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The paper analyzes the legislation of the Provisional Government of Russia of 1917 which ensured the democratization of the Zemstvo electoral system by introducing general, equal, direct elections by secret ballot. According to the transitional legislation of 1917, elections of county and provincial councillors were held according to the proportional electoral system. As a result of the elections, the provincial and county zemstvos were Ukrainized and democratized by involving peasants' representatives. However, given voters' low political culture and lack of political experience, this electoral system proved ineffective. Participation in the elections of mainly one public organization – the Peasants' Union, which received the right to elect provincial councillors, led to a decrease in the zemstvo governors' professional training level, which was one of the reasons for the zemstvo self-government decline.Elections of volost councillors on the resolution of county zemstvos representatives' congresses could be held under both majority and proportional electoral systems, which indicates the expansion of suffrage. On the territory of the Left Bank of Ukraine, the elections of volost councillors were held under the majority electoral system, which was quite justified, as voters were not ready for elections on the basis of tThe paper analyzes the legislation of the Provisional Government of Russia of 1917 which ensured the democratization of the Zemstvo electoral system by introducing general, equal, direct elections by secret ballot. According to the transitional legislation of 1917, elections of county and provincial councillors were held according to the proportional electoral system. As a result of the elections, the provincial and county zemstvos were Ukrainized and democratized by involving peasants' representatives. However, given voters' low political culture and lack of political experience, this electoral system proved ineffective. Participation in the elections of mainly one public organization – the ...

The paper analyzes the legislation of the Provisional Government of Russia of 1917 which ensured the democratization of the Zemstvo electoral system by introducing general, equal, direct elections by secret ballot. According to the transitional legislation of 1917, elections of county and provincial councillors were held according to the proportional electoral system. As a result of the elections, the provincial and county zemstvos were Ukrainized and democratized by involving peasants' representatives. However, given voters' low political culture and lack of political experience, this electoral system proved ineffective. Participation in the elections of mainly one public organization - the Peasants' Union, which received the right to elect provincial councillors, led to a decrease in the zemstvo governors' professional training level, which was one of the reasons for the zemstvo self-government decline.
Elections of volost councillors on the resolution of county zemstvos representatives' congresses could be held under both majority and proportional electoral systems, which indicates the expansion of suffrage. On the territory of the Left Bank of Ukraine, the elections of volost councillors were held under the majority electoral system, which was quite justified, as voters were not ready for elections on the basis of the proportional system. Holding the volost elections showed a number of shortcomings, which, objectively, included insufficient level of election commissions' preparation and, as a result, violations of the law. The low level of voters' political and legal culture did not allow to ensure the proper conduct of the election campaign. Opposition by anti-democratic and anti-Ukrainian forces in the process of holding zemstvo elections led to absenteeism among voters.

AbstractThe ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine has had a profound effect not only on the warring countries but also on diasporas that are related to them. Bringing together theories of diasporic identities and new media, this paper explores how Ukrainian diasporic 'selves' are affected by the ongoing conflict with the focus on the role of social media in the formation of their national and ethnic identities. With a series of in‐depth interviews conducted in Europe and North America, this study identifies the functions of social media in diasporic self‐understanding, representation of national culture and online commemoration and mourning. The findings reveal that social media provide diasporic subjects with a space for the negotiation and performance of ethnic and national identities. Within this space, however, they experience ongoing contestation that makes 'new' diaspora members more prone to relate to the radicalised discourses on national history, explanations of the conflict and Ukrainian monolingualism.

The paper analyzes the legislation of the Provisional Government of Russia of 1917 which ensured the democratization of the Zemstvo electoral system by introducing general, equal, direct elections by secret ballot. According to the transitional legislation of 1917, elections of county and provincial councillors were held according to the proportional electoral system. As a result of the elections, the provincial and county zemstvos were Ukrainized and democratized by involving peasants' representatives. However, given voters' low political culture and lack of political experience, this electoral system proved ineffective. Participation in the elections of mainly one public organization - the Peasants' Union, which received the right to elect provincial councillors, led to a decrease in the zemstvo governors' professional training level, which was one of the reasons for the zemstvo self-government decline. Elections of volost councillors on the resolution of county zemstvos representatives' congresses could be held under both majority and proportional electoral systems, which indicates the expansion of suffrage. On the territory of the Left Bank of Ukraine, the elections of volost councillors were held under the majority electoral system, which was quite justified, as voters were not ready for elections on the basis of the proportional system. Holding the volost elections showed a number of shortcomings, which, objectively, included insufficient level of election commissions' preparation and, as a result, violations of the law. The low level of voters' political and legal culture did not allow to ensure the proper conduct of the election campaign. Opposition by anti-democratic and anti-Ukrainian forces in the process of holding zemstvo elections led to absenteeism among voters. ; В статье проведен анализ земского законодательства Временного правительства России, которое установило всеобщие, равные, прямые, тайные выборы земских гласных. Выборы уездных и губернских гласных проводились по пропорциональной избирательной системе. Земства получили право самостоятельно решать по какой избирательной системе – мажоритарной или пропорциональной – избирать волостных гласных. Благодаря выборам 1917 г. произошел процесс демократизации земского самоуправления и сформировано волостное земство в Украине. ; Аналізується земське законодавство Тимчасового уряду Росії, котре впровадило загальні, рівні, прямі, таємні вибори земських гласних. Вибори повітових та губернських гласних відбувалися за пропорційною виборчою системою. Земство отримало право самостійно вирішувати за якою виборчою системою – мажоритарною чи пропорційною – обирати волосних гласних. Завдяки виборам 1917 р. відбувся процес демократизації земського самоврядування та сформовано волосне земство в Україні.

This paper focuses on the use of Soviet-era symbols, myths, and narratives within groups on VKontakte social media site over the initial stage of the Ukraine crisis (2014–2015). The study is based on qualitative content analysis of online discussions, visual materials, and entries by group administrators and commentators. It also applies link-analysis in order to see how groups on social media are interrelated and positioned online. It reveals that these online groups are driven primarily by neo-Soviet myths and hopes for a new version of the USSR to emerge. Over time, the main memory work in these groups shifted from Soviet nostalgia and "pragmatic" discourse to the use of re-constructed World War II memories in order to justify Russian aggression and to undermine national belonging in Ukraine. Reliance on the wartime mythology allowed for the labelling of Euromaidan supporters as "fascists" that should be eliminated "once again." This powerful swirl of re-created Soviet memories allowed effective mobilization on the ground and further escalation of the conflict from street protests to the armed struggle.

In the article the analysis of legislation of Ukraine on peculiarities of regulation of labor relations of agricultural workers. To resolve certain difficulties, labor relations, adequate safeguards in the implementation and protection of the rights and interests of workers farms conclusions and suggestions for improvement of the existing legislation in this area. The problems of rural areas are emphasized today, which should recognize the low standard of living and incomes of rural population, the increase in the number of people living below the poverty line, the degradation and extinction of villages, the underdeveloped social and industrial infrastructure. In view of the development and changes in the agricultural sector of the Ukrainian economy, which occurred after the proclamation of the course on market transformations, the author distinguishes forms of organization of agricultural production. Labor relations that exist in agriculture have their own peculiar features, which should be reflected in the content of the relevant rules of law, especially those aimed at regulating the relations with the formation of personnel potential of enterprises working in the agricultural sector. In order to address the issue of concluding an employment contract in agriculture, it is important to identify its parties, which the author points out. It has been suggested that there is no consensus today in the specialized literature and in the legislation as to which persons it is advisable to call "specialist" or "specialist" in agriculture. It is proposed to generally call these subjects "agricultural workers", and a definition of this definition is provided. ; У статті проведений аналіз законодавства України щодо особливостей регулювання трудових правовідносин працівників селянського господарства. Для усунення певних труднощів трудових правовідносин, забезпечення належних гарантій в реалізації і захисті прав та інтересів працівників фермерських господарств сформульовані висновки та пропозиції щодо вдосконалення чинного законодавства у цій сфері. Наголошено на наявності проблем сільських територій на теперішній день, якими слід визнати низький рівень життя та доходів сільського населення, зростання кількості осіб, що живуть за межею бідності, деградацію і вимирання сіл, нерозвиненість соціальної та виробничої інфраструктури. З огляду на розвиток та зміни в аграрному секторі економіки України, які відбулися після проголошення курсу на ринкові перетворення, автором виділяються форми організації сільськогосподарського виробництва. Трудові відносини, які існують у сільському господарстві, мають свої притаманні особливості, які повинні відображатися у змісті відповідних норм права, у першу чергу, саме тих, які направлені на регулювання відносин із формування кадрового потенціалу підприємств, які працюють у аграрній сфері. Для розкриття питання укладання трудового договору у сільському господарстві важливим моментом є визначення його сторін, які автор зазначає. Висловлена думка, що на сьогодні у спеціальній літературі та у законодавстві немає єдності стосовно того, яких осіб доцільно називати «спеціаліст» або «фахівець» у сільському господарстві. Пропонується узагальнено називати даних суб'єктів «працівники сільського господарства», надано визначення такої дефініції.

From the first days of the Euromaidan protests, Ukrainian diasporas around the globe took an active part in supporting democratic change in Ukraine. These diasporic communities actively used social media to "represent" their national identity, to promote their visions of Ukraine's past and future, and to network and coordinate their actions. This paper argues that the events of the Euromaidan made Ukrainian diasporas in Western countries "re-invent" and "re-imagine" their national belonging. In these processes historical memory, language, and regional identifications play a crucial part within the continuum between conservative ethnonationalist identities and "civic" ones that try to accommodate the ethnic and linguistic diversity of Ukraine in the diasporic setting. This study reveals that "civic" identity elements became more visible across Ukrainian diasporas, but that Russian aggression somewhat haltered the acceptance of diversity and reinforced previously existing conservative sentiments.

From the first days of the Euromaidan protests, Ukrainian diasporas around the globe took an active part in supporting democratic change in Ukraine. These diasporic communities actively used social media to "represent" their national identity, to promote their visions of Ukraine's past and future, and to network and coordinate their actions. This paper argues that the events of the Euromaidan made Ukrainian diasporas in Western countries "re-invent" and "re-imagine" their national belonging. In these processes historical memory, language, and regional identifications play a crucial part within the continuum between conservative ethnonationalist identities and "civic" ones that try to accommodate the ethnic and linguistic diversity of Ukraine in the diasporic setting. This study reveals that "civic" identity elements became more visible across Ukrainian diasporas, but that Russian aggression somewhat haltered the acceptance of diversity and reinforced previously existing conservative sentiments. ; AHRC 'Multilingualism: Empowering Individuals, Transforming Societies' project, University of Cambridge, and the Stasiuk Family Endowment Fund, CIUS, University of Alberta

The ongoing armed conflict in Ukraine was preceded by pro-Russian uprisings in major cities in the east and south of the country. These uprisings, sometimes referred to as the "Russian Spring," were a reaction to the success of the Euromaidan, which ousted President Viktor Ianukovych. The downfall of his pro-Russian regime, coupled with aggressive propaganda, created an outrage that culminated in thousands of protesters taking to the streets. Their demands were justified by distinct "imaginings" of Ukraine's and Russia's national identities. The Anti-Maidan—a pro-Russian movement—actively utilized social media in order to promote its vision of Ukraine's future, past, and present. This paper investigates articulations of national belonging by the Anti-Maidan. Its findings reveal that the Anti-Maidan's national "imagination" is represented by a bricolage of Soviet and Slavic symbols and advocates non-progressive changes.

The paper considers some characteristic features of critical thinking, as well as certain limiting points in its understanding. ; Розглядаються характеристики, якими може бути представлене критичне мислення, та крайнi точки у його розумiннi.

The article emphasizes the growing relevance of the blog as mass media and bloggers as subjects of public opinion.
Based on the content analysis the author examines following socio-demographic characteristics of bloggers korrespondent.net and pravda.com.ua as age, sex, place of residence and occupation.

Висвітлено діяльність Центральної Ради, що мала на меті проведення реформи місцевого самоврядування. ІІІ Універсал Центральної Ради передбачав розширення повноважень органів земського самоврядування, але підпорядковував їх Генеральному секретарству внутрішніх справ. Агресія більшовицької Росії та поглиблення кризи земського самоврядування змусили Центральну Раду ІV Універсалом проголосити проведення позачергових виборів народних (земських) рад. Конституція УНР 1918 р. передбачала принципово нову систему місцевого самоврядування, котра будувалася на принципах децентралізації влади. ; Освещена деятельность Центральной Рады по проведению реформы местного самоуправления. ІІІ Универсал Центральной Рады предусматривал расширение полномочий органов земского самоуправления, но подчинял их Генеральному секретарству внутренних дел. Агрессия большевистской России и углубление кризиса земского самоуправления вынудило Центральную Раду ІV Универсалом провозгласить проведение внеочередных выборов народных (земских) рад. Конституция УНР 1918 г. предусматривала принципиально новую систему местного самоуправления, которая строилась на принципах децентрализации власти. ; The article deals with the activities of the Central Council which intended to carry out a local self-government reform. The Third Universal of the Central Council provided for expansion of powers of zemstvo self-government but subordinated them to the General Secretariat of the Internal Affairs, which is contrary to democratic principles of local self-government. Expansion of zemstvo powers was provided by the "Law on Elections to the Constituent Assembly of the UPR" (Ukrainian People's Republic) on 16 November 1917, according to which organization and conduct of elections were relied on local self-government.Aggression of the Bolshevik Russia and deepening the crisis of zemstvo self-government forced the Central Council to declare extraordinary elections to people's (zemstvo) councils and introduction of a brand new system of local self-government by the Fourth Universal of 9 (22) January 1918. On March 6, 1918, the Central Council adopted the Law "On Administrative and Territorial Division of Ukraine" which provided "establishment of new bodies of self-government and authorities" due to liquidation of provinces and districts and establishing a division of the UPR into states. However, the Central Council failed to implement this law and zemstvos continued to perform the functions of local self-government.The policy of the Central Council, which had the goal to eliminate zemstvo self-government, caused deterioration of relations between zemstvos and the Central Council. To preserve zemstvo self-government, representatives from seven provincial boards established the All-Ukrainian Union of Zemstvos in April 1918. But establishment of theUniondid not contribute to overcoming the economic and fiscal zemstvo crisis and led to deepening the process of politicization of zemstvo self-government.The Constitution of the UPR of 1918 provided a three-tier system of local self-government in which the leading role was given to a local element – a community. The Constitution of the UPR was based on the key democratic principles of local self-government arrangement, provided for mechanisms of power decentralization. However, it is known that the Constitution of the UPR of 1918 could not be enforced due to a loss of the state power by the Central Council.The reform of local self-government in the UPR was hindered by aggression of the Bolshevik Russia, conditions of internal political instability and social and economic crisis. However, these were inadvertences made by the Central Council that were the main reason for failure of the reform.

Висвітлено діяльність Центральної Ради, що мала на меті проведення реформи місцевого самоврядування. ІІІ Універсал Центральної Ради передбачав розширення повноважень органів земського самоврядування, але підпорядковував їх Генеральному секретарству внутрішніх справ. Агресія більшовицької Росії та поглиблення кризи земського самоврядування змусили Центральну Раду ІV Універсалом проголосити проведення позачергових виборів народних (земських) рад. Конституція УНР 1918 р. передбачала принципово нову систему місцевого самоврядування, котра будувалася на принципах децентралізації влади. ; Освещена деятельность Центральной Рады по проведению реформы местного самоуправления. ІІІ Универсал Центральной Рады предусматривал расширение полномочий органов земского самоуправления, но подчинял их Генеральному секретарству внутренних дел. Агрессия большевистской России и углубление кризиса земского самоуправления вынудило Центральную Раду ІV Универсалом провозгласить проведение внеочередных выборов народных (земских) рад. Конституция УНР 1918 г. предусматривала принципиально новую систему местного самоуправления, которая строилась на принципах децентрализации власти. ; The article deals with the activities of the Central Council which intended to carry out a local self-government reform. The Third Universal of the Central Council provided for expansion of powers of zemstvo self-government but subordinated them to the General Secretariat of the Internal Affairs, which is contrary to democratic principles of local self-government. Expansion of zemstvo powers was provided by the "Law on Elections to the Constituent Assembly of the UPR" (Ukrainian People's Republic) on 16 November 1917, according to which organization and conduct of elections were relied on local self-government.Aggression of the Bolshevik Russia and deepening the crisis of zemstvo self-government forced the Central Council to declare extraordinary elections to people's (zemstvo) councils and introduction of a brand new system of local self-government by the Fourth Universal of 9 (22) January 1918. On March 6, 1918, the Central Council adopted the Law "On Administrative and Territorial Division of Ukraine" which provided "establishment of new bodies of self-government and authorities" due to liquidation of provinces and districts and establishing a division of the UPR into states. However, the Central Council failed to implement this law and zemstvos continued to perform the functions of local self-government.The policy of the Central Council, which had the goal to eliminate zemstvo self-government, caused deterioration of relations between zemstvos and the Central Council. To preserve zemstvo self-government, representatives from seven provincial boards established the All-Ukrainian Union of Zemstvos in April 1918. But establishment of theUniondid not contribute to overcoming the economic and fiscal zemstvo crisis and led to deepening the process of politicization of zemstvo self-government.The Constitution of the UPR of 1918 provided a three-tier system of local self-government in which the leading role was given to a local element – a community. The Constitution of the UPR was based on the key democratic principles of local self-government arrangement, provided for mechanisms of power decentralization. However, it is known that the Constitution of the UPR of 1918 could not be enforced due to a loss of the state power by the Central Council.The reform of local self-government in the UPR was hindered by aggression of the Bolshevik Russia, conditions of internal political instability and social and economic crisis. However, these were inadvertences made by the Central Council that were the main reason for failure of the reform.