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International audience ; Studies focusing on street trade in Sub-Saharan Africa place great importance on the continuity with the colonial period and on the neocolonial characteristics of public action. This frame of reference, however pertinent it might be, does not account for all of the dynamics at work. I argue that it can benefit from an additional reading of what I characterize as the neoliberal dynamics also at work in these processes, drawing from governmentality studies and from the theories of " the urbanisation of neoliberalism ". The paper discusses this hypothesis by examining the evolution of spatial politics on the streets of Nairobi's Central Business District in the 2000s, focusing on a specific episode: the displacement of the street traders to an enclosed market located on the outskirts of the CBD. The first section considers the policies of street trade in Nairobi since the colonial period and the changes in their meaning under entrepreneurial rule, questioning the hypothesis of the colonial continuity. I then turn to an analysis of the neoliberal features of current street trade policies. I detail the emergence of the private sector as a major actor in the governance of street trade and its instrumental role in the crafting of a consultative procedure that has helped to reframe the traders' relationship to the state around the ideal of the responsible entrepreneurial citizen and contributed to enrolment as active participants in their own relocation.

ouvrage complet librement accessible en ligne : http://www.hsrcpress.ac.za/product.php?productid=2333 ; International audience ; Although community participation is often presented as a process meant to empower the poor, it is largely admitted that the urban elites who enjoy a better social and economic capital often dominate these political arenas. The inconsistencies and flaws in participation processes have been emphasised in many contexts, including South Africa. However, the poor are not only excluded from participation. They may be excluded through participation when they are associated to participatory processes tailored to disempower them. Beyond tokenism, window dressing strategies or dysfunctional processes, participation might be worked out as an exercise of power through which selective partnerships are co-opted and political expression constrained and framed. Cornwall (2002 and 2004) has theorized this by referring to 'invited spaces' of participation. Embracing this perspective, I argue that the participatory processes that took place around street trading in central Cape Town in the late 2000s contributed to shape an apparent consensus that was detrimental to the traders. I approach participation from the perspective of a geography of power that draws from Foucault's writings on biopolitics and neoliberal governmentality (the 'government of mentalities') that envision neoliberalism as an encompassing rationality based on entrepreneurialism that frames our conduits. I argue that participation is one of the many vehicles of this rationality and that it needs to be scrutinised as such. To engage in this research agenda, I resort to a case study, i.e. the Greenmarket Square. It is a major public square that hosts a permanent market in Cape Town CBD and that was partly displaced and downsized in anticipation of the 2010 FIFA World Cup.

International audience ; Studies focusing on street trade in Sub-Saharan Africa place great importance on the continuity with the colonial period and on the neocolonial characteristics of public action. This frame of reference, however pertinent it might be, does not account for all of the dynamics at work. I argue that it can benefit from an additional reading of what I characterize as the neoliberal dynamics also at work in these processes, drawing from governmentality studies and from the theories of " the urbanisation of neoliberalism ". The paper discusses this hypothesis by examining the evolution of spatial politics on the streets of Nairobi's Central Business District in the 2000s, focusing on a specific episode: the displacement of the street traders to an enclosed market located on the outskirts of the CBD. The first section considers the policies of street trade in Nairobi since the colonial period and the changes in their meaning under entrepreneurial rule, questioning the hypothesis of the colonial continuity. I then turn to an analysis of the neoliberal features of current street trade policies. I detail the emergence of the private sector as a major actor in the governance of street trade and its instrumental role in the crafting of a consultative procedure that has helped to reframe the traders' relationship to the state around the ideal of the responsible entrepreneurial citizen and contributed to enrolment as active participants in their own relocation.

ouvrage complet librement accessible en ligne : http://www.hsrcpress.ac.za/product.php?productid=2333 ; International audience ; Although community participation is often presented as a process meant to empower the poor, it is largely admitted that the urban elites who enjoy a better social and economic capital often dominate these political arenas. The inconsistencies and flaws in participation processes have been emphasised in many contexts, including South Africa. However, the poor are not only excluded from participation. They may be excluded through participation when they are associated to participatory processes tailored to disempower them. Beyond tokenism, window dressing strategies or dysfunctional processes, participation might be worked out as an exercise of power through which selective partnerships are co-opted and political expression constrained and framed. Cornwall (2002 and 2004) has theorized this by referring to 'invited spaces' of participation. Embracing this perspective, I argue that the participatory processes that took place around street trading in central Cape Town in the late 2000s contributed to shape an apparent consensus that was detrimental to the traders. I approach participation from the perspective of a geography of power that draws from Foucault's writings on biopolitics and neoliberal governmentality (the 'government of mentalities') that envision neoliberalism as an encompassing rationality based on entrepreneurialism that frames our conduits. I argue that participation is one of the many vehicles of this rationality and that it needs to be scrutinised as such. To engage in this research agenda, I resort to a case study, i.e. the Greenmarket Square. It is a major public square that hosts a permanent market in Cape Town CBD and that was partly displaced and downsized in anticipation of the 2010 FIFA World Cup.

International audience ; Studies focusing on street trade in Sub-Saharan Africa place great importance on the continuity with the colonial period and on the neocolonial characteristics of public action. This frame of reference, however pertinent it might be, does not account for all of the dynamics at work. I argue that it can benefit from an additional reading of what I characterize as the neoliberal dynamics also at work in these processes, drawing from governmentality studies and from the theories of " the urbanisation of neoliberalism ". The paper discusses this hypothesis by examining the evolution of spatial politics on the streets of Nairobi's Central Business District in the 2000s, focusing on a specific episode: the displacement of the street traders to an enclosed market located on the outskirts of the CBD. The first section considers the policies of street trade in Nairobi since the colonial period and the changes in their meaning under entrepreneurial rule, questioning the hypothesis of the colonial continuity. I then turn to an analysis of the neoliberal features of current street trade policies. I detail the emergence of the private sector as a major actor in the governance of street trade and its instrumental role in the crafting of a consultative procedure that has helped to reframe the traders' relationship to the state around the ideal of the responsible entrepreneurial citizen and contributed to enrolment as active participants in their own relocation.

ouvrage complet librement accessible en ligne : http://www.hsrcpress.ac.za/product.php?productid=2333 ; International audience ; Although community participation is often presented as a process meant to empower the poor, it is largely admitted that the urban elites who enjoy a better social and economic capital often dominate these political arenas. The inconsistencies and flaws in participation processes have been emphasised in many contexts, including South Africa. However, the poor are not only excluded from participation. They may be excluded through participation when they are associated to participatory processes tailored to disempower them. Beyond tokenism, window dressing strategies or dysfunctional processes, participation might be worked out as an exercise of power through which selective partnerships are co-opted and political expression constrained and framed. Cornwall (2002 and 2004) has theorized this by referring to 'invited spaces' of participation. Embracing this perspective, I argue that the participatory processes that took place around street trading in central Cape Town in the late 2000s contributed to shape an apparent consensus that was detrimental to the traders. I approach participation from the perspective of a geography of power that draws from Foucault's writings on biopolitics and neoliberal governmentality (the 'government of mentalities') that envision neoliberalism as an encompassing rationality based on entrepreneurialism that frames our conduits. I argue that participation is one of the many vehicles of this rationality and that it needs to be scrutinised as such. To engage in this research agenda, I resort to a case study, i.e. the Greenmarket Square. It is a major public square that hosts a permanent market in Cape Town CBD and that was partly displaced and downsized in anticipation of the 2010 FIFA World Cup.

International audience ; En 2010, S. Parnell et E. Pieterse, deux grandes figures des études urbaines sud-africaines, publiaient dans la revue IJURR un article programmatique dans lequel ils proposent de refonder une ville post-apartheid et post-néolibérale plus juste à partir de la promotion d'un agenda de droits urbains. A partir d'une lecture foucaldienne de la néolibéralisation comme rationalité de gouvernement, on propose ici une analyse critique du point de vue développementaliste et interventionniste défendu dans ce texte. Quels que soient ses ambitions postnéolibérale et son engagement dans la lutte contre la pauvreté, ce dernier demeure en effet influencé par des préceptes néolibéraux, tels que : impératif de recouvrement des coûts, contrainte d'autonomie et d'équilibrage budgétaires, principe de mise en concurrence des territoires dans un cadre globalisé, marchandisation du foncier urbain, dogme de la croissance . Cette lecture critique permet de donner un sens à certaines des incohérences internes apparentes du projet politique post-apartheid et à dépasser l'alternative critique entre condamnation radicale du tournant néolibéral de l'ANC et éloge du projet post-néolibéral de l'Etat « développemental » sud-africain. Cette lecture foucaldienne vise ainsi à éclairer d'un jour critique nouveau ce projet politique et à renouveler le débat sur la néolibéralisation en Afrique du Sud.

International audience ; En 2010, S. Parnell et E. Pieterse, deux grandes figures des études urbaines sud-africaines, publiaient dans la revue IJURR un article programmatique dans lequel ils proposent de refonder une ville post-apartheid et post-néolibérale plus juste à partir de la promotion d'un agenda de droits urbains. A partir d'une lecture foucaldienne de la néolibéralisation comme rationalité de gouvernement, on propose ici une analyse critique du point de vue développementaliste et interventionniste défendu dans ce texte. Quels que soient ses ambitions postnéolibérale et son engagement dans la lutte contre la pauvreté, ce dernier demeure en effet influencé par des préceptes néolibéraux, tels que : impératif de recouvrement des coûts, contrainte d'autonomie et d'équilibrage budgétaires, principe de mise en concurrence des territoires dans un cadre globalisé, marchandisation du foncier urbain, dogme de la croissance . Cette lecture critique permet de donner un sens à certaines des incohérences internes apparentes du projet politique post-apartheid et à dépasser l'alternative critique entre condamnation radicale du tournant néolibéral de l'ANC et éloge du projet post-néolibéral de l'Etat « développemental » sud-africain. Cette lecture foucaldienne vise ainsi à éclairer d'un jour critique nouveau ce projet politique et à renouveler le débat sur la néolibéralisation en Afrique du Sud.

Volume entitled: Ten Years of Democratic South Africa. Transition Accomplished? edited by Aurelia Wa Kabwe-Segatti, Nicolas Péjout and Philippe Guillaume ; Between the beginning of the 1990s and 2003, the housing policy has shifted from "housing for all" to a more comprehensive, rationalized and complex urban strategy. The RDP (Reconstruction and Development Programme) housing strategy favoured quantitative objectives (building as many houses as possible) and chose a subsidy-based private property model. The implications of such options are fi nancially problematic for local authorities and led to a rather unsustainable urban model. ; Entre le début des années 1990 et 2003, la politique du logement est passée de "un logement pour tous" à une stratégie urbaine plus large, plus complexe et plus rationnelle. La stratégie du logement du RDP (Reconstruction and Development Programme) avait visé des objectifs quantitatifs (la construction d'autant de maisons que possible) et choisit le modèle de la propriété privée subventionnée. Les implications de ces choix sont fi nancièrement problématiques pour les autorités locales et conduisent à un modèle urbanistique relativement peu viable.

Volume entitled: Ten Years of Democratic South Africa. Transition Accomplished? edited by Aurelia Wa Kabwe-Segatti, Nicolas Péjout and Philippe Guillaume ; Between the beginning of the 1990s and 2003, the housing policy has shifted from "housing for all" to a more comprehensive, rationalized and complex urban strategy. The RDP (Reconstruction and Development Programme) housing strategy favoured quantitative objectives (building as many houses as possible) and chose a subsidy-based private property model. The implications of such options are fi nancially problematic for local authorities and led to a rather unsustainable urban model. ; Entre le début des années 1990 et 2003, la politique du logement est passée de "un logement pour tous" à une stratégie urbaine plus large, plus complexe et plus rationnelle. La stratégie du logement du RDP (Reconstruction and Development Programme) avait visé des objectifs quantitatifs (la construction d'autant de maisons que possible) et choisit le modèle de la propriété privée subventionnée. Les implications de ces choix sont fi nancièrement problématiques pour les autorités locales et conduisent à un modèle urbanistique relativement peu viable.

Volume entitled: Ten Years of Democratic South Africa. Transition Accomplished? edited by Aurelia Wa Kabwe-Segatti, Nicolas Péjout and Philippe Guillaume ; Between the beginning of the 1990s and 2003, the housing policy has shifted from "housing for all" to a more comprehensive, rationalized and complex urban strategy. The RDP (Reconstruction and Development Programme) housing strategy favoured quantitative objectives (building as many houses as possible) and chose a subsidy-based private property model. The implications of such options are fi nancially problematic for local authorities and led to a rather unsustainable urban model. ; Entre le début des années 1990 et 2003, la politique du logement est passée de "un logement pour tous" à une stratégie urbaine plus large, plus complexe et plus rationnelle. La stratégie du logement du RDP (Reconstruction and Development Programme) avait visé des objectifs quantitatifs (la construction d'autant de maisons que possible) et choisit le modèle de la propriété privée subventionnée. Les implications de ces choix sont fi nancièrement problématiques pour les autorités locales et conduisent à un modèle urbanistique relativement peu viable.

Volume entitled: Ten Years of Democratic South Africa. Transition Accomplished? edited by Aurelia Wa Kabwe-Segatti, Nicolas Péjout and Philippe Guillaume ; Between the beginning of the 1990s and 2003, the housing policy has shifted from "housing for all" to a more comprehensive, rationalized and complex urban strategy. The RDP (Reconstruction and Development Programme) housing strategy favoured quantitative objectives (building as many houses as possible) and chose a subsidy-based private property model. The implications of such options are fi nancially problematic for local authorities and led to a rather unsustainable urban model. ; Entre le début des années 1990 et 2003, la politique du logement est passée de "un logement pour tous" à une stratégie urbaine plus large, plus complexe et plus rationnelle. La stratégie du logement du RDP (Reconstruction and Development Programme) avait visé des objectifs quantitatifs (la construction d'autant de maisons que possible) et choisit le modèle de la propriété privée subventionnée. Les implications de ces choix sont fi nancièrement problématiques pour les autorités locales et conduisent à un modèle urbanistique relativement peu viable.

International audience ; L'idée de droit à la ville (DALV) est fortement mobilisée depuis les années 2000 par des mouvements sociaux, des chercheurs, des acteurs publics au Nord comme au Sud. Ces multiples réappropriations sont liées à la labilité d'une formule ingénieuse. Le DALV est ainsi à la fois un slogan politique, un concept analytique critique pour penser les processus d'exclusion en ville, et parfois un élément du répertoire des politiques publiques. Ces trois dimensions s'entremêlent, ce qui rend la notion difficilement réductible à une définition simple et univoque. 1