Revisiting the Effects of Case Reports in the News
In: Political communication: an international journal, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 53-72
ISSN: 1091-7675
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In: Political communication: an international journal, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 53-72
ISSN: 1091-7675
In: Political communication, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 53-72
ISSN: 1058-4609
In: Political communication, Band 28, Heft 1, S. 42-67
ISSN: 1058-4609
In: The review of politics, Band 69, Heft 4, S. 691-692
ISSN: 0034-6705
In: Public opinion quarterly: journal of the American Association for Public Opinion Research, Band 61, Heft 3, S. 431-451
ISSN: 0033-362X
In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 110, Heft 3, S. 461
ISSN: 0032-3195
In: The public opinion quarterly: POQ, Band 87, Heft 2, S. 243-266
ISSN: 1537-5331
Abstract
This study examines whether rising polarization in Americans' partisan judgments has positive implications for political participation. Drawing on cross-sectional and panel survey data, we find evidence that polarized judgments are related to pre-election intent to vote, as well as to post-election self-reported voter turnout. Polarized evaluations also predict greater reporting of participation in campaign activities beyond voting. Polarization in candidate evaluations consistently has more of an impact than affective polarization. However, our results suggest that polarization in evaluations of both parties and candidates includes an expressive component that does not necessarily translate into political action. Roughly one-quarter to one-third of the actual change in turnout can potentially be attributed to polarization in evaluations of Republican and Democratic presidential candidates.
In: Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Band 119, Heft 4
SSRN
This study assesses the impact of international border walls on evaluations of countries and on beliefs about bilateral relationships between states. Using a short video, we experimentally manipulate whether a border wall image appears in a broader description of the history and culture of a little-known country. In a third condition, we also indicate which bordering country built the wall. Demographically representative samples from the United States, Ireland, and Turkey responded similarly to these experimental treatments. Compared to a control group, border walls lowered evaluations of the bordering countries. They also signified hostile international relationships to third-party observers. Furthermore, the government of the country responsible for building the wall was evaluated especially negatively. Reactions were consistent regardless of people's predispositions toward walls in their domestic political context. Our findings have important implications for a country's attractiveness, or "soft power," an important component of nonmilitary influence in international relations.
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In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"The Progress and Pitfalls of Using Survey Experiments in Political Science" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: International organization, Band 71, Heft 4, S. 827-850
ISSN: 1531-5088
AbstractUsing a population-based survey experiment, this study evaluates the role of in-group favoritism in influencing American attitudes toward international trade. By systematically altering which countries gain or lose from a given trade policy (Americans and/or people in trading partner countries), we vary the role that in-group favoritism should play in influencing preferences.Our results provide evidence of two distinct forms of in-group favoritism. The first, and least surprising, is that Americans value the well-being of other Americans more than that of people outside their own country. Rather than maximize total gains, Americans choose policies that maximize in-group well-being. This tendency is exacerbated by a sense of national superiority; Americans favor their national in-group to a greater extent if they perceive Americans to be more deserving.Second, high levels of perceived intergroup competition lead some Americans to prefer trade policies that benefit the in-group and hurt the out-group over policies that help both their own country and the trading partner country. For a policy to elicit support, it is important not only that the US benefits, but also that the trading partner country loses so that the US achieves a greater relative advantage. We discuss the implications of these findings for understanding bipartisan public opposition to trade.
In: International Organization, Forthcoming
SSRN
In: Journal of experimental political science: JEPS, Band 2, Heft 2, S. 192-215
ISSN: 2052-2649
AbstractIn this essay, we closely examine three aspects of the Reporting Guidelines for this journal, as described by Gerber et al. (2014,Journal of Experimental Political Science1(1): 81–98) in the inaugural issue of the Journal of Experimental Political Science. These include manipulation checks and when the reporting of response rates is appropriate. The third, most critical, issue concerns the committee's recommendations for detecting errors in randomization. This is an area where there is evidence of widespread confusion about experimental methods throughout our major journals. Given that a goal of the Journal of Experimental Political Science is promoting best practices and a better understanding of experimental methods across the discipline, we recommend changes to the Standards that will allow the journal to play a leading role in correcting these misunderstandings.
In: The public opinion quarterly: POQ, Band 75, Heft 5, S. 1018-1044
ISSN: 1537-5331
In: Public opinion quarterly: journal of the American Association for Public Opinion Research, Band 75, Heft 5, S. 1018-1018
ISSN: 0033-362X