Compara várias abordagens para definir uma linha de pobreza. Resume, além da abordagem calórica indireta, a calórica direta e discute as abordagens multidimensionais, pouco comuns no Brasil, embora bastante usadas no restante da América Latina. Analisa as linhas oficiais da pobreza, tais como meio salário mínimo ou um dólar por dia em termos de paridade de poder de compra. Trata de linhas relativas e subjetivas de pobreza, mais usadas nos países europeus da OCDE que em outros lugares
This text discusses the Bolsa Família Program, its institutional design, implementation issues, its impacts and possibilities for future evolution. We discuss the institutional division of responsibilities, benefits, conditionalities and federative arrangements. With regards to implementation issues, we discuss the vitally important Single Registry of Beneficiaries, targeting, coverage and the discussion about exit strategies for beneficiary families. We also briefly review the literature on Bolsa Família`s impacts upon inequality, poverty, nutrition, labor supply, and political participation. We conclude that at present Bolsa Família is neither entirely a social protection program nor a program for the generation of opportunities. In the near future, a definition will be necessary because the two objectives are incompatible in a single program.
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This article estimates the market value of public education by comparing standardized test scores of students in public and private schools. The idea is to assign to the education of each public school student a market value equivalent to the tuition paid by private school students with similar test score results. The implementation requires an expenditure survey, or other database to provide information on tuitions, and standardized test scores available for both private and public schools. This article uses Brazilian test score data, which are particularly good. The main results are not surprising. Pre-school, primary, and secondary education are all highly progressive government transfers. Furthermore, since their market value is superior to public expenditures in each of these educational levels, they are also welfare enhancing. The flip side is that public higher education is both highly regressive and welfare reducing.
The rhythm in the fall of inequality in Brazil is acceptable? Evidences of the historical and international context. The study uses two approaches to answer the question of whether inequality in Brazil is falling fast enough. The first is to compare the variation of the Gini coefficient in Brazil with what was observed in several countries that today belong to the OCDE (United Kingdom, United States, Netherlands, Sweden, France, Norway, and Spain) while these same countries built their social welfare systems during the last century. The second approach is to calculate for how much Brazil must keep up the fall in the Gini coefficient to attain the same levels of inequality of three OCDE countries that can be used as a reference: Mexico, the United States, and Canada. The data indicate that the Gini coefficient in Brazil is falling 0.7 point per year and that this is superior to the rhythm of all the OCDE countries analyzed while they built their welfare systems but Spain, whose Gini fell 0.9 point per year during the 1950s. The time needed to attain various benchmarks in inequality are: 6 years to Mexico, 12 to the United states and 24 to Canadian inequality levels. The general conclusion is that the speed with which inequality is falling is adequate, but the challenge will be to keep inequality falling at the same rate for another two or three decades. (Rev Econ Polit/GIGA)
Key workers suffered higher mortality rates from COVID‐19 than non‐key workers, as a result of their greater exposure to the virus.However, mortality rates varied among key workers, with transport workers suffering the highest mortality rates.The findings reveal the importance of occupational safety and health (OSH) protections, as well as the benefits of working in formal workplaces with collective representation, as this enabled many key workers to better cope with the increased demands and risks of working during the pandemic. The chapter also delves into the experience of key enterprises that provided goods and services deemed essential by governments and who faced many challenges operating, including managing disrupted supply chains, financial uncertainty, declines in investment, problems with staffing, and implementing emergency OSH guidelines. These issues were more acute for micro and small enterprises.
ResumenLas respuestas estatales ante la pandemia de COVID‐19 han diferido en cuanto a alcance y diseño, con importantes implicaciones para el mercado laboral en general, y para grupos específicos de trabajadores. Utilizando datos de encuestas de población activa de siete países de renta media y alta, se analizan las transiciones laborales entre los dos primeros trimestres de 2020 en comparación con las de 2019. Se observa que la pandemia exacerbó las desigualdades en los siete países; cuando se favorecieron los subsidios salariales frente a otras formas de apoyo a los ingresos se redujo la volatilidad del mercado laboral.
RésuméFace au COVID‐19, les autorités nationales ont adopté des mesures de nature et de portée variées, avec des effets notables sur les marchés du travail, notamment pour certains groupes. Les auteurs utilisent les enquêtes sur la population active de sept pays à revenu intermédiaire ou élevé pour observer les transitions professionnelles au premier semestre de 2020 et comparer la situation avec la même période de 2019. Ils concluent que la volatilité est plus faible dans les pays qui ont choisi de soutenir les revenus en subventionnant les salaires plutôt que par d'autres moyens, mais que la pandémie a creusé les inégalités partout.
AbstractGovernment responses to the COVID‐19 pandemic have differed in scope and design, with important implications for the labour market as a whole but also for specific groups of workers. Using labour force survey data from seven middle‐ and high‐income countries, this article analyses transitions in the labour market in the first two quarters of 2020 and compares them with transitions in the previous year. The authors find that governments that favoured wage subsidies over other forms of income support were able to lessen labour market volatility, but that in all seven countries studied the COVID‐19 pandemic exacerbated labour market inequalities.
[Introduction] Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) programmes, including the Bolsa Família programme, have been extensively studied over recent years. The books, working papers and articles that have been written on the subject, if placed on top of each other, would pile up very high indeed. What excuse do I have for spending my time writing this one and asking you to spend yours reading it? My excuse is twofold. The first excuse is that, in spite of the aforementioned pile of studies, much about the programme is still not common knowledge. In the different forums in which I have been I have seen that many elementary facts about Bolsa Família are still relatively unknown to audiences beyond (some) Brazilian policymakers and government officials. How did the programme come about? What exactly was the Lula government's role in its creation? What impact has it had on poverty, inequality, education, health and labour supply? Did it have any significant political effects? What are its contradictions and possibilities for the future? My objective is to give brief and, if possible, conclusive answers to all these questions in a single text. My second excuse is timing. Brazil is at the end of an era. After eight years leading the country away from poverty and towards more equality, President Lula has passed the reins of power to his handpicked successor, the tough Dilma Roussef. Like any end of an era, it is also a time of new beginnings, and President Dilma has already declared that one of her main objectives is not the mere reduction of extreme poverty but its complete eradication. To this end, Bolsa Família will certainly be an important item in the policy toolkit and will consequently face some kind of changes. To tell the story as quickly as possible, I have divided this text into three parts. The first part is purely descriptive, telling the story of Bolsa Família's origin and going into the details of how it works. The second part tries to put the extensive literature on the programme's impacts into as few pages as ...
