Suchergebnisse

Cette étude de cas se saisit de manière critique de la question de la restauration autoritaire à travers un prisme inédit, celui de l'agence de presse responsable de la production et de la diffusion de la propagande de l'ancien régime en Tunisie, l'agence Tunis Afrique Presse (TAP). À travers cet objet, elle montre qu'un tel phénomène est le produit d'un processus erratique dynamisé par des logiques contradictoires, voire paradoxales, héritées du passé mais aussi produites des contingences et des opportunités qu'offre la conjoncture fluide dans laquelle elle se trouve enchâssée. Après un court détour historique sur l'évolution de cette institution médiatique sous l'ancien régime, l'article se focalise sur la « logique de situation » et son enchaînement séquentiel qui mène à la restauration, notamment la situation révolutionnaire telle que celle-ci a été vécue au sein de la TAP et la période post-Ben Ali.

In 2005, Egypt adopted a new way of appointing the executive, replacing the single-candidate referendum on the basis of a proposal from the Parliament with a multiple-candidate election by direct universal suffrage. This article focuses on the campaign of this first presidential election, captured through the prism of the 'national press' (al-sahâfa al-qawmiyya), i.e. the press close to power. It is taken both as an object and as an analytical angle, in order to gain a better understanding of the processes involved in the making of this election. Through a detailed examination of the stamping of the mock-ups of the three main publications and their advertising space entirely dedicated to the campaign, the article focuses on describing the practical details of the speeches of this type of press and, in particular, the ranking between the different applications and the asymmetries that the national press devotes in its production to the "outgoing" President Hosni Mubarak. ; En 2005, l'Égypte a adopté un nouveau mode de désignation de l'exécutif, en remplaçant le référendum à candidature unique sur proposition du Parlement par une élection à candidats multiples au suffrage universel direct. Cet article porte sur la campagne de cette première élection présidentielle, appréhendée à travers le prisme de la " presse nationale " (al-sahâfa al-qawmiyya), c'est-à-dire la presse proche du pouvoir. Celle-ci est prise à la fois comme un objet et un angle d'analyse, pour mieux comprendre les processus liés à la fabrication de cette élection. À travers l'examen détaillé du rubricage des maquettes des trois principales publications et de leur espace publicitaire entièrement dédié à la campagne, l'article s'attache à décrire les modalités pratiques du discours de ce type de presse et, plus particulièrement, les hiérarchisations entre les différentes candidatures et les asymétries que la presse nationale consacre dans sa production, en faveur du président " sortant " Hosni Moubarak.

International audience ; In this chapter, we address the question of the reference to Islam as a social practice, not in abstract terms, from an overhanging viewpoint, but as it is embedded in members' routine activities. Hence, the interest for ethnography in our undertaking, for referring-to-Islam is a situated accomplishment that must be described in context and in action. What it contextually means and "does" to refer to Islam can only be elucidated through a close description of people's orientation to, and reification of, categories as they emerge from their actual encounter with social matters. The context we are dealing with is the Egyptian Parliament in the course of a session that was part of the broader polemic that ensued the publication of declarations allegedly held by the Minister of Culture Fārūq Husnī, in which he considered the Islamic headscarf as a mark of backwardness. This session constitutes a "perspicuous setting" i for the study of referring-to-Islam as a situated practice, since references to Islam proved numerous as it unfolded. Our data consist in the official verbatim transcription produced by the parliament's secretary, and submitted to the approbation of the deputies, for all parliamentary practical and bureaucratic purposes ii. The secretariat's concern for accuracy is obvious in these documents, through the following of endogenously developed rules, but also in the respect of a procedure which accounts for a genuine editorial work (the formulation used to refer to the participants, the description of specific actions, or the elision of

International audience ; In this chapter, we address the question of the reference to Islam as a social practice, not in abstract terms, from an overhanging viewpoint, but as it is embedded in members' routine activities. Hence, the interest for ethnography in our undertaking, for referring-to-Islam is a situated accomplishment that must be described in context and in action. What it contextually means and "does" to refer to Islam can only be elucidated through a close description of people's orientation to, and reification of, categories as they emerge from their actual encounter with social matters. The context we are dealing with is the Egyptian Parliament in the course of a session that was part of the broader polemic that ensued the publication of declarations allegedly held by the Minister of Culture Fārūq Husnī, in which he considered the Islamic headscarf as a mark of backwardness. This session constitutes a "perspicuous setting" i for the study of referring-to-Islam as a situated practice, since references to Islam proved numerous as it unfolded. Our data consist in the official verbatim transcription produced by the parliament's secretary, and submitted to the approbation of the deputies, for all parliamentary practical and bureaucratic purposes ii. The secretariat's concern for accuracy is obvious in these documents, through the following of endogenously developed rules, but also in the respect of a procedure which accounts for a genuine editorial work (the formulation used to refer to the participants, the description of specific actions, or the elision of

International audience ; In this chapter, we address the question of the reference to Islam as a social practice, not in abstract terms, from an overhanging viewpoint, but as it is embedded in members' routine activities. Hence, the interest for ethnography in our undertaking, for referring-to-Islam is a situated accomplishment that must be described in context and in action. What it contextually means and "does" to refer to Islam can only be elucidated through a close description of people's orientation to, and reification of, categories as they emerge from their actual encounter with social matters. The context we are dealing with is the Egyptian Parliament in the course of a session that was part of the broader polemic that ensued the publication of declarations allegedly held by the Minister of Culture Fārūq Husnī, in which he considered the Islamic headscarf as a mark of backwardness. This session constitutes a "perspicuous setting" i for the study of referring-to-Islam as a situated practice, since references to Islam proved numerous as it unfolded. Our data consist in the official verbatim transcription produced by the parliament's secretary, and submitted to the approbation of the deputies, for all parliamentary practical and bureaucratic purposes ii. The secretariat's concern for accuracy is obvious in these documents, through the following of endogenously developed rules, but also in the respect of a procedure which accounts for a genuine editorial work (the formulation used to refer to the participants, the description of specific actions, or the elision of

International audience ; In this chapter, we address the question of the reference to Islam as a social practice, not in abstract terms, from an overhanging viewpoint, but as it is embedded in members' routine activities. Hence, the interest for ethnography in our undertaking, for referring-to-Islam is a situated accomplishment that must be described in context and in action. What it contextually means and "does" to refer to Islam can only be elucidated through a close description of people's orientation to, and reification of, categories as they emerge from their actual encounter with social matters. The context we are dealing with is the Egyptian Parliament in the course of a session that was part of the broader polemic that ensued the publication of declarations allegedly held by the Minister of Culture Fārūq Husnī, in which he considered the Islamic headscarf as a mark of backwardness. This session constitutes a "perspicuous setting" i for the study of referring-to-Islam as a situated practice, since references to Islam proved numerous as it unfolded. Our data consist in the official verbatim transcription produced by the parliament's secretary, and submitted to the approbation of the deputies, for all parliamentary practical and bureaucratic purposes ii. The secretariat's concern for accuracy is obvious in these documents, through the following of endogenously developed rules, but also in the respect of a procedure which accounts for a genuine editorial work (the formulation used to refer to the participants, the description of specific actions, or the elision of

TV channels produce a whole range of video-clips, some of them with a political, advocacy tonality. Watching Arabic-speaking TV channels, we observed a series of video-clips which, in less than one minute, proposed contrasted narratives denouncing terror and terrorism. The spectator, in his natural attitude, understands these stories within a practical grammar made of ordinary sense-making practices, shared categorization devices, and background knowledge of issues relevant for the audience he is a member of. In this paper, we address the practical grammar these clips displayed of the specific language game of truth-telling narratives about terror. ; Les chaînes de télévision produisent une grande variété de vidéoclips, dont certains ont une tonalité politique de plaidoyer. En regardant des chaînes télévisées arabophones, on peut observer une série de vidéoclips qui, en moins d'une minute, proposent des narrations contrastées dénonçant la terreur et le terrorisme. Dans son attitude naturelle, le téléspectateur comprend ces histoires à l'intérieur d'une grammaire pratique faite de procédés ordinaires de raisonnement, de collections catégorielles partagées et de connaissance d'arrière-plan sur des questions pertinentes pour l'audience dont il est membre. Dans cet article, nous analysons la grammaire pratique que ces clips mettent en place dans le jeu de langage spécifique à la narration de véridiction à propos du terrorisme.

TV channels produce a whole range of video-clips, some of them with a political, advocacy tonality. Watching Arabic-speaking TV channels, we observed a series of video-clips which, in less than one minute, proposed contrasted narratives denouncing terror and terrorism. The spectator, in his natural attitude, understands these stories within a practical grammar made of ordinary sense-making practices, shared categorization devices, and background knowledge of issues relevant for the audience he is a member of. In this paper, we address the practical grammar these clips displayed of the specific language game of truth-telling narratives about terror. ; Les chaînes de télévision produisent une grande variété de vidéoclips, dont certains ont une tonalité politique de plaidoyer. En regardant des chaînes télévisées arabophones, on peut observer une série de vidéoclips qui, en moins d'une minute, proposent des narrations contrastées dénonçant la terreur et le terrorisme. Dans son attitude naturelle, le téléspectateur comprend ces histoires à l'intérieur d'une grammaire pratique faite de procédés ordinaires de raisonnement, de collections catégorielles partagées et de connaissance d'arrière-plan sur des questions pertinentes pour l'audience dont il est membre. Dans cet article, nous analysons la grammaire pratique que ces clips mettent en place dans le jeu de langage spécifique à la narration de véridiction à propos du terrorisme.

TV channels produce a whole range of video-clips, some of them with a political, advocacy tonality. Watching Arabic-speaking TV channels, we observed a series of video-clips which, in less than one minute, proposed contrasted narratives denouncing terror and terrorism. The spectator, in his natural attitude, understands these stories within a practical grammar made of ordinary sense-making practices, shared categorization devices, and background knowledge of issues relevant for the audience he is a member of. In this paper, we address the practical grammar these clips displayed of the specific language game of truth-telling narratives about terror. ; Les chaînes de télévision produisent une grande variété de vidéoclips, dont certains ont une tonalité politique de plaidoyer. En regardant des chaînes télévisées arabophones, on peut observer une série de vidéoclips qui, en moins d'une minute, proposent des narrations contrastées dénonçant la terreur et le terrorisme. Dans son attitude naturelle, le téléspectateur comprend ces histoires à l'intérieur d'une grammaire pratique faite de procédés ordinaires de raisonnement, de collections catégorielles partagées et de connaissance d'arrière-plan sur des questions pertinentes pour l'audience dont il est membre. Dans cet article, nous analysons la grammaire pratique que ces clips mettent en place dans le jeu de langage spécifique à la narration de véridiction à propos du terrorisme.

TV channels produce a whole range of video-clips, some of them with a political, advocacy tonality. Watching Arabic-speaking TV channels, we observed a series of video-clips which, in less than one minute, proposed contrasted narratives denouncing terror and terrorism. The spectator, in his natural attitude, understands these stories within a practical grammar made of ordinary sense-making practices, shared categorization devices, and background knowledge of issues relevant for the audience he is a member of. In this paper, we address the practical grammar these clips displayed of the specific language game of truth-telling narratives about terror. ; Les chaînes de télévision produisent une grande variété de vidéoclips, dont certains ont une tonalité politique de plaidoyer. En regardant des chaînes télévisées arabophones, on peut observer une série de vidéoclips qui, en moins d'une minute, proposent des narrations contrastées dénonçant la terreur et le terrorisme. Dans son attitude naturelle, le téléspectateur comprend ces histoires à l'intérieur d'une grammaire pratique faite de procédés ordinaires de raisonnement, de collections catégorielles partagées et de connaissance d'arrière-plan sur des questions pertinentes pour l'audience dont il est membre. Dans cet article, nous analysons la grammaire pratique que ces clips mettent en place dans le jeu de langage spécifique à la narration de véridiction à propos du terrorisme.

This chapter aims at analyzing the mechanisms specific to the birth, the swelling and the dying out of the particular public phenomenon of the scandal, as it can be observed within an Egyptian environment. In the ordinary world, other people are constantly the object of normative assessments. When brought to the public, these evaluations give them their reputation, when positive, or make them fear to be discredited, when negative. Generally, the media constitute the means through which judgements concerning reputation take the dimension of a scandal. Sometimes, the scandal is relayed in official settings like the Parliament. We recently examined how a particular dialogical site, e.g. the Egyptian People's Assembly, the lower chamber of the Egyptian Parliament, can be part of the broader dialogical network of the scandal ignited by the Minister's statement, what we called the "Fârûq Husnî case" (Klaus, Dupret, Ferrié 2008). It is now possible to analyse the sequential organization, the categorization devices, the protagonists and the audiences implicated in the enfolding of a news item of this type, which transformed into a scandal and even in a public cause. We proceed in three steps. First, we analyse the ordinary mechanisms of reputation and its breaches. We observe, in our material, how the structures of social and institutional life, like politeness, the protection of appearances, face preservation, but also their trial, like insults, humiliation and discredit, are achieved in action, through intertwined language games. Second, we describe how the mechanisms of ordinary reputation can be circumstantially mobilized to sustain, amplify and give credit to accusations, and therefore contribute to a generalization process giving to a singular blame the generic status of a scandal. Third, we scrutinize the functioning of a phenomenon which, although it does not exhaust the scope of all possible modes of the spreading out of scandals, constitutes a recurring and important figure: the moral over-investment of ...

This chapter aims at analyzing the mechanisms specific to the birth, the swelling and the dying out of the particular public phenomenon of the scandal, as it can be observed within an Egyptian environment. In the ordinary world, other people are constantly the object of normative assessments. When brought to the public, these evaluations give them their reputation, when positive, or make them fear to be discredited, when negative. Generally, the media constitute the means through which judgements concerning reputation take the dimension of a scandal. Sometimes, the scandal is relayed in official settings like the Parliament. We recently examined how a particular dialogical site, e.g. the Egyptian People's Assembly, the lower chamber of the Egyptian Parliament, can be part of the broader dialogical network of the scandal ignited by the Minister's statement, what we called the "Fârûq Husnî case" (Klaus, Dupret, Ferrié 2008). It is now possible to analyse the sequential organization, the categorization devices, the protagonists and the audiences implicated in the enfolding of a news item of this type, which transformed into a scandal and even in a public cause. We proceed in three steps. First, we analyse the ordinary mechanisms of reputation and its breaches. We observe, in our material, how the structures of social and institutional life, like politeness, the protection of appearances, face preservation, but also their trial, like insults, humiliation and discredit, are achieved in action, through intertwined language games. Second, we describe how the mechanisms of ordinary reputation can be circumstantially mobilized to sustain, amplify and give credit to accusations, and therefore contribute to a generalization process giving to a singular blame the generic status of a scandal. Third, we scrutinize the functioning of a phenomenon which, although it does not exhaust the scope of all possible modes of the spreading out of scandals, constitutes a recurring and important figure: the moral over-investment of ...

This chapter aims at analyzing the mechanisms specific to the birth, the swelling and the dying out of the particular public phenomenon of the scandal, as it can be observed within an Egyptian environment. In the ordinary world, other people are constantly the object of normative assessments. When brought to the public, these evaluations give them their reputation, when positive, or make them fear to be discredited, when negative. Generally, the media constitute the means through which judgements concerning reputation take the dimension of a scandal. Sometimes, the scandal is relayed in official settings like the Parliament. We recently examined how a particular dialogical site, e.g. the Egyptian People's Assembly, the lower chamber of the Egyptian Parliament, can be part of the broader dialogical network of the scandal ignited by the Minister's statement, what we called the "Fârûq Husnî case" (Klaus, Dupret, Ferrié 2008). It is now possible to analyse the sequential organization, the categorization devices, the protagonists and the audiences implicated in the enfolding of a news item of this type, which transformed into a scandal and even in a public cause. We proceed in three steps. First, we analyse the ordinary mechanisms of reputation and its breaches. We observe, in our material, how the structures of social and institutional life, like politeness, the protection of appearances, face preservation, but also their trial, like insults, humiliation and discredit, are achieved in action, through intertwined language games. Second, we describe how the mechanisms of ordinary reputation can be circumstantially mobilized to sustain, amplify and give credit to accusations, and therefore contribute to a generalization process giving to a singular blame the generic status of a scandal. Third, we scrutinize the functioning of a phenomenon which, although it does not exhaust the scope of all possible modes of the spreading out of scandals, constitutes a recurring and important figure: the moral over-investment of ...