Faith that science will solve environmental problems: does it hurt or help?
In: Environmental politics, Band 24, Heft 4, S. 553-574
ISSN: 1743-8934
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In: Environmental politics, Band 24, Heft 4, S. 553-574
ISSN: 1743-8934
In: Environmental politics, Band 24, Heft 4, S. 553-574
ISSN: 0964-4016
In: Communist and post-communist studies: an international interdisciplinary journal, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 45-60
ISSN: 0967-067X
World Affairs Online
In: Communist and post-communist studies: an international interdisciplinary journal, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 45-60
ISSN: 0967-067X
In: Communist and post-communist studies, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 45-60
ISSN: 1873-6920
The word 'democracy' has predominantly negative connotations when referring to its practical implementation in Russia. However, Russians are favourable to the idea of democracy in principle, and support the establishment of genuine democracy in the country. Beliefs that elections ensure accountability of elected officials, allow public input on the policy direction of government, and give personal benefits to individuals would help to increase acceptance of the value of Russian democracy. A combination of factors, however, makes it doubtful that the current negative attitudes can be overcome quickly.
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 19, Heft 4, S. 399-412
ISSN: 1475-6765
Abstract. Merged survey and aggregate data sets allow examination of the inter‐relationship between individual characteristics and contextual variables. The addition of constituency context variables to the Canadian National Election study of 1979 enhances our ability to explain variations in partisanship. Party weakness in a constituency, female NDP candidates, and the lack of an incumbent seeking re‐election all render partisanship more flexible. Concentrations of Roman Catholics and the university educated in a constituency solidify Liberal and NDP strength respectively. Problems of study design and data interpretation presently limit our ability to utilize combined micro‐macro analysis.
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 19, Heft 4, S. 399-412
ISSN: 0304-4130
Drawing on a large-scale Canadian postelection survey (1979) & aggregate data sets, individual voting behavior is analyzed, using partisanship as the dependent variable. The findings indicate that party weakness in a constituency, female New Democratic Party (NDP) candidates, & lack of an incumbent all result in more flexible partisanship. The importance of the electoral context to explain partisan change is emphasized; however, the effects of increased concentrations of Roman Catholics on Liberal partisanship, & of greater working-class populations on the NDP, demonstrate the importance of the constituency context as well. It is shown that an approach using both aggregate & individual-level data encounters problems of interpretion. Along with individual qualities & attitudes & consituency characteristics, consideration must also be given to whether Catholics in a constituency containing substantial numbers of coreligionists perceive this situation to exist, look to their religion as a cue for voting, & relate political parties to interest representation. It is argued that understanding of the relationship between micro- & macrolevels of analysis will remain exploratory until the means to investigate these perceptions become available. 6 Tables, 21 References. S. Millett
In: Electoral Studies, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 125-142
In: Electoral studies: an international journal, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 125
ISSN: 0261-3794
In: Electoral studies: an international journal, Band 7, S. 125-142
ISSN: 0261-3794
Examines the politics of personal gain, group gain, communalism, ideology, and issues and opinion; includes discussions of historical and contemporary elections.
In: Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie, Band 24, Heft 2, S. 269-290
ISSN: 1755-618X
Plusieurs hypotheses existent, qui tentent d'expliquer la faiblesse du vote de classe au Canada. Je tente ici de reformuler certaines de ces hypothPses, i partir de leurs postulats i1'6gard de la conscience de classe et de la formation de classe. Deux types d'explications sont identifies: celles, d'abord, qui soutiennent que le bas niveau de conscience de classe au Canada est la cause de I'absence de formation de classe; et celles pour qui l'inverse est vrai. Toutes les hypotheses considerees trouvent des donnees qui les supportent dans la ricente Etude electorale nationale. I1 est actuellement impossible de choisir entre elles, alors que les donnees disponibles ont une valeur limitee et que des problemes de niveaux d'analyse restent i resoudre. On devrait considerer les deux modes d'explication comme interactifs, et aussi vraisemblables l'un que l'autre.Many hypotheses have been advanced to explain the low levels of class voting in Canada. This article reformulates a number of these in terms of their assumptions about class consciousness and class formation. Explanations are divided into those which hold the society's low level of class consciousness responsible for the lack of class formation, and those which propose the reverse. Evidence from recent National Elections Study data contains support for all of the hypotheses, and it is concluded that choosing between them is currently impossible because of data limitations and level‐of‐analysis problems. The two lines of argument should be regarded as interactive and equally plausible.
In: Canadian journal of political science: CJPS = Revue canadienne de science politique : RCSP, Band 10, S. 93-126
ISSN: 0008-4239
In: Canadian journal of political science: CJPS = Revue canadienne de science politique, Band 4, Heft 1, S. 132-141
ISSN: 1744-9324
In December 1966 a study was conducted in the public and separate schools of Kingston, Ontario, to measure the development of political knowledge and attitudes of a group of young Canadian children. The research was patterned after the pioneering effort of F. Greenstein, and many questions similar to his were employed to enable the making of comparisons of patterns of socialization in groups of Canadian and American children.
In: McGill-Queen's/Brian Mulroney Institute of Government Studies in Leadership, Public Policy, and Governance Ser.
A group of distinguished political scientists and journalists reveals the significance of the 2021 federal election, providing an account of Canadian democracy in an age of increasing rancour and polarization, explaining why the Liberals did not win a majority government, and offering important lessons for the present, and for the election to come.
CHAPTER 1 The Long Goodbye: The Contours of the Election / Christopher Dornan -- CHAPTER 2 Stephen Harper and the 2015 Conservative Campaign: Defeated but Not Devastated / Faron Ellis -- CHAPTER 3 Back to the Future: The Resurgent Liberals / Brooke Jeffrey -- CHAPTER 4 From Third to First and Back to Third: The 2015 NDP Campaign / David McGrane -- CHAPTER 5 The Bloc Québécois in a Rainbow-Coloured Quebec / Éric Bélanger and Richard Nadeau -- CHAPTER 6 Opportunities and Obstacles: The Green Party of Canada's 2015 Campaign / Susan Harada -- CHAPTER 7 Roll Back! The Conservatives Rewrite Election Laws, 2006-2015 / Louis Massicotte -- Mounting a Local Campaign / Allan Thompson -- CHAPTER 9 Like, Share, Vote: The CTV/Facebook Partnership and the 2015 Election / Mary Francoli, Josh Greenberg, and Christopher Waddell -- CHAPTER 10 A Debate About The Debates / André Turcotte -- CHAPTER 11 "Because It's 2015": Gender and the 2015 Federal Election / Brenda O'Neill and Melanee Thomas -- CHAPTER 12 Polling and the 2015 Federal Election / David Coletto -- CHAPTER 13 It's Spring Again! Voting in the 2015 Federal Election / Harold D. Clarke, Jason Reifler, Thomas J. Scotto, and Marianne C. Stewart -- CHAPTER 14 The Fall of the Harper Dynasty / Jon H. Pammett and Lawrence LeDuc -- APPENDICES. Appendix A: The Results in Summary -- Appendix B: The Results by Constituency.