Suchergebnisse

First lines:A s we reflect today on the challenges facing Europe, the organizers of this ALEA conference asked us all to discuss the reality and possibility of European solidarity. It is appropriate to discuss this concept in Warsaw, almost 40 years after the creation of the independent trade union Solidarność and the massive strikes that would pave the way to the fall of the Iron Curtain. So much seems to have changed. As Ivan Krastev has argued, "Eastern European societies have lost the three sources of their "Solidarity moment," namely the communist state they opposed, the economy of deficit that brought them together on a day-to-day basis, and the sense of national dignity they preserved against the internation-alist orthodoxy of official Marxism." (2005: 43) This progressive disintegration of the social bonds in the East has benefitted populist governments that exploit jingoism and contest the basis of the European project – a "de facto solidarity" between states and societies, to paraphrase the famous 1950 Schuman declaration. The collapse of solidarity in the West and South of Europe within societies and across states has also been acute for decades.

First lines:A s we reflect today on the challenges facing Europe, the organizers of this ALEA conference asked us all to discuss the reality and possibility of European solidarity. It is appropriate to discuss this concept in Warsaw, almost 40 years after the creation of the independent trade union Solidarność and the massive strikes that would pave the way to the fall of the Iron Curtain. So much seems to have changed. As Ivan Krastev has argued, "Eastern European societies have lost the three sources of their "Solidarity moment," namely the communist state they opposed, the economy of deficit that brought them together on a day-to-day basis, and the sense of national dignity they preserved against the internation-alist orthodoxy of official Marxism." (2005: 43) This progressive disintegration of the social bonds in the East has benefitted populist governments that exploit jingoism and contest the basis of the European project – a "de facto solidarity" between states and societies, to paraphrase the famous 1950 Schuman declaration. The collapse of solidarity in the West and South of Europe within societies and across states has also been acute for decades.

First lines:A s we reflect today on the challenges facing Europe, the organizers of this ALEA conference asked us all to discuss the reality and possibility of European solidarity. It is appropriate to discuss this concept in Warsaw, almost 40 years after the creation of the independent trade union Solidarność and the massive strikes that would pave the way to the fall of the Iron Curtain. So much seems to have changed. As Ivan Krastev has argued, "Eastern European societies have lost the three sources of their "Solidarity moment," namely the communist state they opposed, the economy of deficit that brought them together on a day-to-day basis, and the sense of national dignity they preserved against the internation-alist orthodoxy of official Marxism." (2005: 43) This progressive disintegration of the social bonds in the East has benefitted populist governments that exploit jingoism and contest the basis of the European project – a "de facto solidarity" between states and societies, to paraphrase the famous 1950 Schuman declaration. The collapse of solidarity in the West and South of Europe within societies and across states has also been acute for decades.

La coopération intergouvernementale afin de limiter les demandes d'asile date des années 1980 même si ce n'est qu'en 1999 que les chefs d'État et de gouvernement des États membres de l'Union européenne s'engagent à créer une politique d'asile commune. L'entrée en vigueur du traité d'Amsterdam donne en effet aux institutions de l'Union un rôle plus important dans l'élaboration des politiques d'immigration, d'asile et de gestion des frontières extérieures. Cela dit, les textes législatifs visent à harmoniser a minima les pratiques des États membres. Plutôt qu'une politique d'asile européenne, se dessine très vite en fait une politique de non-accès au droit d'asile en rendant les visas obligatoires pour l'accès au territoire européen, en imposant des sanctions contre les transporteurs et en codifiant les notions de pays « sûrs » et de demandes « manifestement infondées ». Plus qu'une politique commune, les accords de Dublin et la base de données eurodac permettent de renvoyer les demandeurs d'un pays à un autre. La politique d'asile est donc peu solidaire et ne profite qu'aux ministères des pays qui ont élaboré entre eux de façon informelle dès 1985 un système pour ne plus accueillir de réfugiés.

The intergovernmental cooperation aiming to limit the number of asylum seekers dates back to the 1980s, even though the heads of States and governments of the member states of the Union decided to create a common asylum policy only in 1999. The entry into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam granted the European institutions a more prominent role in the drafting of policies regarding immigration, asylum and external borders management. However, the legislative texts only aim at a minimum harmonization of the member states policies. In fact instead of a European asylum policy, what has emerged is a policy of non-access to asylum through a number of measures such as making visas compulsory to enter Europe, imposing penalties against carriers, or codifying the notions of 'safe' countries and 'manifestly unfounded demands'. Rather than introducing a common policy, the Dublin agreements and the Eurodac data base have made it possible to send asylum seekers from country to country. Thus, European asylum policy shows little solidarity and benefits only the ministries of those countries which have elaborated an informal system as early as 1985 in order to stop welcoming asylum seekers. Adapted from the source document.

La convention de Schengen est souvent vue comme un succès symbolique de la construction européenne, et la crise de 2011, après l'arrivée en Italie de migrants tunisiens, comme la mettant en cause. Conçue initialement pour faciliter la circulation dans le grand marché unique, Schengen a d'abord servi à renforcer les frontières extérieures de l'Union dans une logique sécuritaire et intergouvernementale. En dépit d'échanges parfois acides, la crise de 2011 n'a rien changé à cet état de fait.