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The article stresses the ideological and political dominance of productive capital fractions within the power bloc of the European Union (EU), by exemplifying their strategic influence in transnational struggles over the management of the current crises in Europe. Theoretically, it is shown, that the leadership of a fraction within the ruling class does neither result from its economic dominance in accumulation nor its hegemony in society alone, but rather depends on concrete struggles over power and meaning within the power bloc itself. In this regard, the economic and financial crisis management approach of the EU reveals that especially transnational actors from the European industry are able to use the crisis between 2008 and 2013 to further lock-in their global competitiveness strateg y into EU political structures. While the lobby groups of finance capital, although still economically important, are rather losing political ground and get lost in technocratic disputes among each, productive capital associations are holding the ruling class in Brussels together by using their privileged access to EU institutions and subordinating the interests of others capital fractions under the dominant discourse of a global and export-oriented growth regime of the EU.

"The article stresses the ideological and political dominance of productive capital fractions within the power bloc of the European Union (EU), by exemplifying their strategic influence in transnational struggles over the management of the current crises in Europe. Theoretically, it is shown, that the leadership of a fraction within the ruling class does neither result from its economic dominance in accumulation nor its hegemony in society alone, but rather depends on concrete struggles over power and meaning within the power bloc itself. In this regard, the economic and financial crisis management approach of the EU reveals that especially transnational actors from the European industry are able to use the crisis between 2008 and 2013 to further lock-in their global competitiveness strategy into EU political structures. While the lobby groups of finance capital, although still economically important, are rather losing political ground and get lost in technocratic disputes among each, productive capital associations are holding the ruling class in Brussels together by using their privileged access to EU institutions and subordinating the interests of others capital fractions under the dominant discourse of a global and export-oriented growth regime of the EU." (author's abstract)

The global financial crisis did not only plunge the European Union into a deep recession, but also released remarkable contradictions within the organisation and regulation of the European economy. As complex as the structural causes of the crisis are, the diverse and disputed are the political struggles and policy reactions to it. In particular, the different spheres of activity in European crisis management are characterised by variegated compromises, however no progressive change in European modes of regulation and underlying transnational social and political power networks seems to take place. Rather, alternative approaches are getting constantly disarticulated by discursive and organisational means, while authoritarian European policy reactions do not only deepen the crisis dynamics in Europe, but also more and more point towards a major crisis of democracy.

The global financial crisis did not only plunge the European Union into a deep recession, but also released remarkable contradictions within the organisation and regulation of the European economy. As complex as the structural causes of the crisis are, the diverse and disputed are the political struggles and policy reactions to it. In particular, the different spheres of activity in European crisis management are characterised by variegated compromises, however no progressive change in European modes of regulation and underlying transnational social and political power networks seems to take place. Rather, alternative approaches arc getting constantly disarticulated by discursive and organisational means, while authoritarian European policy reactions do not only deepen the crisis dynamics in Europe, but also more and more point towards a major crisis of democracy. Adapted from the source document.

Die Reorganisation und Privatisierung öffentlicher Infrastrukturdienstleitungen in Estland wird von unterschiedlichen Akteuren und Dynamiken getrieben. Zunächst übt die EU durch die Beitrittskonditionen und Richtlinien einen nicht unerheblichen Druck aus, die Märkte zu öffnen und den Wettbewerb zu fördern. Dies erzeugte einen gewissen Zwang, die betroffenen Infrastrukturunternehmen - wie zuvor bereits viele Industriebetriebe - zum Verkauf anzubieten. Dieser Druck kann jedoch nicht allein die Radikalität der Privatisierung erklären. Von entscheidender Bedeutung waren vielmehr der breite Konsens zur Marktöffnung und Westintegration und das gleichzeitige Fehlen einer relevanten politischen Opposition. Der Konsens speiste sich vor allem aus einem starken Sicherheitsbedürfnis gegenüber dem russischen Nachbarn, aus einer möglichst radikalen Abkehr von der realsozialistischen Vergangenheit sowie aus dem Bestreben, die Wirtschaftskrise rasch zu überwinden und die eklatante "Investitionslücke" zu schließen. Die Antwort für all diese Probleme lag in einer schnellen ökonomischen Westintegration. Dieser Konsens bestand bis zu den ersten Schritten zur Privatisierung öffentlicher Infrastrukturdienstleistungen fort und entwickelte über die Jahre der Transformation seine eigene Dynamik und institutionellen Verankerungen. Die schnelle Westanbindung und Integration in die EU - erwachsen aus der Motivation, sich gegen den russischen Nachbarn abzusichern und Investitionen anzuziehen - erzeugte durch den Verkauf estnischer Infrastrukturdienstleistungen vielfach den gegenteiligen Effekt. Die Privatisierung der öffentlichen Infrastrukturunternehmen zog keine ausreichenden Investitionen nach sich. Die Reorganisation des Energiesektors ist durch eine zunehmende Angst vor dem erneut aufkeimenden Einfluss Russlands in der estnischen Wirtschaft geprägt. Es bleibt abzuwarten, so die These, welchen Weg Estland in den folgenden Jahren einschlagen wird. Einer Abkehr von der marktliberalen Ausrichtung der estnischen Eliten sind -etwa durch die EU - klare Grenzen gesetzt. So ist unklar, ob die derzeit wachsende Skepsis gegenüber dem Transformationsprozess überhaupt Reformen zulässt, die den sozialen Ausgleich fördern. Wie im gesamten Reorganisationsprozess estnischer Infrastrukturunternehmen wären dann allerdings auch Widersprüche und Probleme zu erwarten. Der einseitig ausgerichtete estnische Neoliberalismus scheint zunehmend an seine Grenzen zu stoßen. (ICF2)

After the failed referenda in France and the Netherlands the European Union is in trouble. The integration process is confronted with a double crisis. Firstly the legitimacy of the EU in the population, particularly in lower income groups, has been weakened because of the negative social effects of neoliberal integration projects such as the Lisbon strategy. Secondly the EU is faced with a crisis of leadership. The Franco-German project of making the EU a global player in security policies that also rivals the US failed because of resistance of other European Governments.

After the failed referenda in France and the Netherlands the European Union is in trouble. The integration process is confronted with a double crisis. Firstly the legitimacy of the EU in the population, particularly in lower income groups, has been weakened because of the negative social effects of neoliberal integration projects such as the Lisbon strategy. Secondly the EU is faced with a crisis of leadership. The Franco-German project of making the EU a global player in security policies that also rivals the US failed because of resistance of other European Governments. (Prokla / FUB)

Nach den fehlgeschlagenen Referenda in Frankreich und den Niederlanden ist die EU in Schwierigkeiten. Der Integrationsprozess sieht sich mit einer doppelten Krise konfrontiert. Zum Einen ist die Legitimität der EU in der Bevölkerung, vor allem bei den unteren Einkommensgruppen, aufgrund der negativen sozialen Folgen neoliberaler Integrationsprojekte wie der Lissabon-Strategie geschwächt. Zum Anderen droht der EU eine Führungskrise. Das französisch-deutsche Projekt, die EU sicherheitspolitisch zu einem Global Player wie die USA zu machen, ist aufgrund des Widerstands anderer europäischer Regierungen gescheitert. (ICEÜbers

After the failed referenda in France and the Netherlands the European Union is in trouble. The integration process is confronted with a double crisis. Firstly the legitimacy of the EU in the population, particularly in lower income groups, has been weakened because of the negative social effects of neoliberal integration projects such as the Lisbon strategy. Secondly the EU is faced with a crisis of leadership. The Franco-German project of making the EU a global player in security policies that also rivals the US failed because of resistance of other European governments.