Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Half Title -- Endorsements -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- List of Boxes -- Abbreviations -- List of Contributors -- Preface -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 Minority protection: a paradox? -- 1.2 From minority protection to multiple diversity governance: the main hypotheses of the book -- 1.3 The structure of the book -- 2 The interdisciplinary approach law, sociology and political sciences -- 2.1 Law in practice: thinking like a lawyer -- 2.2 Theoretical approaches and methods in sociology and political sciences -- 2.2.1 System -- 2.2.2 Functions -- 2.2.3 Structures -- 2.2.4 Institutions -- 2.2.5 Social.roles -- 2.2.6 Social and system integration -- 2.2.7 Discourse, discourse analysis and deconstruction -- 2.2.8 Reification and naturalisation -- 3 The historical-sociological foundations: State formation and nation building in Europe and the construction... -- 3.1 Introduction: are minorities dangerous for modern national states? -- 3.2 The processes of state formation and nation building and the construction of the identitarian... -- 3.2.1 Western Europe -- 3.2.1.1 Spain: Muslims and Jews - the 'other' -- 3.2.1.2 Religious division and violent conflict in France and England -- 3.2.1.3 The American and French political and legal revolutions -- 3.2.2 Central Europe -- 3.2.3 Eastern and Southeastern Europe -- 3.3 Minorities between the two World Wars: trapped between the claim to self-determination and actual deportation -- 3.4 Legal standard setting and monitoring of human and minority rights law after 1945 -- 3.4.1 The period between 1945 and 1989 -- 3.4.2 The period after 1989 -- 3.4.3 How effective is standard setting and monitoring of minority rights instruments? -- 3.5 Summary conclusions and learning outcomes.

This paper analyzes the role of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the promotion of social justice under the conditions of a triple transformation from war to peace and from a communist regime based on the Titoist self-management ideology to a liberal-democratic political regime and economic market system in three parts. The first section describes the political, constitutional and economic context during and after the collapse of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The second section describes and analyzes the constitutional and institutional arrangements established under the General Framework Agreement for Peace, concluded in Dayton/Ohio and Paris, 1995. The third section deals with the role of the Constitutional Court and analyzes with reference to its case law the interpretative doctrines developed in its adjudication of the right to property concerning different concepts of property and the right to work in the context of the constitutionally guaranteed right to return of refugees and restitution of property.

AbstractThe first part of the article presents different and opposing theoretical approaches and discusses their explanatory value for the disintegration of the SRFY and the following wars in the Balkans, such as primordialism vs. constructivism, liberal vs. ethnic nationalism, accommodation vs. integration, neo-realism vs. liberalism in international relations and structure- vs. action-oriented approaches in sociology. In conclusion, it will be argued that these theoretical dichotomies have to be overcome and that there is a need for complementary research strategies in order to not only 'explain', but also to 'understand' the processes of ethnic mobilization as an actor-driven process of political mobilization by 'ethnic' entrepreneurs in order to create a security dilemma for their own goals in the ongoing fight for political power. The second part of the article then develops a framework for comparative empirical studies with reference to structural settings, the situational context and actors and introduces into the following articles by Mujkic and Harzl discussing, for instance, the structural similarities between communism and nationalism and the dysfunctionality of communism and federalism as historic legacies.

Das Recht auf ethnische Identität und Repräsentation wurde in den Verfassungen der Staats- und Nationsbildung, die sich in Europa nach der Französischen Revolution herausgebildet hatten, in Frage gestellt. Während viele der mittel- und osteuropäischen Staaten und Verfassungen, die sich auf den deutschen Kulturnationsbegriff stützten und von einer "natürlichen Assimilation" ausgingen, in den letzten Jahrzehnten auf der Grundlage eines Wertewandels, bei dem die kulturelle Vielfalt nunmehr als Wert verfassungsrechtlich institutionalisiert wird, vor allem "autochthone", alte Minderheiten gegen Diskriminierung und Assimilation schützen, ignorieren die Staatsverfassungen, die auf dem jakobinischen Begriff der "Staatsnation" aufbauen, bis heute die Existenz von ethnischen Gruppen und lehnen daher einen Schutz nationaler Minderheiten ab. Vor diesem konzeptionellen Hintergrund wird verständlich, dass Fragen der Ausgestaltung des Wahlrechts zum effektiven Schutz von Minderheiten und eines erfolgreichen Konfliktmanagements im institutionellen Kontext und Spannungsfeld von individuellem Wahlrecht und Wahlrechtsgleichheit einerseits und ethnischer Repräsentation und Partizipation von ethnischen Gruppen andererseits zu behandeln sind. Im vorliegenden Beitrag werden das Wahlrecht und die Repräsentation zum Schutz von Minderheiten diskutiert und Erfahrungen aus Bosnien-Herzegowina zum ethnischen Konfliktmanagement beschrieben. (ICI2)