Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A Theory of Collateral Damage in Political Communication -- 3. Conditions Necessary for Collateral Damage -- 4. Trump Rhetorical Analysis -- 5. Rhetoric and Attitudes toward America -- 6. Rhetoric and Attitudes toward the Republican Party and Donald Trump -- 7. Disaggregating the Attitudes of Second-Generation Americans -- 8. Conclusion -- Appendix -- Index.

Collateral Damage provides an overview of how political communication influences the process of incorporation with the broad society as well as its political parties. Sean Richey shows that how politicians talk about immigrants affects how their children perceive America and their feelings about the nation. These perceptions and feelings in turn greatly influence the children's desire to incorporate into American political society. He also shows that regardless of a speaker's intended outcome, what is said can still have a deleterious effect on incorporation desire, a communicative process that he terms "collateral damage." Richey uses new experimental and survey evidence, as well as the rhetoric of Donald Trump as a test case, to examine how anti-immigration communication influences the incorporation of the children of immigrants.

Patriotism is conceived of as a national-level concept. I posit that people hold similarly strong feelings toward their municipal area. Based on long-standing the- ories of patriotism in national politics, I show how local patriotism influences local politics. Using novel preregistered survey data from an online sample matched to nationally representative data in terms of gender, age, and race, I show that people have feelings of love, indifference, or hate toward their municipality. I also find a strong positive correlation between loving one's municipality and partici-pation in local politics, civic participation, and trust in local government. I also conducted two preregistered survey experiments that show that priming feelings of love and/or hate towards one's town strongly motivates the willingness to sac-rifice to solve local collective action problems. Specifically, stimuli that evoked these feelings made participants much more likely to donate the payment they earned from completing the survey to solve a town problem. These results show the crucial importance of local patriotism for understanding local politics.

I find that 10 percent of Americans believe in both "trutherism" and "birtherism." Even among citizens who say they like Bush or Obama, or are from the same party, many still believe in conspiracies implicating the presidents. It is crucial to understand why so many Americans believe obviously erroneous conspiracies that denigrate a president who otherwise has their support. I predict that the authoritarian personality creates a predisposition to believe in conspiracies based on the tendency of those high in this trait to have greater anxiety and cognitive difficulties with higher order thinking. Using 2012 American National Election Study data, I find a clear and robust relationship between the authoritarian personality and conspiratorial beliefs. In all models, authoritarianism is a chief predictor for a predisposition toward both conspiratorial beliefs. This suggests that psychological propensities are an important explanation of why so many citizens believe in conspiracy theories.Related Articles

Miller, Michael K.,
Guanchun Wang,
Sanjeev R. Kulkarni,
H. Vincent Poor, and
Daniel N. Osherson. 2012. "." Politics & Policy 40 (): 1019‐1052. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00394.x/full


Norman, Emma R., and
Rafael Delfin. 2012. "." Politics & Policy 40 (): 369‐402. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00356.x/full


Joslyn, Mark R., and
Donald P. Haider‐Markel. 2014. "." Politics & Policy 42 (): 919‐947. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12098/full
Related Media
. 2017. http://www.electionstudies.org/

. n.d. http://personality-testing.info/tests/RWAS/

Condorcet's theory of voting rests on the crucial proposition that voting errors are random and not systematic. Using Lau and Redlawsk's voting correctly measure, I test whether voting error is systematic or random in presidential elections from 1972 to 2004. I show that errors are systematically skewed toward Republican candidates. I also show that the level of skew of incorrect voting has led to the incorrect candidate being elected in three out the last nine elections. In addition, I find that greater skew in Republican campaign spending increases skew of incorrect votes toward Republican candidates. Adapted from the source document.

Condorcet's theory of voting rests on the crucial proposition that voting errors are random and not systematic. Using Lau and Redlawsk's voting correctly measure, I test whether voting error is systematic or random in presidential elections from 1972 to 2004. I show that errors are systematically skewed toward Republican candidates. I also show that the level of skew of incorrect voting has led to the incorrect candidate being elected in three out the last nine elections. In addition, I find that greater skew in Republican campaign spending increases skew of incorrect votes toward Republican candidates.

ObjectivesRecent research has shown a link between patriotism and civic participation. This research assumes that the causal arrow flows from patriotism to civic participation, but a counterperspective in the social capital literature assumes that causation runs in the opposite direction, from civic participation to patriotism. I seek to untangle these relationships by positing a bicausal relationship between these beliefs and actions.MethodsI use a structural equation model of survey data from the 2004 American National Election Studies.ResultsThe findings show that constructive patriotism promotes civic participation, and that civic participation separately increases constructive patriotism. Conversely, I also find that blind patriotism lowers civic participation, and that civic participation lowers blind feelings.ConclusionsThis research provides a fuller picture of the relationship of patriotism with civic participation than has been provided previously in political theory or political psychology. These results are then tied to a current debate about the benefits of civic education and service learning.

I test the impact of governmental corruption on generalized social trust. Based on prior research in comparative politics and criminology, I hypothesize that increasing governmental corruption leads to decreasing beliefs that others are trustworthy. To test my hypothesis, I combine aggregate state-level data on convictions for governmental corruption with American National Election Studies panel survey data with waves in 2000, 2002, and 2004. My findings show a clear impact of greater corruption on levels of generalized trust. I find that living in states with increased corruption lowers generalized trust, while controlling for other known determinants. This research expands our knowledge of how institutional actions influence generalized trust. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]