Unlike many of its neighbours, Zambian political history has been relatively stable since it gained independence in 1964. Despite a number of failed attempts by the military to overthrow the government, conflicts have generally been resolved through non-violent means, mostly through the courts, whose decisions are generally accepted. Currently, political stability rests on a fragile foundation, with widespread poverty and glaring social inequalities simmering below the surface. Political and social harmony may not be sustainable in the long term without a genuine and determined effort to promote political and social justice. The purpose of this study on Zambia is to present an overview of current trends, risks and opportunities for conflict mitigation
In: Journal of peacebuilding & development: critical thinking and constructive action at the intersections of conflict, development and peace, Band 3, Heft 2, S. 84-96
"During post-conflict periods, institutions and patterns of action are challenged and renegotiated – processes that have long gone largely unrecognized. There continues to be a lack of empirical research on the constellations of authority following the cessation of conflict. This lack corresponds to deficiencies on the level of policy-making: It appears that Western donors, until today, base their approaches to post-conflict reconstruction on the wholly unchallenged assumption that the state is the only legitimate actor in this area. This research project focused on core questions in post-conflict security provision by and beyond the state. The central question of the project was to determine which actors (such as traditional authorities, the remnants of state security organs, private entrepreneurs, international peacekeeping missions etc.) provide security in a situation of fragmented authority, i.e. sanctioning violence and crime. Moreover, the project sought to analyze under which conditions these actors are considered legitimate by different groups within society: some actors might protect specific groups among the population while representing a threat to others. These questions were addressed in empirical case studies of Liberia and Sierra Leone. The project worked under the basic assumption that oligopolies of violence exist in periods directly preceded by conflict, comprising a limited number of actors that produce violence and provide security, who both compete and cooperate with each other. It was also assumed that oligopolies exhibited significant variation, with one important sub-type being an 'oligopoly with market leader'. (...)" (author's abstract)
"Am 10. Mai veröffentlichte die Regierung Liberias ihren ersten Finanzbericht, der eine erhebliche Zunahme der Staatseinnahmen ausweist. Mehr als 100 Tage Amtszeit von Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, der ersten Präsidentin Afrikas, sind vorüber. Einige Erfolge sind sichtbar. Das zurückliegende Jahr war ein vergleichsweise friedliches für das geschundene westafrikanische Land. Schneller als erhofft kommen nun aber einige bittere Realitäten ans Tageslicht: Reformbremsen in der Elite, Überschuldung, Arbeitslosigkeit und fortbestehende Sicherheitsprobleme. Ein Rückfall in den Gewaltkonflikt ist noch immer nicht ausgeschlossen. Die Auslieferung von Expräsident Charles Taylor an den Special Court in Sierra Leone setzt die Themen Justizreform, Vergangenheitsbewältigung und Verquickung der neuen Elite mit dem Warlord-Regime auf die Agenda - schneller als es vielen lieb ist. Das einem Protektorat recht ähnliche System der UN-Verwaltung befriedigt einige Grundbedürfnisse, schafft aber weder Arbeitslosigkeit noch Sicherheitsrisiken aus der Welt. Die massive Intervention von außen hat die Voraussetzungen zur Beendigung des Bürgerkrieges geschaffen, gerät aber bei der 'Rekonstruktion' des Staates in innere Widersprüche. Die Übernahme von Verantwortung durch liberianische Institutionen ist leichter gefordert als umzusetzen. Die Außensteuerung wird zu einem innenpolitischen Problem." (Autorenreferat)