Suchergebnisse

Abstract
This article analyses transatlantic migration from multi-ethnic East Central Europe in the period 1867–1945. Since ethnic belonging and political frontiers did not coincide, official identities did not necessarily correspond to personal identities. This became more pronounced in the migratory process, for there was a clear tendency of higher proportion of minorities among those who left. As dominating nations changed in the region, so did the ethnic composition of emigrants, leading to a long-lasting mismatch between immigrants and foreign representations, such as consulates, which were supposed to protect their interests. The result was a search for alternatives, contributing to the establishment of cultural and other associations, both from below (immigrants) and from above (corresponding states).

Con base en los documentos resguardados en el Archivo Nacional de Hungría, el ensayo examina los aspectos políticos y económicos de las relaciones húngaro-nicaragüenses entre 1979 y 1990, dentro del marco de la guerra fría. Para la Unión Soviética, la importancia de América Latina se derivaba de su cercanía a Estados Unidos, contando así con una relevancia geoestratégica y política. En cambio, el principal atractivo de la región para Hungría fue el aspecto comercial. Hubo por tanto discrepancias entre las metas soviéticas y las húngaras. Naturalmente, Hungría se ajustó a las demandas de Moscú, pero tratando de sacrificar lo menos posible sus intereses nacionales. Esto contribuyó a crear una gran diferencia entre las expectativas nicaragüenses y la disposición húngara en la práctica. Si bien el ensayo subraya el rápido e indudable desarrollo de los contactos bilaterales, intenta al mismo tiempo eliminar el mito de las relaciones perfectas.

This essay studies the reasons and context of the establishment of diplomatic ties between Hungary and Nicaragua, and the first steps in these bilateral relations in the early 1980s, in the years of the "Little Cold War". Special emphasis is given to the opening of the respective embassies, official visits and Hungarian aid delivered to Nicaragua. The Hungarian motivation was primarily political and ideological, stimulated both by Socialist convictions and the ideals of solidarity and by the necessity of adjusting within the Socialist bloc and help the foreign policy of the Soviet Union. The goals of Nicaragua to intensify links with Hungary were more of economic nature, stemming from the necessity to secure the survival of the system and keep the country going. ; Este ensayo estudia los motivos y el contexto del establecimiento de los nexos diplomáticos húngaro-nicaragüenses y los primeros pasos de dichas relaciones en la primera mitad de la década de los 1980, en el período de la "pequeña guerra fría", con un enfoque sobre la apertura de las respectivas embajadas, las visitas oficiales y el auxilio húngaro enviado a Nicaragua. La motivación húngara fue primordialmente político-ideológica, estimulada tanto por las propias convicciones socialistas y los ideales de la solidaridad, como por la necesidad de ajustarse dentro del campo socialista y apoyar la política exterior soviética. El objetivo nicaragüense para estrechar los lazos con Hungría fue más bien económico, empujado por la necesidad de asegurar la supervivencia del sistema y sacar al país adelante.

300 years ago, in 1713, Gibraltar was ceded to the British by the Treaty of Utrecht. And for 300 years long, the Spanish have been trying to get it back, using diplomatic and/or military means. This study investigates a 10-year period of intensive pressure making - the 1960's - principally with the help of the ABC, a Spanish daily, and a report made in 1969 by Jenő Incze, the Hungarian ambassador in London. The essay is complemented by details on the actual situation of Gibraltar. The sixties could become a period of intensive diplomatic activity due to the reincorporation of Spain into the international community in the 1950's. Spain, that had been considered as a pariah state since the Allied victory in the Second World War - the United Nations for example called on its members to withdraw their ambassadors from Madrid - was now accepted due to its militant anti-communism. The bipolar world was morally divided into bad and good, that is, into Communists and anti-Communist, and much less consideration was given to democratic institutions. Thus the Cold War ended the isolation of Spain: diplomatic and communication channels were reopened and it could make its comeback on the international scene. For example, diplomatic relations were restored between Spain and Great Britain in 1951; Spain and the United States signed an agreement on military cooperation in 1953; the same year a concordat was reached with the Vatican, and in December 1955 Spain finally became a member of the United Nations. The Spanish leadership did not wait long, and as early as 1957, it announced its claim onto Gibraltar.

Based primarily on election campaigns, public opinion surveys (Consulta Mitofsky, Latinobarometro) and the official election results, this study analyses how and to what extent the Institutional Revolutionary Party, that governed Mexico for more than 70 years, has lost power. To what extent can the elections of 2000, that changed the political system, be considered as a break with the past or part of an on-going process? Why did the PRI achieve the worst election results in its history in 2006? What new political dividing lines were formed in Mexico after the disappearance of the hegemony of the PRI? What can we expect at the 2012 presidential elections? ; Választási kampányok, közvélemény kutatások (Consulta Mitofsky, Latinobarometro) és a hivatalos választási eredmények segítségével a tanulmány azt elemzi, hogy az 1920 - es években megalakult, később nevét PRI-re változtató politikai erő, amely több mint 70 éven át kormányozta Mexikót, hogyan illetve milyen mértékben szorult ki a hatalomból. Mennyire tekinthető a 2000-es rendszerváltás a múlttal való szakításnak, törésnek, illetve egy folyamat részének? Miért szerepelt a PRI még rosszabbul 2006-ban? Milyen új politikai választóvonalak jöttek létre Mexikóban a PRI hegemóniájának szétfoszlásával? Mi várható 2012-es elnökválasztásokon?

The Invisible Isthmus. The Cases of El Salvador and Nicaragua During the eighties, the Socialist World paid intensive attention to Central America, particularly to the National Liberation Fronts in Nicaragua and El Salvador. However, this attention had an ideological background, which vanished with the change of political systems in Central-Eastern Europe. Since then, there has been a lack of interest towards the Isthmus. This essay therefore aims to "rescue" the region and to study recent history of Central America. It compares the political transitions of Nicaragua and El Salvador, as well as the implications these had on foreign policy, more pre¬cisely, on bilateral relations, bonds in Latin America, and nexus with other countries like Hungary. ; The Invisible Isthmus. The Cases of El Salvador and Nicaragua During the eighties, the Socialist World paid intensive attention to Central America, particularly to the National Liberation Fronts in Nicaragua and El Salvador. However, this attention had an ideological background, which vanished with the change of political systems in Central-Eastern Europe. Since then, there has been a lack of interest towards the Isthmus. This essay therefore aims to "rescue" the region and to study recent history of Central America. It compares the political transitions of Nicaragua and El Salvador, as well as the implications these had on foreign policy, more pre¬cisely, on bilateral relations, bonds in Latin America, and nexus with other countries like Hungary. ; The Invisible Isthmus. The Cases of El Salvador and Nicaragua During the eighties, the Socialist World paid intensive attention to Central America, particularly to the National Liberation Fronts in Nicaragua and El Salvador. However, this attention had an ideological background, which vanished with the change of political systems in Central-Eastern Europe. Since then, there has been a lack of interest towards the Isthmus. This essay therefore aims to "rescue" the region and to study recent history of Central America. It compares the political transitions of Nicaragua and El Salvador, as well as the implications these had on foreign policy, more pre¬cisely, on bilateral relations, bonds in Latin America, and nexus with other countries like Hungary.

Abstract
This article offers an overview of the political, economic, and cultural aspects of Hungarian–Mexican relations during the last 15 years of the Cold War. After a more than 30-year interruption, the normalization of diplomatic relations (1974) was made possible by a change in the foreign policy orientation of Mexico, in the context of improving East–West relations, in particular an improvement of US–Hungarian relations. Both sides planned to intensify ties, and signed various documents to this end, but the early impetus soon deflated. This investigation explores the development of the bilateral nexus and the complex reasons behind its low intensity, related to the asymmetries between the two countries as well as to the differences between their foreign policy objectives and possibilities of maneuver.

The exodus from Venezuela increased in intensity until the Covid-19 pandemic. Arrivals in Europe were significantly lower than in Latin America, but also grew and displayed a shift in composition, including a decreasing percentage of people with European origins. This study investigates migration from Venezuela to Spain, Italy and Hungary, in the 21st century. It begins with a detailed theoretical framework and then examines the particular migratory flows. The analysis covers the major features of these migration moves, including antecedents, reasons and motivations, size, geographical distribution and indicators related to integration. Mixed methods are used, both qualitative and quantitative. Findings show that current emigration from Venezuela to Spain, Italy and Hungary can be considered as return migration because original flows existed in the 19th and 20th centuries, and actual counterflows not only incorporate descendants of immigrants but are also based on the existing migratory systems and networks between these countries.

This article is the result of an investigation whose aim is to study the interstate relations between Hungary and Mexico between 1990 and the present, 2020. The text has a chronological structure and is divided into two parts, the watershed being the accession of Hungary to the European Union in 2004. Mixed methods have been used: principally qualitative (discourse analysis) and in a minor portion quantitative one (statistical data). It was found that in the 20 years following the change of regime in Hungary, Latin America has been relegated to the periphery of its foreign policy, for the lack of financial resources and for concentrating on the process of accession to the EU. The number of Hungarian embassies in the region was reduced from eleven to four. The EU membership of Hungary had the potential of resulting in important changes, because this way the country became part of the already existing international agreements the organization had concluded with Mexico, and in general with Latin America. Besides, it obtained the possibility of actively forming these links. It is concluded that the opportunities present in the relations have not been sufficiently taken advantage of, the reasons being both internal and international. ; El presente artículo es resultado de una investigación que tuvo por objetivo los nexos oficiales entre Hungría y México en el período entre 1990 y 2020. El texto cuenta con una estructura cronológica y se divide en dos épocas, siendo el punto de inflexión la adhesión de Hungría a la Unión Europea en 2004. Se han utilizado métodos mixtos para el estudio, principalmente cualitativo, y en menor medida cuantitativo. Se observó que, en los veinte años siguientes al cambio de régimen en Hungría, América Latina fue relegada a la periferia de su política exterior debido a las limitaciones presupuestarias y a la necesidad de concentrarse en el proceso de adhesión a la Unión Europea. El número de las embajadas húngaras en la región fue reducido de once a cuatro. La entrada de Hungría a la UE tuvo el potencial de provocar cambios importantes, porque así el país se hizo partícipe de los acuerdos internacionales ya existentes de la organización con México y, en general, con América Latina. Ello proporcionó a Hungría la posibilidad de aprovechar dichos compromisos para potenciar las relaciones con México. Se concluye que las oportunidades en las relaciones no han sido suficientemente aprovechadas por motivos tanto internos como internacionales.

El tema central de este libro es la presencia del centro y del este de Europa en América Latina, un campo poco estudiado. A lo largo de más de los cien años que abarcan los artículos, entre el siglo XIX y las primeras décadas del XX, hubo súbditos del Imperio Habsburgo y posteriormente de la Monarquía Dual austrohúngara, que visitaron, vivieron o inclusive se establecieron definitivamente en América Latina: soldados, mercenarios, mineros, aventureros, prostitutas, refugiados de revoluciones fallidas en Europa, idealistas y/o emigrantes. Muchos de estos no solo llevaban su equipaje material, sino su bagaje cultural, sus ideas, ideologías y códigos culturales para América Latina. Actores históricos que tuvieron en común una perspectiva centro/este-europea a través de la cual vieron, percibieron e interpretaron América Latina y, sobre todo, supieron reflejar sus experiencias en diversos escritos para crear las primeras imágenes de aquellas tierras en Europa. [Texto de la editorial]