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PurposeAccelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic, in recent years, face-to-face coaching has largely shifted to online coaching. The authors examined both the side effects of and coaching success in face-to-face, blended and online coaching from both coaches' and clients' perspectives. This paper aims to discuss the aforementioned examination.Design/methodology/approachThe authors conducted two independent studies to examine the differences between the side effects of face-to-face, blended and online coaching. In Study 1 (N = 119), the authors compared the side effects of these formats using a quasi-experimental design and tested differences in perceived coaching success from the coaches' perspective. In Study 2 (N = 104), the authors integrated the client perspective on the side effects of coaching formats into the design and tested the differences.FindingsCoaches in the face-to-face format experienced a significantly lower prevalence of side effects for their clients compared to coaches who engaged in the blended and online coaching formats. From the client perspective, clients experienced the most side effects of the blended coaching format. Neither study showed any differences between the coaching formats in perceived coaching success.Practical implicationsThe results provide guidance to practitioners in choosing the most suitable coaching format for themselves. Being aware of side effects in coaching can help both coaches and clients take appropriate measures to mitigate the impact of these effects.Originality/valueThis paper is the first to expand knowledge about side effects in coaching across different coaching formats from both coaches' and clients' perspectives. The findings provide evidence regarding the context in which coaching is currently performed in a post-COVID world, with sustainability remaining a global concern and a key driver for organizations.

AbstractWhile demographic change is leading to an aging workforce in many parts of the world, more and more companies are implementing agile forms of collaboration. These enable better adaptation to change through constant, iterative learning but require a corresponding mindset from the employees. According to meta-analytical findings, willingness to learn is negatively correlated with employee age, whereas willingness to change is not. We examined the relationship between employee age and readiness for change toward Scrum—the predominant framework of agile project management—focusing on moderating effects. We hypothesized that readiness for Scrum does not decrease with employee age per se, but that it depends on age climate and subjective age. Using an animated explainer video, we created a scenario in which Scrum gets implemented in the participants' work area. We tested our hypotheses using two studies with age-heterogeneous samples (N1 = 146, N2 = 198), differing in their mean ages (M1 = 36.9, M2 = 41.6). Across studies, and consistent with expectations, readiness for Scrum increased with age when employees reported lower levels of subjective age. Regarding age climate, the results were mixed: In Study 1, readiness for Scrum increased with age when participants perceived a more negative age climate, whereas in Study 2, it increased in a more positive age climate. Results of the three-way interaction in Study 1 suggest a complex interplay between age identity and age climate. We interpret these results in light of existing theory and discuss possible implications for research and practice.

A growing number of studies emphasize the working alliance between the client and the coach to be a key factor in coaching. Synthesizing 27 samples ( N = 3563 coaching processes), this meta-analysis sheds light on the relationship between working alliance and a broad range of coaching outcomes for clients. The meta-analytic results indicate a moderate and consistent overall relationship between a high-quality working alliance and coaching outcomes for clients ( r = .41, 95% CI [.34, .48], p < .001). Working alliance was positively related to all desirable coaching outcomes (range: r = .32 to .64), with the strongest relationship to affective and cognitive coaching outcomes. Moreover, working alliance was negatively related to unintended negative effects of coaching ( r = –.29). Results revealed no differences regarding the type of clients, coaches' expertise, number of coaching sessions, and clients' or coaches' perspectives. Similar to other helping relationships like psychotherapy or mentoring, the results support the importance of a high-quality working alliance in coaching.

Teams with strong faultlines often do not achieve their full potential because their functioning is impaired. We argue that strong diversity beliefs held by team leaders mitigate the negative impact of socio-demographic and experience-based faultlines on team functioning. In a heterogeneous multisource field sample of 217 employees nested in 44 teams and their leaders, we tested our assumptions. Results of a path-analytic model showed that socio-demographic faultlines were negatively related to perceived cohesion and positively related to perceived loafing. The impact of socio-demographic faultlines on team functioning was less detrimental when leaders held strong diversity beliefs. Against our expectations, we found no support for an impact of experience-based faultlines on perceived cohesion or a moderating role of leaders' diversity beliefs in this context. Potential explanations for these results and implications for organizations and team leaders are discussed.

Faultlines—hypothetical dividing lines splitting a group into homogeneous subgroups based on the distribution of demographic attributes—are frequently assumed to be detrimental to group outcomes because they operationalize social categorizations. However, a literature review indicates that this is not always the case. We argue that diversity faultlines and social categorizations are not necessarily the same and that the effect of diversity faultlines is moderated by perceived social categorizations. To test this proposition, we assigned 172 participants to groups of four. Participant gender, bogus personality feedback, seating position, and colored cards were employed to create two diversity faultline conditions (weak and strong faultline). Groups worked on the Survive in the Desert task, and their interactions were coded with the discussion coding system (DCS). Social categorizations were elicited using a newly developed measure that requires participants to specify subjectively perceived salient categories. Participants stated many social categories that were unrelated to surface-level characteristics frequently employed in diversity research. In line with our hypotheses, social category salience moderated the effect of faultline strength on elaboration. Elaboration was most intense in strong faultline groups that had low levels of category salience. Elaboration was positively related to performance. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

We examined the core hypothesis of affect control theory (ACT; Heise, 2007 ), namely, that human social interaction is guided by culture-constrained affective consistency. Our study is the first empirical test of this principle applied to nonverbal behavior. A group of 120 subjects in 60 dyads were videotaped during a problem-solving task. Their interactions were subdivided into discrete meaningful events and assigned ratings of the friendliness, dominance, and activity displayed by the interactants. We used a computational model based on ACT to predict frequencies of, and likely sequences between, specific patterns of interpersonal affect. The model predicted the data well. We argue that assuming a principle of consistency is valuable for understanding not only individual social cognition, but also the interdependencies between individuals, social settings, and culture.