Suchergebnisse

part Introduction -- chapter 1 GATS, Higher Education and Global Governance Studies -- part Block I GATS in Context -- chapter 2 Education in the WTO/GATS Context -- chapter 3 GATS, Markets and Higher Education -- part Block II GATS Results and Procedures -- chapter 4 Negotiating the GATS: A Multi-Level System -- chapter 5 State of Play and Trends of the Negotiations -- part Block III Inside the Negotiations -- chapter 6 GATS and Education: The Passionate Debate -- chapter 7 For or Against Education Liberalization: The International Struggle -- chapter 8 Negotiating Education in the WTO: Key Ideas and Actors -- chapter 9 National Case Studies: Argentina and Chile -- part Conclusions -- chapter 10 Explaining the GATS Results in Education.

El proceso de Bologna es un ejemplo paradigmático para entender cómo y por qué las regiones conciben la educación superior (ES), como un recurso estratégico de competitividad en el contexto de la globalización económica actual. Este artículo sostiene que el leit motive del proceso de Bologna y su principal objetivo, por el que se constituye un Espacio Europeo de Educación Superior (EEES), es precisamente augmentar la competitividad de las universidades europeas en el mercado global. A su vez, otro objetivo, aunque más implícito que el anterior, es poner la ES al servicio de la competitividad internacional de la economia Europea. La Comisión Europea (CE o Comisión), como órgano ejecutivo de la Unión Europea (UE), ha desempeñado un papel importante para establecer esta última prioridad en el marco del proceso, sobre todo, desde que la Estrategia de Lisboa se puso en marcha en el año 2000. Asimismo, la Comisión ha adoptado un papel muy activo a la hora de promocionar el proceso de Bologna en otras regiones del mundo como América Latina, lo cual está muy asociado también a la ambición del viejo continente de incrementar su competitividad internacional a través de todo tipo de políticas sectoriales, las de ES entre éstas. ; The Bologna process is a paradigmatic case to understand how regions conceive higher education as a strategic asset in a context of increasing global economic competitiveness. The article argues that one of the main drivers of the Bologna process is raising the competitiveness of European universities in the global higher education market. However, it also argues that with the passing of time, Bologna became also committed to the broader objective of increasing the international competitiveness of the European economy itself. The European Commission as the executive body of the European Union has played a major role in setting these priorities within the process, above all, since the Lisbon Strategy was launched in the year 2000. More recently, the Commission has become an active player in the promotion and dissemination of the Bologna process in other world regions. The article shows that this more recent development is very much linked, as well, to the ambitions of Europe in raising its global competitiveness. ; Le processus de Bologne est un exemple paradigmatique de nouvelles stratégies régionales dans le domaine de l'enseignement supérieur dans un contexte de concurrence mondiale accrue. L'article argumente que l'un des principaux moteurs du processus de Bologne est d'accroître la compétitivité des universités européennes dans le marché mondial de l'enseignement supérieur, bien que, avec le temps, il se soit également rattaché à l'objectif plus large d'accroître la compétitivité internationale de l'économie européenne elle-même. La Commission Européenne, en tant qu'organe exécutif de l'Union Européenne, a joué un rôle majeur dans la définition des priorités du processus, surtout, depuis que la stratégie de Lisbonne a été lancée en l'an 2000. Plus récemment, la Commission est devenue un agent actif de la promotion et de la diffusion du processus de Bologne dans les autres régions du monde. L'article démontre que cette évolution plus récente est ainsi étroitement liée aux ambitions de l'Europe d'améliorer sa compétitivité mondiale.

This innovative new handbook offers a comprehensive overview of the ways in which domestic education policy is framed and influenced by global institutions and actors. Surveys current debates about the role of education in a global polity, highlights key transnational policy actors, accessibly introduces research methodologies, and outlines global agendas for education reformIncludes contributions from an international cast of established and emerging scholars at the forefront of the field thoughtfully edited and organized by a team of world-renowned global education policy expertsEach section features a thorough introduction designed to facilitate readers' understanding of the subsequent material and highlight links to interdisciplinary global policy scholarshipWritten in an accessible and engaging style that will appeal to domestic and international policy practitioners, social scientists, and education scholars alike Karen Mundyis a Professor, Associate Dean of Research, and Canada Research Chair at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto, where she directs the Comparative, International and Development Education Centre (CIDEC). Her research has focuses on the global politics of 'education for all' programs and policies, education reform in sub-Saharan Africa, the role of civil society in the reform of educational systems, and the policy influence of international organizations, such as the World Bank, UNESCO and the WTO. A former president of the Comparative International Education Society, Dr. Mundy has published five books and more than four dozen articles and book chapters, and is a contributor to dozens of policy papers and reports. Andy Green is Professor of Comparative Social Science at UCL Institute of Education and Director of the ESRC Centre for Learning and Life Chances. A frequent consultant to international bodies, such as CEDEFOP, the European Commission, OECD and UNESCO, and to the UK government departments, Dr. Green has published eighteen books, including: Education, Globalization and the Nation State (1997); Regimes of Social Cohesion: Societies and the Crisis of Globalization (2014, with J.G. Janmaat) and Education and State Formation: Europe, East Asia and the USA (2013). He was elected an Academician of the UK Academy of Social Science in 2010. Bob Lingardis a Professorial Research Fellow in the School of Education at the University of Queensland, Australia. A Fellow of the Australian Academy of Social Sciences and Editor of the journal Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, Dr. Lingard has published twenty books, including most recently Globalizing Educational Policy(2010) (with Fazal Rizvi), Politics, Policies and Pedagogies in Education: The Selected Works of Bob Lingard(2014) and Globalizing Educational Accountabilities(2015) (with Wayne Martino, Goli Rezai-Rashti and Sam Sellar). He has also published more than one hundred journal articles and book chapters in the sociology of education. Antoni Vergeris a Senior Researcher in the Department of Sociology at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. A former post-doctoral researcher at the Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research of the University of Amsterdam, Dr. Verger research specializes on two main areas: the global governance of education and education privatization policies. He has published more than four dozen articles, book chapters and books on these themes, including WTO/GATS and the Global Politics of Higher Education(Routledge, 2010), and Global Education Policy and International Development: New Agendas, Issues and Programmes(Bloosmbury, 2012).

Civil society organizations have risen up the global education agenda since the international community adhered to the 'Education For All' Action Framework in the 'World Education Forum' that was held in Dakar in 2000. With the foundation of the Global Campaign for Education (GCE) civil society advocacy has sought to ensure that national governments, donors and international organisations make the necessary efforts to guarantee quality education for all children in the world. This book explores the strategies and actions, as well as the challenges and impact of civil society organizations in the achievement of the 'Education For All' international commitments. It does so by specifically focusing on seven national coalitions affiliated to the GCE. From Africa, to Asia to Latin America the book shows how these coalitions work and manage the differences between their different types of constituencies, explores their varied tactics and strategies, and explains their successes and failures after more than a decade of coordinated action. The book also provides a concise and comprehensive synthesis of findings from the distinct case studies and offers a series of lessons learned that are vital for education practitioners, academics, activists and policy-makers committed to more equitable and relevant education systems around the world

Durante la legislatura autonómica 2011-2015, el sector educativo de las Islas Balears se vio inmerso en un profundo proceso de reforma educativa que combinó la aplicación de estrictas políticas de austeridad con un ambicioso plan de reforma del modelo lingüístico. Como resultado de estas reformas surgieron nuevos actores colectivos y redes de acción conflictiva, y estalló un conflicto sin precedentes en el campo educativo balear, que culminó con la convocatoria de un paro indefinido. Esta investigación tiene como objetivo analizar la trayectoria y las razones que explican el éxito de la movilización social contra estas reformas educativas. A nivel teórico, la investigación se basa en el enfoque de proceso político, que integra factores estructurales e ideacionales. Metodológicamente, el estudio de caso sigue el método de process-tracing y se basa en 20 entrevistas semiestructuradas con actores clave y análisis de documentos. Los hallazgos muestran que la construcción de puentes entre diferentes marcos de significado, junto con la combinación de repertorios de acción colectiva de distinta naturaleza, son claves a la hora de comprender el éxito del movimiento social analizado.

Austerity policies have been a common response to the economic crisis of many European governments. The cuts in the social sphere have affected educational budgets and have forced states to manage the crisis with political and discursive strategies. This article develops a critical analysis on how the Spanish State and the Catalan government in particular have managed educational change in a context of economic austerity. Based on Bob Jessop's approach to cultural political economy and using data on the Catalan case, the article explores the mechanisms and technologies of crisis management and shows how the crisis, rather than restricting government policy action, has in fact been used as a political opportunity to build a new model of educational policy. ; Muchos gobiernos europeos, especialmente en el Sur de Europa, han adoptado políticas de austeridad como respuesta común a la crisis económica y financiera internacional. Los recortes en el ámbito social han afectado a los presupuestos educativos y han obligado a los Estados a gestionar la crisis con estrategias políticas y discursivas. Este artículo desarrolla un análisis crítico sobre cómo el Estado español y el gobierno catalán en particular han gestionado el cambio educativo en un contexto de austeridad. Basándose en el enfoque de la economía política cultural de Bob Jessop y utilizando datos centrados en el caso catalán, el artículo explora los mecanismos y tecnologías de la gestión de la crisis y muestra cómo la crisis, en lugar de restringir la acción política del gobierno, es utilizada en realidad como oportunidad política para construir un nuevo modelo de política educativa.

In the education sector, new public management (NPM) has crystallized in policies such as school autonomy, professionalization of school principals, standardized evaluation and teachers' accountability, and it has been widely disseminated by international organizations, such as the OECD, which enjoy a great prestige when it comes to frame education reforms in European countries. This article analyses the way NPM has been constructed as a global education policy, and its adoption and re-contextualization into the Spanish education context. This article shows that the reasons for adopting NPM are not so different from those prevailing in other countries where these policies have been implemented before. Counter-intuitively, although NPM is a reform programme traditionally initiated by conservative governments, in the Spanish education field, as also happened in other Central and Northern European countries, it has been adopted and regulated with social democratic governments. In all these countries, social democrats have tended to embrace NPM as an attempt to address the legitimacy crisis of the welfare state and of public services in particular. Nonetheless, in Spain, the NPM reforms have been re-contextualized and regulated in very uneven and paradoxical ways. For a combination of political, institutional and economic reasons, the final form adopted by the NPM approach is far from the model advocated by the international community and is deeply contradictory. Our arguments are based on intensive fieldwork that include, on the one hand, interviews with key education policy-makers and stakeholders and, on the other, document analysis of policy briefings, press releases and legal documents.

For the last decades international organisations and governments have promoted and implemented analogous education policies on the grounds that education is the key factor to foster development and fight poverty. This article sets the context of these educational programmes and analyses their discourse on poverty in Argentina and Chile. Then, it show show they institutionalise strict surveillance, institutional denigration of the poor and professional scepticism. In general, the conclusions underpin one hypothesis that leads the analysis: eventually, these targeted education policies "pedagogise" poverty alleviation in that they aim to "instil flexible identities" into the poor rather than open channels for social inclusion.

Since the World Trade Organisation (WTO) was constituted in 1995, there has been a constantly increasing number of protests in reaction to the organisation and its numerous agreements. One of the issues that is most condemned by a variety of bodies (social movements, local governments, public universities, etc.) is the inclusion of education in the WTO's General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). The GATS stipulates the application of regulations for free trade in the education sector - and all others - and aims to promote the commercialisation of educational services through successive rounds of negotiations. These negotiations take place on an international scale, which means that as we shall see, many of the struggles against them are of a similarly global nature. However, an important set of initiatives for resistance is being developed on a local and state level. In this article, we shall be looking into the causes and motives for these reactions against the GATS (which can be interpreted as the actual Agreement and its main effects), the main bodies that have risen up against the GATS and the commercialisation of public assets that it involves, and the initiatives for resistance that have taken place. Finally, we will analyse the impact of these initiatives on the process of negotiating the Agreement and the functioning of the WTO itself.

En este artículo pretendemos incidir en los repertorios de acción colectiva desencadenados a raíz de la creación de la OMC y del establecimiento de uno de sus acuerdos más polémicos por sus efectos en los sistemas educativos y en otros servicios públicos: elAcuerdo General de Comercio de Servicios —AGCS—. Para llevarlo a cabo hemos considerado varias perspectivas teóricas con las que responder, de la manera más adecuada posible, a diferentes problemáticas relativas a la acción colectiva.