Suchergebnisse

Erik Amburger (1907-2001), gebürtig aus St. Petersburg, hat sein Leben lang Daten und
Informationen zu Ausländern im vorrevolutionären Russland zusammengetragen. Dabei entstand eine Kartei, die er dem Osteuropa-Institut München (OEI), einer Vorgängereinrichtung des Leibniz-Instituts für Ost- und Südosteuropaforschung (IOS) übergab. Die Kartei ist heute als Amburger-Datenbank im Internet frei zugänglich. Zu Forschungszwecken baute Amburger eine Bibliothek auf, die er auch dem OEI vermachte. Sie ist über den Katalog der IOS-Bibliothek recherchierbar. Das vorliegende Bestandsverzeichnis stellt durch seine verbale Tiefenerschließung ein Hilfsmittel bei der inhaltlichen Recherche in der Amburger-Bibliothek dar.

In 2012, on the first day of his third term in office as president of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin signed various decrees aiming at boosting Russia's investment climate with the explicit goal of "creating a new economy" (Reuters, 2012) that is characterized by a more diversified and balanced structure. Within this context he stated the objective to improve Russia's rank in the World Bank's ease of doing business (short: doing business) indicator from 120th in 2012 to 50th by 2015 and 20th by 2018. (The Telegraph, 2012) Indeed, Russia achieved to boost its performance in the last four years being ranked 51st in the 2016 ease of doing business. In a first step, this article introduces the methodology of doing business and explains why this indicator is politically charged. Subsequently, we show that Russia's improvement in doing business in the past four years was mainly driven by regulatory reforms in two sub-indicators. We discuss to what extent certain economic sectors benefitted from these reforms and come to the conclusion that they are more likely to maintain the current economic structure instead of creating a new, i.e. more balanced, one.

This article gives a short overview of the population dynamics in the Russian Far East, and of the recent efforts of the Russian government to make the region more attractive for internal and external migrants and capital flows. This paper will also evaluate the role of China, a country sharing more than 3500 kilometres of border with the Far Eastern Federal District, in the region's economy. To unfold the potential of the region, further efforts should be made to invest into the industrial infrastructure, but also into the development of social infrastructure. The latter, together with information on implementation of Target Federal Programmes in mass-media, should create positive stimuli for migration inflows. Higher transparency of legislation related to migration and investment may create pre-requisites for attracting more Chinese (seasonal) manpower and financial resources, without aggravating sovereignity concerns of local population and politicians.

For decades traditional religions in the countries of the former Soviet Union and Central and Eastern Europe were suppressed by the communist regime. After the fall of the Soviet Union most of these economies experienced the revival of religiosity. This report documents differences in religiosity trends between country groups in transition economies and underscores implications of religiosity revival for economic policies.

During the early nineties, central, east and southeast European countries set on liberalizing their economies on an unprecedented scale, including more or less speedy or profound external liberalizations in country-specific approaches. Since then, we have observed increasingly differentiated changes in these countries' legal institutions. Based on a small but growing literature, we may conjecture that both observations do not only describe a chronological sequence but a causal relationship. This note discusses this conjecture and argues that the globalization of production processes acts as a channel in this causal relationship. Whether or not trade liberalization helps in improving countries' domestic legal institutions depends on the nature of openness emanating from liberalization: some countries firms' joined fragmented, globalized production processes, for others, the dependence on primary products even increased.

The study reconstructs the involvement and the activities carried out during the Paris peace
conference of 1919-1920 by the Russian political émigrés and diplomats, as well socialpolitical organizations, for the switching of the Bessarabian status from Romania back
within the Russian borders. The plan was perceived as part of "Russkoe delo", directed toward defeating the Bolsheviks and conserving Russia in its pre-1914 borders. The Bessarabian "delegates", representatives of the "old" and the "new" regional elite, who disagreed on the political regime of the future Russia, but were united by the anti-Romanian feelings, worked hand in hand with the Russians to inform, persuade, and propagate, as well counterbalance the Romanian position at the conference.

Immigration to Germany has increased since 2009 and reached a preliminary high in 2013. Triggered by the comparably stable German economy and the abolition of transitional immigration restrictions, the majority of immigrants arrive from East European Union enlargement countries of 2004 and 2007. As a result of recent inflows, the immigrant population from Central and Eastern Europe in Germany clearly increased. Although many newcomers are comparatively well skilled, they were often not successful in transferring their skills to the German labour market.

Since the beginning of the crises in 2008 the number of Europeans at risk of poverty or social exclusion has significantly increased by 6.7 million, now affecting 24.8% of the European population. However, the crisis has not had a homogenous impact across the European Union with high poverty rates especially in most of the central, eastern and south-eastern European Member States. This Policy Issue focuses on poverty and deprivation in the new central and south-eastern European Member States (NMS 10). It highlights the current state of play and recent trends in the extent of poverty and its links to inequality. A combination of social and labour market inclusion policies, including adequate livelihoods, implementing effective activation policies and providing access to adequate services, is the key to contain and reverse recent increases in poverty and social exclusion.

Stable democracies are characterized by the predominance of certain values and political orientations. Ukraine, as a newly independent post-Soviet state, chose a democratic path toward its development and over the last two decades it experienced massive changes including transformations in the religious sphere. Statistical and survey data suggest that religiosity has significantly increased in Ukraine after independence. It is however not clear, whether religious people differ from the rest of the population with respect to socio-demographic characteristics, what kind of religiosity has increased and whether this growth can foster the democratic development of the society? This report presents the results of an explorative study of the link between the degree of religiosity and political orientations of the Ukrainian population.

Die Wirksamkeit aktueller (politischer) Grenzen einerseits und historischer Ereignisse für
aktuelle Aspekte der gesellschaftlichen und ökonomischen Realität andererseits ist in den
Wirtschaftswissenschaften und anderen Disziplinen sowohl in der theoretischen als auch
in der empirischen Forschung unbestritten und in zahlreichen konkreten Kontexten belegt.
Etwas überraschender sind hingegen einige Ergebnisse, die darauf hindeuten, dass historische Grenzen langanhaltende und bis in die Gegenwart wirksame Einflüsse ausüben. In diesem Beitrag wird argumentiert, dass die Erklärung dieser Befunde eine ebenso anspruchsvolle wie potentiell lohnende Herausforderung für die institutionenökonomische
Forschung im Speziellen und interdisziplinäre Zusammenarbeit im Allgemeinen ist.

Russlands Krieg gegen die Ukraine wird zwar von der Führung der Russisch-Orthodoxen Kirche mit spirituellen Motivationen "unterfüttert"; allerdings stehen auch andere Glaubensgemeinschaften des Landes hinter dem Krieg, darunter maßgeblich die islamische. Die vorliegende Studie argumentiert, dass das gegenwärtige orthodox-islamische Bündnis zwar tiefe Wurzeln in der russischen Geschichte hat, sich aber keineswegs zwangsläufig aus der historischen Erfahrung ergibt. Ferner wird am historischen Umgang Russlands mit Muslimen gezeigt, dass religiöse Vielfalt über weite Strecken der russischen Geschichte keineswegs die Säkularität stärkte - das russische Diversitätsmanagement kam (und kommt) häufig ohne eine religionsneutrale Plattform der Verständigung aus. Das erscheint aus westlicher Sicht problematisch, weil in unsere Vorstellungen einer "regelbasierten Weltordnung" das Menschenrecht auf Gewissensfreiheit tief eingeschrieben ist. Vor der Vergleichsfolie nicht-westlicher Gesellschaften (z.B. Indiens) erscheint das "konservative Diversitätsmanagement", welches auf einer Schnittmenge von religionsübergreifend geteilten Vorstellungen und traditionellen Verhaltensmustern basiert, aber keineswegs ungewöhnlich.

This paper analyses business strategies to survive the economic crisis of late socialism in
Yugoslavia. It takes one of Yugoslavia's flagship exporter enterprises, the shipyard "Uljanik" in
Pula as a case study. It argues that the most widespread response to growing economic difficulties in the 1970s and 1980s was a strategy of muddling-through. Yugoslavia, while aiming to become an exporter of industrial goods, never actually managed to adapt its domestic economic institutions to that goal. "Uljanik", like the other shipbuilders in Yugoslavia, produced mostly for export yet failed to earn profits. Domestic conditions and the political over-determination of industry prevented the implementation of measures to increase efficiency. "Uljanik", for example, expanded capacity and hired new workers even at a time when the global demand for ships was depressed after the 1974 oil-price shock. Employment and other social functions turned out to be more salient than any business rationale. Since the mid-1970s this made "Uljanik" dependent on customers, such as the Soviet Union or Third World countries that did not pay in hard currency, or did not pay at all. Frequent illiquidity was the consequence. The paper present the ship-building industry as a case in point for the increasing tensions between Yugoslavia's institutional set-up and its integration in the international economy, and for the unwillingness of policy-makers to affect structural change. The country failed to build resilience for mediating the outfall of global economic crisis.

This article describes worker narratives of discontent in relation to a series of crises that occurred at the Uljanik shipyard over the course of 2018. It draws on five months of fieldwork conducted in the period between two worker protests at the shipyard surrounding the late payment of wages, the second of which transformed into a large-scale strike. Emphasis is placed on the oft-repeated trope of "systematic" or "all-encompassing destruction" (sustavno uništavanje). This trope was often used to describe the perceived non-transparent, destructive activities of agents positioned at the top of a hierarchy (the firm management, the local authorities, the national government), acting with the hidden agenda of deliberately running the shipyard into the ground for their own personal gain. The article begins with a vignette highlighting several of the key actors and narratives present. The context of worker organizing and of the shipyard crisis are then elucidated. Following this, workers' self-organizing during the crisis is examined. The affective landscape during this liminal period is described, with a focus on fear, anxiety, blame, rumours and a (sometimes reasonable) suspicion or paranoia. The trope of "systematic destruction" is discussed in relation to the affective landscape. It is then placed in the context of the importance of personalized relations in the regional political economy, and the implications of this political economy on patterns of blame and responsibility are analysed. Finally, the history of the trope of systematic destruction is discussed and the political power inherent in its ambiguities are explored.

Das Arbeitspapier analysiert die Entwicklung slowenischer Migrationsbewegungen nach Bayern in der Zeit seit 1945. Die frühe slowenische Präsenz in Bayern geht auf Displaced Persons und Asylsuchende zurück, die anfänglich vor allem in Lagern lebten (Landshut, Valka-Lager, Zirndorf). In diesem Kontext entstand die slowenische katholische Mission in München, die später zum Oberseelsorgeamt für die ganze Bundesrepublik aufgestockt wurde. Als zweite Periode schließt sich die Zeit der Leiharbeit slowenischer Firmen (IMP, RUDIS) an, die in Bayern mit verschiedenen Unternehmen kooperieren und diesen Arbeitskräfte aus dem slowenischen Raum zur Verfügung stellen. Mit dem deutsch-jugoslawischen Anwerbeabkommen von 1968 intensiviert sich die slowenische
Zuwanderung nach Bayern, die vor allem auf die großen Automobilbetriebe, aber auch auf das regionale Bau- und Gaststättengewerbe hin ausgerichtet ist. Bei Auto Union Audi NSU in Ingolstadt arbeiten bis zum Anwerbestopp von 1973 und zum Teil weit darüber hinaus ebenso viele Slowenen wie in einzelnen Steinkohlenzechen des Ruhrreviers um 1900.