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In England and in Germany, until the 1960s the policing of public protests (as a special field of policing public disorder) aimed at an all-encompassing social control. A strong focus was put on completely controlling a defined physical territory as well as the movements of persons or groups, leaving only very few pockets for independent spatial appropriations. The violent clashes of the 1980s deeply challenged this model of social control as regards protest policing. In both countries, urban localization was an important factor which can explain these challenges: Local citizens self-confidently claimed the right to protest on their streets in their neighborhood and present their aims, thus using local urban space as a multifold power resource for identity formation, for envisioning the future of the urban, for protesting for local political issues, and also for consumer needs. Implementing an alternative model of protest policing could have helped to avoid or minimize violent confrontations in urban settings. Such an urban control protest policing would have had to be based on interventions that were decentralized in focus, sensitive to space and local issues, and understood the repercussions police interventions could have on street protestors, especially regarding the potential escalation of physical violence.In England as well as in Western Germany, the hermetic internal culture of the police (with its inherent pattern of masculinity) was the biggest obstacle which worked against abandoning the concept of completely controlling a physical territory and the movements of people in it. In Germany, the abstract state-centered thinking common among policemen ("seeing like a state") and the strict separation of day-to-day routine policing on the one side and the policing of protests which were labeled 'political' on the other side worked massively against establishing an alternative model of protest policing. In England implementing new models of policing was obstructed by a self-image of the police as a neutral mediator of social tensions as well as by the institutional racism of the police.

Der Verfasser akzentuiert in seinem sozial- und kulturgeschichtlichen Beitrag mit Blick auf Deutschland, England und die USA urbane Jugendproteste und Jugendbanden seit dem letzten Drittel des 20. Jahrhunderts. Er untersucht Proteste und Konflikte, die aus der sozialen Ungleichheit der Industrie- und Konsumgesellschaft hervorgingen. In Länder vergleichender Perspektive beleuchtet er die Rolle staatlicher Kontrollinstitutionen im Umgang mit Jugendprotesten. Dabei arbeitet der Verfasser heraus, dass die Bekämpfung von Jugenddelinquenz und -gewalt seit den 1960er Jahren auch Teil transnationaler Kommunikation und Regelung wurde. (ICE2).

Der Verfasser akzentuiert in seinem sozial- und kulturgeschichtlichen Beitrag mit Blick auf Deutschland, England und die USA urbane Jugendproteste und Jugendbanden seit dem letzten Drittel des 20. Jahrhunderts. Er untersucht Proteste und Konflikte, die aus der sozialen Ungleichheit der Industrie- und Konsumgesellschaft hervorgingen. In Länder vergleichender Perspektive beleuchtet er die Rolle staatlicher Kontrollinstitutionen im Umgang mit Jugendprotesten. Dabei arbeitet der Verfasser heraus, dass die Bekämpfung von Jugenddelinquenz und -gewalt seit den 1960er Jahren auch Teil transnationaler Kommunikation und Regelung wurde. (ICE2)

"This article focuses on juvenile delinquency and on its perceptions in the last thirds of the 19th and of the 20th centuries. Three questions are discussed: Were there any debates on (human) security in both time phases and if yes, which problems were discussed; which larger social developments were mirrored in these debates; what were the implications of potential threats posed by juvenile delinquency for life in urban settings? In the last third of the nineteenth century the perception of and fears about youth crime focused on easily discernable proletarian male youth (groups and individuals) who mainly lived in densely populated urban neighborhoods. As (youth) crime was mainly interpreted as a threat towards the state and authorities were convinced that the police could successfully handle all challenges in this field, there were no debates about security at that time. In West Germany during the 1960s and the 1970s, two important changes in juvenile delinquency, in its perception and fears could be discerned. First, a twofold - spatial and social - dissolution of boundaries (Entgrenzung) of youth crime developed. The establishment of the transnational networks of the youth cultural underground, in which drug consumption played an important role, was instrumental in these developments. Second, in the early 1970s, as the case of the Rockers shows, youth crime had become a potentially omnipresent phenomenon of everyday urban life evoking diffuse spatial fears. Every seemingly friendly boy from the neighborhood could all of sudden turn into a 'juvenile violent offender'. Thus, crime could potentially lurk everywhere, in every niche of (urban) society. It was against this background that the age of security dawned as it promised a safe haven against all future urban threats." (author's abstract)

Der Autor zeigt in seinem Beitrag, wie sich das bundesdeutsche Staatsverständnis im Zuge der Terrorismusbekämpfung der 1970er Jahre zwischen polizeilichem Handeln einerseits und bürgerlicher Zustimmung und Widerständigkeit andererseits verändert hat. Er fragt zudem danach, welche gesellschaftlichen Wahrnehmungen und Reaktionen hiermit verbunden waren und inwiefern der Linksterrorismus als "Verdichtungssymbol" bei der Etablierung eines gesellschaftlichen Gewaltdiskurses fungierte. Er skizziert zunächst die Entstehung des Konzepts Innere Sicherheit und die Rahmenbedingungen polizeilicher Tätigkeit, z.B. den Aspekt der scheinbaren Allmacht der bundesdeutschen Polizei der 1970er Jahre. Im Anschluss daran untersucht er die praktische Bekämpfung des Linksterrorismus in einem bislang kaum erforschten Kräftefeld, das von staatlich-polizeilichem Handeln, medialer Inszenierung und veränderten gesellschaftlichen Wahrnehmungen geprägt war. Er diskutiert außerdem die innenpolitischen Veränderungen im Jahr 1978, wo als unerwartete Reaktion auf die staatlich-polizeilichen Maßnahmen gegen den Linksterrorismus und deren mediale Inszenierung die staatskritischen Haltungen und die gesellschaftliche Selbstorganisation der Bundesbürger zunahmen. (ICI2)

Klaus Weinhauer ; Inhaltsverzeichnis ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- PVB 2003.4047