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Moderation as Government: Montesquieu and the Divisibility of Power
In: The European legacy: the official journal of the International Society for the Study of European Ideas (ISSEI), Band 28, Heft 3-4, S. 313-329
ISSN: 1470-1316
Power degree zero: Montesquieu, Tocqueville, despotism
In: Journal of political power, Band 15, Heft 2, S. 243-261
ISSN: 2158-3803
Civil Society, Populism and Liberalism
In: Osborne , T 2021 , ' Civil Society, Populism and Liberalism ' , International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society , vol. 34 , no. 2 , pp. 175-190 . https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-020-09377-1
This paper considers the threats that various kinds of populism might be said to pose to the ideal of a civil society that mediates between 'private' and family life and the state. Although it is difficult to generalise about populisms, just about all – whether on left or right – share a hostility to 'intermediate' powers. Of course civil society is exactly what could be called a forum for intermediate powers. In contrast, populists often tend to emphasize a vision of immediate power in the sense of the possibility of the direct expression of the people's will in political institutions. Populists, of whatever pitch, often tend to invoke a partisan state that will be on the side of the people (however defined) rather than a putatively neutral 'liberal' state that stands over and against civil society. These factors make most populisms more or less generically hostile to liberalism, understood not in ideological terms but more as a doctrine which emphasises the necessity of mediating power through institutions. Very often, populism is a threat to the idea of civil society understood as a concept integral to liberal political theory, as a means of balancing the state and its wider interlocutors. In this paper, various means, largely inspired by the writings of Tocqueville on the one hand and Paul Hirst on the other, are suggested for addressing aspects of this predicament.
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Civil Society, Populism and Liberalism
In: International journal of politics, culture and society, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 175-190
ISSN: 1573-3416
AbstractThis paper considers the threats that various kinds of populism might be said to pose to the ideal of a civil society that mediates between 'private' and family life and the state. Although it is difficult to generalise about populisms, just about all—whether on left or right—share a hostility to 'intermediate' powers. Of course civil society is exactly what could be called a forum for intermediate powers. In contrast, populists often tend to emphasise a vision of immediate power in the sense of the possibility of the direct expression of the people's will in political institutions. Populists, of whatever pitch, often tend to invoke a partisan state that will be on the side of the people (however defined) rather than a putatively neutral 'liberal' state that stands over and against civil society. These factors make most populisms more or less generically hostile to liberalism, understood not in ideological terms but more as a doctrine which emphasises the necessity of mediating power through institutions. Very often, populism is a threat to the idea of civil society understood as a concept integral to liberal political theory, as a means of balancing the state and its wider interlocutors. In this paper, various means, largely inspired by the writings of Tocqueville on the one hand and Paul Hirst on the other, are suggested for addressing aspects of this predicament.
Machiavelli and the liberalism of fear
In: Osborne , T 2017 , ' Machiavelli and the liberalism of fear ' , History of the Human Sciences , vol. 30 , no. 5 , pp. 68-85 . https://doi.org/10.1177/0952695117723223
This article revisits the long-standing question of the relations between ethics and politics in Machiavelli's work, assessing its relevance to the 'liberalism of fear' in particular in the work of Judith Shklar, Bernard Williams and also John Dunn. The article considers ways in which Machiavelli has been a 'negative' resource for liberalism – for instance, as a presumed proponent of tyranny; but also ways in which even for the liberalism of fear he might be considered a 'positive' resource, above all around the issues of political necessity and prudential judgement.
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Benjamin Constant's question
In: Economy and society, Band 45, Heft 3-4, S. 530-536
ISSN: 1469-5766
Between cynicism and idiocy: deflationary realism and grubby fingernails in politics
In: European journal of cultural and political sociology: the official journal of the European Sociological Association (ESA), Band 1, Heft 2, S. 141-157
ISSN: 2325-4815
Desperate equilibrium: on guilt, law and rationality
In: Economy and society, Band 43, Heft 1, S. 40-54
ISSN: 1469-5766
Authority, convention and political community
In: Journal of political power, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 127-131
ISSN: 2158-3803
MacIntyre, Thomism and the Contemporary Common Good
In: Analyse & Kritik: journal of philosophy and social theory, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 75-90
ISSN: 2365-9858
Abstract
Alasdair MacIntyre's criticism of contemporary politics rests in large part on the way in which the political communities of advanced modernity do not recognize common goals and practices. I shall argue that although MacIntyre explicitly recognizes the influence of Jacques Maritain on his own thought, MacIntyre's own views are incompatible not only with Maritain's attempt to develop a Thomistic theory which is compatible with liberal democracy, but also relies on a view of the individual as a part which is related to the whole in a way that is incompatible with Maritain's understanding of the spiritual individual or person.
Powers of the possible
In: Economy and society, Band 35, Heft 2, S. 307-313
ISSN: 1469-5766
'Fascinated dispossession': suicide and the aesthetics of freedom
In: Economy and society, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 280-294
ISSN: 1469-5766
On mediators: Intellectuals and the ideas trade in the knowledge society
In: Economy and society, Band 33, Heft 4, S. 430-447
ISSN: 1469-5766