Suchergebnisse

While the book is primarily for public health practitioners including community nurses and physicians, social workers and community planners, this book also serves as a valuable resource for anyone interested in public health and its application in creating healthier societies.

chapter 1 Introduction to Management -- chapter 2 An Effective Manager -- chapter 3 Time Management -- chapter 4 Conflict Management -- chapter 5 Legal Safety -- chapter 6 Quality Improvement -- chapter 7 Patient Satisfaction -- chapter 8 Mission, Vision, and Values -- chapter 9 Planning -- chapter 10 Organizing -- chapter 11 Monitoring and Supervision -- chapter 12 Evaluation -- chapter 13 Medical Audit -- chapter 14 Healthcare Systems -- chapter 15 Infection Prevention -- chapter 16 Biomedical Waste Management -- chapter 17 Marketing Management -- chapter 18 Demand Generation -- chapter 19 Human Resource Management -- chapter 20 Financial Management -- chapter 21 Materials Management.

Analysing national security entails both its substantive and rhetorical dimensions. These themes, examined in the Malaysian context, highlight the external and internal dimensions of national security, the substantive aspects being more pronounced in the former, and rhetoric being more salient in the latter. While the security of the political regime is a determinant of both domains, its influence was greater in the internal-rhetorical quadrant of Malaysias national security. However, in the post-Cold War period, strategic and economic imperatives have tended to blur the distinction between the internal and external realms of the state, resulting in domestic politics becoming more susceptible to the dominant values of the international system. This development, taken together with localized socio-political change, has induced greater plurality in Malaysian politics. While the rhetoric of national security still has its instrumental value, it is however becoming more problematic for political elites to advance their interests in the name of the state. (Contemp Southeast Asia/DÜI)

The ethnic paradigm has dominated political science analysis of societal conflict in west Malaysia. This perspective regards sociopolitical tensions to be a function of the competition between the superordinate & subordinate ethnic groups in the authoritative allocation of values. Such an approach ignores the fact that ethnicity itself is a situational variable, & hence cannot be regarded as a constant in conflict analysis. In adopting such an approach, it is found that ethnic identity & ethnic-based conflict in west Malaysia were intricately linked to the survival & displacement of elites within the ruling regime. However, the intensity as well as the continuing utility of ethnic conflict for political purposes is in the process of steady decline. This has been the result of the continuous transformation in west Malaysia's domestic political system, which has also been influenced by the intrusive nature of the international environment. Adapted from the source document.

The ethnic paradigm has dominated political science analysis of societal conflict in west Malaysia. This perspective regards sociopolitical tensions to be a function of the competition between the superordinate & subordinate ethnic groups in the authoritative allocation of values. Such an approach ignores the fact that ethnicity itself is a situational variable, & hence cannot be regarded as a constant in conflict analysis. In adopting such an approach, it is found that ethnic identity & ethnic-based conflict in west Malaysia were intricately linked to the survival & displacement of elites within the ruling regime. However, the intensity as well as the continuing utility of ethnic conflict for political purposes is in the process of steady decline. This has been the result of the continuous transformation in west Malaysia's domestic political system, which has also been influenced by the intrusive nature of the international environment. Adapted from the source document.

Malaysia's impact on World Politics Exceeds the usual level of inf luence expected of a small state in an international system. It has exercised a leadership role in the Commonwealth, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the Non-aligned Movement and South-South Cooperation, and has tried to modify the agenda of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation through the East Asian Economic Caucus. In addition, Malaysia has championed selfdetermination, articulated an 'Asian' approach to the issues of human rights and democratization, and has contributed to international peace-keeping operations under the aegis of the United Nations, where it has also served as a non-permanent member of its Security Council and chaired its General Assembly. These achievements in themselves are sufficient to draw scholarly attention to Malaysia although, it must be admitted, that the arena of foreign policy itself is part of domestic politics. In this domain too, Malaysia has long been of interest to political scientists. For an ethnically divided society, Malaysia has maintained a remarkable record of political stability. This in turn had contributed to sustained development, and up till the advent in 1997 of the Asian financial crisis, Malaysia was poised to be the next newly-industrialized country in the Asia-Pacific.

It is contended that the reformasi movement within Malaysian politics is a combination of democratization & oligarchic restructuring. An overview of the role of Anwar Ibrahim, a former official in the United Malays National Organization who was subsequently detained by the state, in the movement is presented; Ibrahim's political ideology is also reviewed. Although the reformasi movement adopted Ibrahim's understanding of social justice, it is asserted that several domestic & external factors gave strength to the movement, eg, Malaysia's increased reliance upon Japan & the West for certain resources. Despite his commitment to democratization, it is claimed that certain aspects of Ibrahim's philosophical beliefs support the reading of Malaysia's democratization as an oligarchic restructuring of the national political system. The prospects for a mass overthrow of the current government & of Ibrahim's ascendancy to prime minister are considered. J. W. Parker

Studies on conflict resolution have generally focused on compromises reached between states (or actors within states) as the basis of a negotiated settlement. However, it is argued that a more coherent explanation would utilize a systemic level of analysis to complement the traditional state-as-actor level of analysis. This proposition tested in relation to the Cambodian crisis though, for the sake of brevity and clarity of argument, the actual negotiating process is omitted. It is argued that any conflict with an international dimension is susceptible to the machinations of systemic power structures. More specifically, the lack of consensus in both the domestic and international domains of a conflict reinforces the influence of systemic power structures. While the importance of domestic factors is not discounted, it is also found that as a result of interactive dynamics, these imperatives are themselves altered by the external environment. (AJPS/DÜI)