critique des positions de Lipset, Blau et Duncan. Il aborde ensuite les écrits des socialistes britanniques du début du siècle et les travaux de la London School of Economies sous la direction de Glass. Finalement il critique nettement les positions de certains " post-marxistes ", particulièrement Poulantzas. Il lui oppose les travaux de Westergaard, Resler, Giddens et Parkin. Il affirme en conclusion que les recherches en mobilité ne doivent en aucune façon être incompatibles avec une problématique de type " marxiste " ou " radical ".

The post-WWII consensus on the relationship between class & politics in advanced industrial societies has ended, leading to lively debate. Four different positions in this debate are identified, all in agreement that the class basis of politics has eroded. This basic assumption is challenged here, arguing that, though the political significance of class has been altered in the late 20th century, these changes have been too complex & too varied across national political contexts to be explained by any single thesis. Empirical evidence is presented to refute the argument that a weakening of the link between class & voting behavior represents a generic feature of politics in advanced industrial societies. Implications for Marxist approaches to the issue are discussed. 53 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

The post-WWII consensus on the relationship between class & politics in advanced industrial societies has ended, leading to lively debate. Four different positions in this debate are identified, all in agreement that the class basis of politics has eroded. This basic assumption is challenged here, arguing that, though the political significance of class has been altered in the late 20th century, these changes have been too complex & too varied across national political contexts to be explained by any single thesis. Empirical evidence is presented to refute the argument that a weakening of the link between class & voting behavior represents a generic feature of politics in advanced industrial societies. Implications for Marxist approaches to the issue are discussed. 53 References. K. Hyatt Stewart