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Cover -- Half-Title Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Foreword -- Introduction -- I.1. Innovation policies and the clustering process -- I.1.1. Ensuring the legal and fiscal framework for the partnership between science and industry: governing from a distance -- I.1.2. Clustering: an old idea at the heart of current innovation policies -- I.1.3. Focusing on biotechnologies: catching up with the world through clustering -- I.2. The cooperation mechanism in a biocluster context: from concept to reality -- I.2.1. The advent of structures for science and industry intermediation -- I.2.2. From the cluster concept to its realization: between adoption and resistance -- I.2.3. An immersion survey: observing, interviewing and quantifying on a daily basis -- I.3. Acknowledgements -- PART 1: Persistence and Renewal of the Cluster Concept in Contemporary Innovation Policies -- 1. From Industrial Districts to Knowledge Valleys: the Legacy of the Cluster -- 1.1. The industrial district: the oldest ancestor of the cluster -- 1.1.1. The economic approach of industrial atmosphere -- 1.1.2. The first Italian districts and their influence in France -- 1.1.3. The rise of districts: the end of the Fordist enterprise? -- 1.2. Spatial concentrations of technological activities -- 1.2.1. The time of technopoles: reconciling regional planning and innovation -- 1.2.2. A spontaneous and innovative environment conducive to a "technological atmosphere"? -- 1.2.3. The era of cognitive capitalism: the race for creativity of individuals and territories -- 1.3. The valleys of knowledge: interindividual relations as a source of innovation -- 1.3.1. Informal links in the heart of Silicon Valley -- 1.3.2. The relational logic essential to geographical proximity -- 1.3.3. Social capital as a driver of innovation.

The essays in this volume are intended to help social scientists do better comparative research and thereby to improve our possibilities for creating more satisfactory explanations or theories. These broad aims are advanced throughout the book in serval ways: (1) by an identification and assessment of the methodological strategies of exceptionally important comparativists, past and present; (2) by an explication and refinement of logics of procedure that are c

"Americans today don't trust each other and their institutions as much as they used to. The collapse of social and political trust arguably has fuelled our increasingly ferocious ideological conflicts and hardened partisanship. But is the decline in trust inevitable? Are we caught in a downward spiral that must end in war-like politics, institutional decay, and possibly even civil war? In A Liberal Democratic Peace, Kevin Vallier argues that American political and economic institutions are capable of creating and maintaining trust, even through polarized times. Combining philosophical arguments and empirical data, Vallier shows that liberal democracy, markets, and social welfare programs all play a vital role in producing social and political trust. Even more, these institutions can promote trust justly, by recognizing and respecting our basic human rights"--

Americans are far less likely to trust their institutions, and one another, than in decades past. This collapse in social and political trust arguably inspires our increasingly ferocious ideological conflicts and hardened partisanship. Many believe that our previously high levels of trust and bipartisanship were a pleasant anomaly and that today we live under the historic norm. For politics itself is nothing more than a struggle for power between groups with irreconcilable aims. Contemporary American politics is war because political life as such is war. This text argues that our shared liberal democratic institutions have the unique capacity to sustain social and political trust between diverse persons

In the eyes of many, liberalism requires the aggressive secularization of social institutions, especially public media and public schools. The unfortunate result is that many Americans have become alienated from the liberal tradition because they believe it threatens their most sacred forms of life. This was not always the case: in American history, the relation between liberalism and religion has often been one of mutual respect and support. In Liberal Politics and Public Faith: Beyond Separation, Kevin Vallier attempts to reestablish mutual respect by developing a liberal political.

Catholic integralism claims that governments must secure the earthly and heavenly common good. God authorizes two powers to do so. The state governs in matters temporal, the Catholic Church in matters spiritual. Since the church has the nobler end of salvation, it may direct the state to help enforce church law. The integralist adopts two seemingly conflicting norms of justice: (a) coercion into the faith is always unjust, but (b) coercion to keep the faith is just. But if religious coercion is wrong at the start of the Christian life, why is it permitted after that? The integralist answer is baptism. Baptism serves as a normative transformer: it transforms religious coercion from unjust to just. My thesis is that baptism fails as a normative transformer. I critique Thomas Aquinas' approach to this question and then adapt gratitude, associative, and natural duty theories of political obligation to repair his argument. These strategies fail.