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Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Editor's Introductory Note -- SYMPOSIUM: RACE AND DEMOCRACY IN THE AMERICAS -- Race and Democracy in the Americas Project -- Race and Democracy in the U.S. and Brazil: The Evolution of a Program -- Project Conference Opening Remarks: International Cooperation on Higher Education -- Changing Racial Attitudes in Brazil: Retrospective and Prospective Views -- Self-directed" Activism between the U.S. African and Afro-Brazilian Communities: On the Nature of an Activist Relationship [A Response to Brazilian Activist Sueli Carneiro] -- Comparable or Connected? Afro-Diasporic Subjectivity and State Response in 1920s São Paulo and Chicago -- Racial Intimacy and Racial Politics: Adoption in the U.S. and Brazil -- Racism: A Contradiction within the Brazilian Democratic System -- Fear as the Commodity Blacks Own the Most: An Essay on Police Violence Against Black People and the Poor in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil -- Race Relations among University Students in Rio de Janeiro -- Rewriting the Black Subject: "History" and "Culture" in the Black Brazilian Emancipatory Text -- Racial Cycles? A Dynamic Approach to the Study of Race in Post-Revolutionary Cuba and Beyond -- The Pan-African Initiative in the Americas: Culture, Common Struggle, and the Odu Ifa -- Linking Two Theoretical Traditions: Toward Conceptualizing the American Racial State in a Globalized Milieu -- AMERICAN POLITICS: LOCAL AND NATIONAL PERSPECTIVES -- Race, Regime, and Redevelopment: Opportunities for Community Coalitions in Detroit, 1985-1993 -- Presidential Impeachment, Ideology, and Party Politics: Comparing 1868 to 1999 -- A TRIBUTE TO MACK HENRY JONES OF ATLANTA UNIVERSITY -- An Assessment of the Works of Mack Jones on the Development of Black Political Science: Introduction to a Symposium

"In the past, African American aspirations for political offi ce were assumed to be limited to areas with sizeable black population bases. By and large, black candidates have rarely been successful in statewide or national elections. This has been attributed to several factors: limited resources available to African American candidates, or identifi cation with a black liberationist ideological thrust. Other factors have been a relatively small and spatially concentrated primary support base of black voters, and the persistent resistance of many white voters to support black candidates.For these reasons, the possibility of black candidates winning elections to national offi ce was presumably just a dream. Conventional wisdom conceded a virtual cap on both the possible number of black elected officials and the level of elective offi ce to which they could ascend. But objective political analysis has not always made sufficient allowances for the more universal phenomenon of individual political ambitions. Th e contributors to this volume explore the ways ambitious individuals identifi ed and seized upon strategies that are expanding the boundaries of African American electoral politics.This volume is anchored by a symposium that focuses on new possibiities in African American politics. Both the electoral contests of 2006 and the Barack Obama presidential campaign represent an emergent dynamic in American electoral politics. Analysts are beginning to agree that the contours of social change now make the electoral successes of black candidates who are perceived as ideologically and culturally mainstream increasingly likely. The debate captured in this volume will likely inspire further scholarly inquiry into the changing nature and dimensions of the larger dynamic of race in American politics and the subsequent changing political fortunes of African American candidates."--Provided by publisher.

"The National Political Science Review is the official publication of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists. This new volume, Contemporary Patterns of Politics, Praxis, and Culture reflects major research focuses across religion, race, gender, culture, and of course, politics. Themes that engage a community of scholars also engage them in praxis as individual citizens and practitioners in a democratic society, and collectively as member-participants in a changing culture. Two themes, religion and culture are relatively new areas of intellectual curiosity for political scientists. Articles in this volume extend the beachheads already established by African-American political scientists in studies that guage the significance and influence of religion in both individual and group behavior. They chart religion's inevitable move onto the center stage of U.S. public affairs. The study of culture has essentially languished for almost a generation within political science, especially with regard to the study of American politics and society. During this time the emphasis has also shifted significantly from an almost exclusive focus on civic culture to an expanding focus on the broad expanse of popular culture in the contemporary period. Culture is the crucible within which politics, race, religion, and gender both foment and ferment, and artistic products of the culture are manifestations and mirrors of how we envision and construct a changing reality. Issues of race, religion, gender and culture are all dimensions of individual and group identity. The dynamics of changing individual and group identities change the underlying cultural canvas against which identity is displayed and politics is acted out. The concept of praxis is relatively new to the lexicon of political science. However, engagement in the practice of politics is not a new idea for African-American social scientists. Indeed, particularly for this group, and clearly for many others,"--Provided by publisher.

Cover -- National Political Science Review Board -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Editor's Note -- Part I -- The Expanding Boundaries of Black Politics -- Race and Politics Matter -- A New Labor Movement? -- Beyond the Myth of the White Middle-Class -- AIDS, Context, and Black Politics -- Permanent Outsiders -- Remembering Maleesa -- Whosoever Will -- Race, Class, and the Political Behavior of African American Young Adults, 1960-1998 -- Let Men be Men -- Part II -- The Impoverished "Culture vs. Structure" Debate -- Power and Race in Cross-Group Coalitions

The Faith‐Based and Community Initiative (FBCI) was one of the most high profile domestic policy initiatives of the G. W. Bush administration and a unique exercise in administrative policy making. This analysis of federal‐level implementation examines the actions taken to operationalize the FBCI and to realize its goals of enabling faith‐based and community organizations (FBCOs) to provide social services with federal funding. Despite being labeled as social welfare policy, the FBCI was more a special‐purpose procurement policy. As an administrative policy initiative, the FBCI succeeded in those areas subject to the greatest level of executive branch influence: administrative rule changes and federal agency spending. These actions made for a legacy of success in establishing a reformed federal procurement environment for FBCOs. However, the FBCI was less successful in substantially altering the position of small, new‐entrant FBCOs in the competitive federal funding process relative to larger secular nonprofits.La iniciativa con base en la fe y la comunidad (FBCI por sus siglas en inglés) fue una de las iniciativas de ley con mayor prominencia pública en la administración de G. W. Bush y un ejercicio único en la elaboración de políticas. Este análisis de una implementación a nivel federal examina las acciones tomadas para llevar a cabo el FBCI y cumplir sus objetivos de permitir que organizaciones comunitarias y religiosas (FBCOs por sus siglas en inglés) fueran capaces de brindar servicios sociales con el financiamiento del estado. A pesar de ser catalogada como una política de bienestar social, la FBCI fue una iniciativa con el propósito de obtener algo en específico. Debido al estatus de iniciativa política administrativa, la FBCI tenía influencia sobre las áreas de mayor autoridad ejecutiva: el cambio de reglas administrativas y el gasto de agencias federales. Estas acciones culminaron en el establecimiento de un sistema federal reformado pasa las FBCOs. Sin embargo, la FBCI tuvo menos éxito para alterar de manera sustancial la posición de nuevas y pequeñas FBCOs en el competitivo proceso de financiamiento federal en relación a organizaciones sin ánimo de lucro seculares.

The Faith-Based and Community Initiative (FBCI) constitutes a critical substitution of social policy as new urban policy. The faith-based initiative envisions a formalized role for local religious congregations in social services provision and the corresponding role of policy implementation. Both of these rather novel policy ideas raise a host of questions. This article seeks to provide an understanding of this policy initiative, its ideational origins, its real potential, and some of its limitations as an instrument of urban policy and community development. This article encompasses four objectives. First, it provides an overview discussion of the evolution of the U.S. urban policy context and the emergence of "stealth urban policies." Second, it focuses on the philosophical and scholarly formulations that conceived of local congregations as alternative mechanisms for the provision of social welfare state services. Third, the discussion turns to some of the findings to date regarding the FBCI that point up its limitation as effective public policy for supporting community development in black neighborhoods. Finally, the discussion explores how the FBCI might be expanded to support a more effective role for religious organizations in urban community development. While this initiative includes temples, mosques, churches, and other religious organizations, this article focuses on churches.

The Faith-Based & Community Initiative (FBCI) constitutes a critical substitution of social policy as new urban policy. The faith-based initiative envisions a formalized role for local religious congregations in social services provision & the corresponding role of policy implementation. Both of these rather novel policy ideas raise a host of questions. This article seeks to provide an understanding of this policy initiative, its ideational origins, its real potential, & some of its limitations as an instrument of urban policy & community development. This article encompasses four objectives. First, it provides an overview discussion of the evolution of the U.S. urban policy context & the emergence of "stealth urban policies." Second, it focuses on the philosophical & scholarly formulations that conceived of local congregations as alternative mechanisms for the provision of social welfare state services. Third, the discussion turns to some of the findings to date regarding the FBCI that point up its limitation as effective public policy for supporting community development in black neighborhoods. Finally, the discussion explores how the FBCI might be expanded to support a more effective role for religious organizations in urban community development. While this initiative includes temples, mosques, churches, & other religious organizations, this article focuses on churches. 33 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2004 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

AbstractThe legitimacy of policy making at the regional level, as with policy making at more conventional levels of government, depends on the quality of representation. Citizen appointments and voluntary committees bypass the expense of the electoral process, but lack value when restricted to token advisory roles in potential conflict with other, "financially articulate" interests. Experience shows that lay citizen representatives can make sound decisions on the technical issues that typify regional problems, when information is properly shared. Regional entities must demonstrate the will to establish their legitimacy.