Suchergebnisse

Der Autor untersucht, inwiefern de Konjunkturaufschwung der Jahre 1983 und 1984 in den USA eine Tendenz zur Stabilisierung aufweist und von daher geeignet erscheint, dauerhaft eine Neubelebung der Weltwirtschaft zu bewirken. Hierzu zieht er die Entwicklung der amerikanischen Wirtschaft seit 1950 heran, deren "Strukturelemente" nach seinem Befund in dem "deutlichen Abgehen von akzeptierten Normen des Klassenkompromisses", einer relativ frühzeitigen Abschwächung der Produktivität und der Selbstheilungskräfte des Marktes sowie verursacht durch "ausgeprägte zyklische Schwankungen" bestehen. Die Gründe für diese "amerikanische Sonderentwicklung" liegen in dem durch ein "Bündnis von Unternehmereliten und konservativen politischen Eliten" geprägten amerikanischen Wirtschaftssystem, das für verteilungspolitische Zwecke "hohe Arbeitslosenraten in Kauf" nimmt. Der Autor sieht daher keine Anhaltspunkte dafür, "daß es sich beim letzten Aufschwung in den Vereinigten Staaten um etwas anderes handelt als um eine Konjunkturbelebung durchaus im Rahmen der zyklischen Schwankungen, wie wir sie seit den 50er Jahren erlebt haben". Er kommt daher zu einer Prognose, die die Verstärkung des beschriebenen Tendenzen annimmt. (IAB2)

The analytical, policy, and ethical issues raised by the contemporary crises of economic performance in the United States and the attendant crisis in economic theory might well serve as a critical catalyst for consummating a marriage of political science and institutional economics. Besides generally compatible modes of reasoning about economy and polity, political scientists and institutionalists share two essential perspectives on the problems of explaining economic performance and prescribing government roles in the economy which suggest a common research agenda: (1) a similar dissatisfaction with the epistemological and ideological characteristics of the mainstream economic debate about the policy and performance failures of the 1970s; and (2) some initial distinctive propositions about the institutional, structural, and political determinants of contemporary economic performance in the United States that can be empirically tested and that may serve as an entry point into the academic and policy debates of the 1980s.

I view international political integration as a distinctive aspect of the more inclusive process (international integration, generally) whereby larger groupings emerge or are created among nations without the use of violence. Such groupings can be said to exist at a variety of different analytical levels. At each level we can conceive of a number of nations linked to each other in certain salient ways. For example, their populations may be linked byfeelingsof mutual amity, confidence, and identification. Or their leaders may hold more or less reliableexpectations, which may or may not be shared by the populations, that common problems will be resolved without recourse to large-scale violence. Or a grouping might be defined as an area which is characterized by intense concentrations of economicexchangeor the freecirculationof productive factors (labor, capital, services). In describing these phenomena we speak of social community, security community, and of economic union. Political integration can be said to occur when the linkage consists of joint participation in regularized, ongoing decisionmaking. The perspective taken here is that international political integration involves a group of nations coming to regularly make and implement binding public decisions by means of collective institutions and/or processes rather than by formally autonomous national means. Political integration implies that a number of governments begin to create and to use common resources to be committed in the pursuit of certain common objectives and that they do so by foregoing some of the factual attributes of sovereignty and decisionmaking autonomy, in contrast to more classical modes of cooperation such as alliances or international organizations.

I intended to assure France primacy in Western Europe by preventing the rise of a new Reich …; to cooperate with East and West and, if need be, contract the necessary alliances on one side or the other without accepting any kind of dependency; … to persuade the states along the Rhine, the Alps and the Pyrenees to form a political, economic, and strategic bloc; to establish this organization as one of the three world powers and, should it be necessary, as the arbiter between the Soviet and Anglo-Saxon camps.