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This book describes the lives of 12 people born in Europe and North America during the Second World War. They became leading scholars on the development and prevention of violent human behavior. From the first to the last page, the book introduces contrasting life-stories and shows how their paths crossed to create a relatively unified body of knowledge on how human violence develops and possible prevention methods. The authors describe the similarities and differences in their family background, university training, theories, and collaborations. Not to mention how they differ in research methods, scientific conclusions, and their influence on the research published today. These comparisons celebrates the diversity of their experience and, in turn, their achievements. By knowing this, you can stand on the shoulders of these giants to look to the future of this subject and potentially contribute to its next steps.

Il est une idée très répandue, et confirmée par un rapport de l'Organisation Mondiale de la Santé, selon laquelle les adolescents physiquement violents ont appris à agresser de leur environnement pendant leur adolescence. Cet article rappelle les opinions de quelques philosophes célèbres, ainsi que les résultats d'études longitudinales récentes, dans plusieurs pays occidentaux, qui suggèrent que les jeunes humains n'ont probablement jamais eu besoin de modèles pour apprendre à exprimer leurs colères et arriver à leurs fins par des agressions physiques.

The aim of this article is to review the literature on the effects of social environment on the development of physical aggression. We have chosen to consider the social environment in terms of a relatively recent unifying concept, the social capital. In recent years, this concept has increasingly come to the fore. Initially formulated by Bourdieu, Coleman and Putnam to explain such phenomena as social stratification and economic and political development, it has since been utilized to interpret various aspects of life in society. From the developmental standpoint, several empirical studies have demonstrated that both familial and extra-familial social capital have an effect, even in the long term, on the adaptation of children, on academic results and socio-economic success, and on health and well-being. In general, the social capital perspective has proved useful in helping to understand aggressive behavior and violence, though much more research is needed. Not all forms of social capital act in the same way, and several studies have found that social capital seems to exert a preventive effect on aggressive behavior only in certain circumstances and only with regard to some types of persons. The various types of social capital have a differential impact according to the age of the individual. Family social capital and the relationship resources offered by the child welfare system chiefly act during early childhood and childhood, when learning to regulate physical aggression appears to be at its peak. The influence of peers has been shown mainly during late childhood and adolescence: however, it is very likely that it is present very early at home through siblings, and in day care. Violent subcultures and organized crime are more likely to exert a direct effect on adolescents and adults. Broadly speaking, it seems that social capital at the micro level plays a stronger role during childhood,while the macro level acts especially during adolescence and adult life. ; Il concetto di capitale sociale, elaborato inizialmente da Bourdieu, Coleman e Putnam per comprendere fenomeni quali la stratificazione sociale, lo sviluppo economico e l'efficienza dei governi, sta godendo di un crescente successo in sociologia. Questo concetto è stato anche utilizzato per comprendere i rapporti tra caratteristiche dell'ambiente e aggressività fisica, ed in questo articolo riportiamo una rassegna delle principali ricerche in questo campo. Non tutte le forme di capitale sociale agiscono allo stesso modo, ed in molte ricerche il capitale sociale sembra avere un impatto preventivo sul comportamento aggressivo soltanto in certe circostanze e soltanto con alcuni tipi di persone. I diversi tipi di capitale sociale hanno un impatto differenziato a seconda delle diverse età della vita: il capitale sociale famigliare e le risorse di relazioni presenti nel sistema di welfare agiscono soprattutto nell'infanzia, anche in età molto precoci, i coetanei agiscono soprattutto nell'adolescenza, mentre le sottoculture violente ed il crimine organizzato hanno un impatto sui giovani e sugli adulti. Alla luce di molte ricerche,possiamo ritenere che il processo di progressiva diminuzione dei comportamenti aggressivi, dalla prima infanzia all'età adulta possa essere facilitato dalla maggior parte delle relazioni sociali che abbiamo definito come capitale sociale,anche se ci si è resi conto di come alcune forme di capitale sociale (gang, crimine organizzato) possono rappresentare una risorsa per sopravvivere in ambienti difficili, ma finiscono per incrementare la violenza.

The focus of this article is group-based trajectory modeling. Its purpose is threefold. The first is to clarify the proper statistical interpretation of a trajectory group. The second is to summarize some key findings on the developmental course of aggression and other problem behaviors that have emerged from the application of group-based trajectory models and that in the authors' judgment are important to the fields of developmental criminology and developmental psychopathology. The third is to lay out some guidelines on the types of problems for which use of group-based trajectory modeling may be particularly productive.

In this article, the authors respond to the Raudenbush and Maughan commentaries elsewhere in this volume. Stephen Raudenbush's principal criticism of the groupbased trajectory model is that it reifies the idea that people follow a small number of immutable trajectories of behavior. This criticism reflects a fundamental misunderstanding of the statistical role of trajectory groups. Trajectory groups describe the trajectory of behavior that has actually occurred; that behavior is not reified but real. There is nothing in a trajectory group model that asserts the behavior pattern is permanent, that no intervention can change it, or that it will continue beyond the time period of the observed data. The question of whether a group-based trajectory model or a hierarchal linear model can provide a better statistical representation of change is an empirical rather than philosophic question. The answer will undoubtedly be context-specific. Barbara Maughan's comments were cast as reflections froma developmental psychopathology perspective. The authors are in complete agreement with Maughan's observations about the importance of using diverse methods in studying developmental psychopathology and of unpacking the developmental trajectories of the constituent components of antisocial behavior. The authors would only add that the developmental origins of these behaviors should be studies from as early in life as possible.

A rapidly growing literature in criminology and psychology uses a group‐based methodology to identify and analyze developmental trajectories. Some confusion has arisen about the interpretation of this novel statistical model and with it some degree of cautionary commentary. We begin with a discussion of the role of trajectory groups as a statistical device for approximating population differences in developmental trajectories. We then discuss three misconceptions about group‐based trajectory modeling that stem from misunderstandings about the approximating role of trajectory groups: (1) individuals actually belong to a trajectory group, (2) the number of trajectory groups is immutable, and (3) the trajectories of group members follow the group‐level trajectory in lock step. We also point out that groupbased statistical modeling is not bound at the hip to the testing of taxonomic theories, and can just as well be used to test nontaxonomic theories.

In this article, the authors respond to the Raudenbush and Maughan commentaries elsewhere in this volume. Stephen Raudenbush's principal criticism of the group-based trajectory model is that it reifies the idea that people follow a small number of immutable trajectories of behavior. This criticism reflects a fundamental misunderstanding of the statistical role of trajectory groups. Trajectory groups describe the trajectory of behavior that has actually occurred; that behavior is not reified but real. There is nothing in a trajectory group model that asserts the behavior pattern is permanent, that no intervention can change it, or that it will continue beyond the time period of the observed data. The question of whether a group-based trajectory model or a hierarchal linear model can provide a better statistical representation of change is an empirical rather than philosophic question. The answer will undoubtedly be context-specific. Barbara Maughan's comments were cast as reflections from a developmental psychopathology perspective. The authors are in complete agreement with Maughan's observations about the importance of using diverse methods in studying developmental psychopathology and of unpacking the developmental trajectories of the constituent components of antisocial behavior. The authors would only add that the developmental origins of these behaviors should be studied from as early in life as possible. References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2005 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

The focus of this article is group-based trajectory modeling. Its purpose is threefold. The first is to clarify the proper statistical interpretation of a trajectory group. The second is to summarize some key findings on the developmental course of aggression and other problem behaviors that have emerged from the application of group-based trajectory models and that in the authors' judgment are important to the fields of developmental criminology and developmental psychopathology. The third is to lay out some guidelines on the types of problems for which use of group-based trajectory modeling may be particularly productive. Tables, Figures, References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2005 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

Plusieurs théories concernant le développement des comportements violents et antisociaux se centrent sur l'idée qu'il existe des groupes d'individus qui suivent des trajectoires distinctes et que des facteurs de risque spécifiques sont associés aux trajectoires qui débutent au cours de l'enfance. Ces théories sont pour la plupart formulées et testées auprès des hommes. Cette étude a pour objectif de modéliser le développement de comportements antisociaux chez les deux sexes et plus spécifiquement 1) de reconnaître les trajectoires développementales d'agression physique des garçons et des filles au cours de l'enfance et 2) d'examiner les variables familiales reliées à ces trajectoires. La modélisation permet d'établir quatre groupes d'enfants suivant des trajectoires développementales distinctes d'agression physique au cours de l'école primaire. Il y a presque trois fois plus de garçons que de filles sur les trajectoires les plus élevées. L'interaction entre le statut familial et la pauvreté est associée aux trajectoires qui dénotent un niveau élevé d'agression, et ce, en contrôlant le sexe. Les résultats suggèrent que les garçons et les filles qui proviennent d'une famille à la fois non intacte et pauvre sont particulièrement à risque de suivre des trajectoires élevées d'agression physique.