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ABSTRACTThis 12‐year study examined racism and sexism in the 2008, 2012, 2016, and 2020 US presidential elections. Data were collected in the weeks surrounding each election, and participants completed measures of racism, sexism, and support for candidates. The hypotheses were that liberal participants would endorse less racism and sexism than conservative participants, and that racism and sexism would predict support for the presidential candidates differently in different election cycles. There was mixed support for the hypotheses; overall liberal participants did endorse racism and sexism less than conservative participants. Racism was a significant predictor during both the 2008 and 2016 elections. Although benevolent sexism was a significant predictor in 2008 and 2012, hostile sexism was a significant predictor in the 2016 and 2020 elections. Taken together these results suggest that political affiliation predicts levels of racism and sexism, and that these voter prejudices do predict support for political candidates.

"Stereotyping and Political Decision Making" published on by Oxford University Press.

Three studies examined whether animality is a component of low-SES stereotypes. In Study 1a–c, the content of "white trash" (USA), "chav" (UK), and "bogan" (Australia) stereotypes was found to be highly consistent, and in every culture it correlated positively with the stereotype content of apes. In Studies 2a and 2b, a within-subjects approach replicated this effect and revealed that it did not rely on derogatory labels or was reducible to ingroup favoritism or system justification concerns. In Study 3, the "bogan" stereotype was associated with ape, rat, and dog stereotypes independently of established stereotype content dimensions (warmth, competence, and morality). By implication, stereotypes of low-SES people picture them as primitive, bestial, and incompletely human.

Ideological beliefs have long attracted the attention of social psychologists, who have investigated their genesis as well as their influence on a host of social phenomena. Conservatism, from the Motivated Social Cognition framework, stems from epistemic and existential needs of the individual, and notably the fear of death. However, Terror Management Theory proposes a view of conservatism and its contrary, liberalism, as equivalent cultural worldviews, equally fit to fulfill such needs. In the present contribution, results are presented from five studies, which test the contrasting hypotheses derived from these two perspectives. A new perspective is considered that accounts for these and previous findings.