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Digital technologies have struggled to achieve more equal participation in politics, the so‐called "unresolved dilemma of democracy." Previous research has emphasized the drivers of involvement in digital politics from an individual perspective, but studies looking at the general prerequisites of online engagement in politics are lacking. Not much attention has been directed toward the supply side, namely the online presence of political actors and the structures created by them. Applying a mixed‐method design, this article examines the supply of channels for digital politics distributed by Swedish municipalities. Quantitative data collected from municipality websites are used for both a description and explanation of the varying opportunities for involvement encountered by Swedish citizens as a result of where they live. Two extreme cases are then examined in depth in which preconditions for involvement are particularly weak. We find that significant variation exists between municipalities and that these patterns are explained primarily by population size, but also by economic conditions and education levels. The cases show how a lack of policies and unenthusiastic politicians creates poor possibilities for development. The findings also verify previous notions that without demand from citizens, in combination with internal ambition from politicians, successful provision of services for digital politics will be hard to achieve.

Some Swedish local authorities have embraced online services and forms of digital democracy. Others have been slow to take up the opportunity. Gustav Lidén rates the country's 290 municipalities according to the depth of their digital engagement, and looks at the possible factors influencing it. Lack of enthusiasm from senior politicians and bureaucratic inertia are key reasons why local councils are reluctant to invest in digital politics.

Despite the third wave of democratisation, dictatorships are still a widespread global phenomenon. In recent years, comparative scholars have shown a renewed interest in such regimes, which has resulted in a significant increase in the volume of research that has been produced. However, such research is not always carried out in a cumulative fashion and, therefore, lacks the traits of a more holistic perspective. Hence, it is appropriate to review this research to try to create opportunities for more systematisation in future studies. This study does this by focusing on two approaches: that is providing definitions of non-democracies, but also developing a framework for empirical explanations of these regimes. Addressing the first approach reveals gaps in previous definitions of dictatorships, which is something that is managed by stating a theoretically founded conceptualisation. Moreover, scrutinising the typologies of dictatorships and their variants provided by previous research reveals some loosely connected or almost arbitrary alternatives. Such flaws are discussed and solutions are given. Regarding the second approach, this article discusses findings on how both the existence of and the transition to dictatorships and their variants can be systematised. The outcome is a framework that can be applied in future research. To conclude, there is still much that is unknown about both the description and the explanation of dictatorships, but by systematising recent research this article sets out a more unified strategy.

Despite the third wave of democratisation, dictatorships are still a widespread global phenomenon. In recent years, comparative scholars have shown a renewed interest in such regimes, which has resulted in a significant increase in the volume of research that has been produced. However, such research is not always carried out in a cumulative fashion and, therefore, lacks the traits of a more holistic perspective. Hence, it is appropriate to review this research to try to create opportunities for more systematisation in future studies. This study does this by focusing on two approaches: that is providing definitions of non-democracies, but also developing a framework for empirical explanations of these regimes. Addressing the first approach reveals gaps in previous definitions of dictatorships, which is something that is managed by stating a theoretically founded conceptualisation. Moreover, scrutinising the typologies of dictatorships and their variants provided by previous research reveals some loosely connected or almost arbitrary alternatives. Such flaws are discussed and solutions are given. Regarding the second approach, this article discusses findings on how both the existence of and the transition to dictatorships and their variants can be systematised. The outcome is a framework that can be applied in future research. To conclude, there is still much that is unknown about both the description and the explanation of dictatorships, but by systematising recent research this article sets out a more unified strategy.

Despite the third wave of democratisation, dictatorships are still a widespread global phenomenon. In recent years, comparative scholars have shown a renewed interest in such regimes, which has resulted in a significant increase in the volume of research that has been produced. However, such research is not always carried out in a cumulative fashion and, therefore, lacks the traits of a more holistic perspective. Hence, it is appropriate to review this research to try to create opportunities for more systematisation in future studies. This study does this by focusing on two approaches: that is providing definitions of non-democracies, but also developing a framework for empirical explanations of these regimes. Addressing the first approach reveals gaps in previous definitions of dictatorships, which is something that is managed by stating a theoretically founded conceptualisation. Moreover, scrutinising the typologies of dictatorships and their variants provided by previous research reveals some loosely connected or almost arbitrary alternatives. Such flaws are discussed and solutions are given. Regarding the second approach, this article discusses findings on how both the existence of and the transition to dictatorships and their variants can be systematised. The outcome is a framework that can be applied in future research. To conclude, there is still much that is unknown about both the description and the explanation of dictatorships, but by systematising recent research this article sets out a more unified strategy.

One of the leading debates in social sciences concerns research design. However, in comparative politics, the predominant way conducting research misses out crucial aspects that are central to social theory. This article shows how method and empirical research are highly dependent on the definition of theory. Arguing that theory should not only give an explanation of the social phenomena in question but should also show how this relationship is constructed, this article outlines the consequence of such a perspective, namely that the collection of data should reflect both macro and micro perspectives and the analyses of data should be carried out using mixed methods. In conclusion, such an integrated framework is the most appropriate way to give valuable theoretical feedback, either by examination and revision of already established theories or by a contribution to the construction of new theory in the social sciences. It is important, though, that such a framework is applied in a systematized way.

A growing literature tries to contribute to a more balanced view of the concept of e-democracy. However, one seldom discussed aspect is the concept's inadequate dimension on what a desirable development of society consists of. By adding certain values, today most pronounced in the theory of social sustainability, this article examines the awareness of such in three e-democratic projects in Swedish municipalities. This is carried out through a qualitative inquiry that uses different types of data and that regards social sustainability as an ongoing process that is suitable to be analysed in relation to other structures in society. The empirical part reveals different important topics. First it shows that the consciousness of socially sustainable values varies between the examined cases. Second, this variation can be due to both the varying success of e-democracy and to conditions inside the political organizations. In conclusion, this paper reveals that the consequence of adding a socially sustainable perspective to e-democracy is that it provides adequate opportunities for analysing social development without missing out qualities that are desired in a democratic society.

Cross-national research aiming to explain democracy normally focuses either on internal or external factors as relevant for a country's level of democracy. However, several scholars argue that democratization is not a completely domestic process. This study, with diffusion theory as a point of departure, shows how the two perspectives can be simultaneously examined. With the help of a theoretical framework that separates factors into different analytical levels, quantitative analyses make it possible to reach empirical results that examine the relevance of diffusion when it comes to countries' levels of democracy, while controlling for internal variables. The results show that the effects of diffusion disappear when controlling for internal characteristics. In some cases, though, deviations to domestic explanations can be handled by addressing international influence instead. In general, it is reasonable to argue that the most powerful explanations for democracy are the traditional internal circumstances such as wealth and education. ; Jämförande studier med ambitionen att förklara länders nivå av demokrati väljer normalt en av två vägar. Det ena alternativet, och möjligen det mest frekventa, innebär att man försöker förklara länders demokratinivå utifrån egenskaper som man finner inom respektive fall. Oftast uttrycks detta genom att man tar fasta på länders ekonomiska utveckling, välstånd och kultur och försöker relatera det till deras demokrati. Det andra alternativet betraktar demokratiseringsprocesser som fenomen som inte huvudsakligen beror på interna karaktäristiska utan som istället beror på spridandet av idéer, det som benämns som diffusion. En begränsning som kännetecknar mycket av den rådande forskningen är att kombinationen av dessa båda perspektiv sällan förekommer. Den här studien har till uppgift att undersöka effekten av diffusion på länders nivå av demokrati samtidigt som länderspecifika egenskaper hanteras. För att beskriva de många relationer som stater idag har med andra länder används ofta beteckningen globalisering. Givet att de flesta länder idag har relationer med andra länder inom många olika områden förefaller det rimligt att fästa fokus på denna utgångspunkt även när demokratisering diskuteras. Möjligheten att sprida idéer från ett land till ett annat borde också idag vara långt större än tidigare. Successivt så har också det forskarsamhälle som studerar demokrati accepterat denna verklighetsbeskrivning. Forskning inom både kulturgeografi och statsvetenskap har bidragit med viktiga resultat. Man har kunnat leda i bevis att demokratier är geografiskt sett samlade och att grannländer ofta har likartade nivåer av demokrati. Till och med när viss kontroll sker för de traditionella förklaringarna för demokrati visar sig diffusionsfaktorer vara av vikt. En begränsning i många av dessa studier är dock att de är underspecificerade i relation till landkaraktäristiska. Man kontrollerar inte, med andra ord, i tillräckligt hög utsträckning för de olika tänkbara faktorerna som är uttryck för länders interna egenskaper och som kan tänkas förklara demokratinivå. Genom att pröva tre olika indikatorer för diffusion i relation till två olika kategorier av interna förklaringskrafter hanterar denna studie denna brist. Detta sker genom en analytisk åtskillnad mellan tre olika nivåer av teoretiskt grundade förklaringskrafter. De empiriska testen sker i formen av tvärsnittsanalyser genom i huvudsakligen regressionsanalyser på ett material som utgör i princip samtliga av världens stater. Undersökningen ger ett antal intressanta resultat. Effekten av diffusion på demokratinivå framstår som oklar men efter omfattande kontroll för exogen variation förefaller det som att denna faktor är svag i relation till andra förklaringskrafter. Traditionella förklaringar som betydelsen av ekonomisk utveckling och välstånd och religion framstår istället som de centrala variablerna. Även det tillägg som på senare år har gjorts till denna teoribildning kan verifiera. Det avser att ett ekonomiskt välstånd byggt på oljerikedomar inte har en positiv utan istället en negativ relation med demokratinivå. Sammanfattningsvis är alltså effekten av diffusion utan relevans när vi vill förklara variationen i demokrati bland världens stater. Vissa oklarheter existerar alltjämt vilket pekar på behovet av fortsatt forskning. Förutom vissa inkonsekventa resultat i regressionsanalyserna finns det också länder i datamaterialet vars förhållandevis höga nivå av demokrati är svår att förklara. Kanske kan man tänka sig att de fattiga muslimska länderna i Västafrika (Mali, Senegal och Sierra Leone) som trots allt är demokratiska är det p.g.a. att något av ett demokratiskt kluster har skapats i regionen. Avslutningsvis är det viktigt att understryka att de mest heltäckande förklaringarna till demokrati kan ges när förklaringskrafter som motsvarar olika analytiska nivåer kombineras.

This mainly deductive study examines what factors explain the variation of e-democracy and if, why a causal pathway exists. The deductive feature is carried out through examining the predictions of the modernization theory, testing hypotheses concerning the link between economic development and wealth in relation to e-democracy. Deriving from a theoretical point of departure where e-democracy is conceptualized with the help of democratic theory, this phenomenon is studied in three different but linked empirical parts. A cross-sectional global study did establish a relationship between some of the indicators derived from the theory; however, the magnitude of the explanatory power was lower at the level of e-democracy than at the level of democracy. A cross-sectional national study of all Sweden's municipalities did show that especially high levels of education were clearly related to high levels of e-democracy. Approaching the questions of causal mechanisms and deviations from the found pattern, case studies did emphasize that the linkage between the structural conditions and actor's-orientated explanations largely could verify what is deducted from theory. However, the importance of economic possibilities and internal prioritizations inside the political organization was essential for the development of e-democracy and was found through more inductive approaches. The main contribution of this thesis is the results that, both on an aggregated and a micro level, verify the theory but also add other important explanations. Another important conclusion is the creation of a model for e-democracy where a complete e-democracy is linked to democratic theory and not only maintains information, discussion, and decision-making processes through information and communication technology but also does this while strengthening political participation and political equality. ; PECOI

1. Introducing Local Immigration and Integration Policy: Approaches and Themes -- 2. Theoretical Points of Departure -- 3. Governing Swedish Immigration and Integration Policy -- 4. Presentation and Contextualisation of Case Studies -- 5. Local Immigration Policy in Swedish Municipalities -- 6. Local Immigration Policy in Selected Case Studies -- 7. Local Integration Policy in Swedish Municipalities -- 8. Local Integration Policy in Selected Case Studies -- 9. Bringing The Pieces Together.

AbstractModern welfare states struggle with fragmented policies and siloed governments, as well as with the need to deal with wicked problems. We argue that addressing such problems from the perspective of central government can be facilitated by notions of joined‐up government that, combined with vertical aspects of modern governance, provide a basis for analysis. To embark upon such challenges, we examine policy integration and policy coordination within the complex area of Swedish migration policies in light of the European migrant crisis. Through a content analysis of an extensive qualitative material (interviews and documents), we show that policy integration is weakly associated with joint objectives and decision‐making. As a contribution to prior knowledge in the field, we emphasize the unintuitive finding that counteracting siloism and fragmentation in Swedish migration policy is not achieved through coherent governance ranging across tiers, functions, and sectors but mainly at subnational levels through policy coordination relying on a bottom‐up approach.