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This article analyzes individual-level factors that help explain why some Mexicans trust Americans and why many more distrust them. The author develops a statistic model based on survey data that explains the determinants of Mexican"s trust in the United States government and citizens and compare it to trust in Canadians, Mexicans living in the United States, and other Latin American groups. The aim is to identify structural and attitudinal traits and orientations among Mexicans to help us understand their views of their North American neighbors. The results show that Mexican"s trust in Americans is distinctive and particular and has a different rationale than that of trust in other countries and nationalities. Sharing some values and ideological orientations fosters trust, whereas stricking to cretain types of nationalist sentiments -not all types- undermines it. A strong and distinctive predictor of Mexican"s trust in the United States is social interconnectedness, a bridge built by immigration.

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En este artículo se analizan diversas posturas de la opinión pública en el contexto inmediatamente posterior a las elecciones presidenciales de 2006 en México. El objetivo es determinar los componentes individuales que influenciaron la toma de una u otra postura en diversos temas del conflicto postelectoral. Se abordan preguntas relativas a la confianza en la elección, el Tribunal Electoral, la necesidad de un recuento voto por voto y la opinión ante las movilizaciones de protesta, entre otras. Se utiliza como fuente de evidencia empírica la encuesta mexicana del Proyecto de Elecciones Nacionales Comparadas (CNEP), la cual se llevó a cabo por primera vez en México en 2006 siguiendo un diseño tipo panel de dos rondas de entrevistas, una inmediatamente antes de la elección presidencial y la otra inmediatamente después de los comicios. Los resultados destacan la importancia de las predisposiciones políticas para analizar las posturas de opinión pública en México.

Early analyses of the 2006 presidential election in Mexico have called
our attention to the post-election process, to accusations of fraud, to
the extent of partisan polarization, and to the prospects of democratic
consolidation, but few have offered an explanation of why President
Vicente Fox's National Action Party (PAN) was able to maintain
control of the executive office, even by the slim margin of 0.56%. In this
article, I argue that the first post-PRI-regime election split the
anti-PRI vote into different ideological and policy-oriented camps. This
made the 2006 race a choice between policy programs and priorities that
reflected economic concerns, and voters' assessments of the economy
were a central feature of candidate support. Economic growth in the second
half of the Fox administration as well as unusually high oil prices played
a crucial role in the election. They enabled the PAN candidate, Felipe
Calderón, to appeal for stability and to attack his main contender,
PRD candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador, as a danger to
it. Had economic growth remained slow and oil prices at the expected rate,
the PAN's chances to keep the presidency would have been slim,
especially against a popular leftist candidate who had a lead in the
polls, promised to help the poor at the expense of the rich, and voiced
harsh criticism against the "neoliberal" policies of the PRI
and PAN governments.

Examines the impact of left-right and of democratic-authoritarian ideological orientations on political party preferences; based on federal election data, 1997; Mexico.