Suchergebnisse

Modern childhood research is more and more positioned towards the child, his/her abilities to perceive himself/herself and the world. In this case, the child becomes the subject of the research who has his/her own "voice". It is characteristic of the research when it is conducted in the interaction of childhood sociology and historical and cultural psychology. In such research, the introduction of the adult filter becomes especially complicated, because they are children, not adults, who represent their own world of childhood. It is attempted to start the research from the analysis of a particular child and his/her situation of being in the present. Thus the child's changed status and his/her new social roles are acknowledged. Researchers think that children have their opinion on all the issues of life: educational, cultural, political, economical ones, etc. Involving children in the research, it is suggested that they need to be interviewed individually and information need to be collected, focusing on the fact that the information might be important not only to children but also to adults. Information also helps the researcher himself/herself better understand the modern world of childhood and the child. Adults are only involved in the research when it is attempted to find out the links by which they are related to children and the role they perform in their life.

Modern childhood research is more and more positioned towards the child, his/her abilities to perceive himself/herself and the world. In this case, the child becomes the subject of the research who has his/her own "voice". It is characteristic of the research when it is conducted in the interaction of childhood sociology and historical and cultural psychology. In such research, the introduction of the adult filter becomes especially complicated, because they are children, not adults, who represent their own world of childhood. It is attempted to start the research from the analysis of a particular child and his/her situation of being in the present. Thus the child's changed status and his/her new social roles are acknowledged. Researchers think that children have their opinion on all the issues of life: educational, cultural, political, economical ones, etc. Involving children in the research, it is suggested that they need to be interviewed individually and information need to be collected, focusing on the fact that the information might be important not only to children but also to adults. Information also helps the researcher himself/herself better understand the modern world of childhood and the child. Adults are only involved in the research when it is attempted to find out the links by which they are related to children and the role they perform in their life.

The master's thesis analyses the concept and legislation of freedom of expression, revealing the importance of freedom of expression to the democratic society and personal development. Defining freedom of expression possibilities and implementation. Analyzing the restrictions and liability for inappropriate exercise of freedom of expression. Examining the protection of human rights through the use of freedom of expression. It is found that in the directory of human rights and freedoms, the freedom of expression occupies a particularly important place and is essential to a democratic society. Expressing your opinions and beliefs is allowed in all formats, but not in violation of other human rights or freedoms. It is found that restriction to freedom of expression can be lawfully applied if it essential to protect other human rights and freedoms. The state must ensure a lawful implementation and protection of freedom of expression; however, violation of freedom of expression may be punished by civil, administrative or criminal liability.

The master's thesis analyses the concept and legislation of freedom of expression, revealing the importance of freedom of expression to the democratic society and personal development. Defining freedom of expression possibilities and implementation. Analyzing the restrictions and liability for inappropriate exercise of freedom of expression. Examining the protection of human rights through the use of freedom of expression. It is found that in the directory of human rights and freedoms, the freedom of expression occupies a particularly important place and is essential to a democratic society. Expressing your opinions and beliefs is allowed in all formats, but not in violation of other human rights or freedoms. It is found that restriction to freedom of expression can be lawfully applied if it essential to protect other human rights and freedoms. The state must ensure a lawful implementation and protection of freedom of expression; however, violation of freedom of expression may be punished by civil, administrative or criminal liability.

While more than 20 years have passed from the collapse of the Soviet regime, the Lithuanian society is still deeply divided by different attitudes towards the life in the former regime. The soviet – anti-soviet attitudes allow predicting voting behavior of the Lithuanian electorate far better than any other socioeconomic or attitudinal factor. The goal of the article is to explore the determinants of the attitudes toward the soviet past of the Lithuanian citizens. The article tests the hypotheses based on the theory of political cleavages using the data of the 2012 postelectoral survey. The results of the logistic regression demonstrate that the attitudes towards the soviet past are explained by the change of social status rather than current economic position of inhabitants. Moreover, personal social networks and the experience of political mobilization in the late 1980-ies are much better predictors of the anti-soviet attitudes than socioeconomic factors. Finally, ideological beliefs appeared to have independent impact on the anti-soviet stance.

While more than 20 years have passed from the collapse of the Soviet regime, the Lithuanian society is still deeply divided by different attitudes towards the life in the former regime. The soviet – anti-soviet attitudes allow predicting voting behavior of the Lithuanian electorate far better than any other socioeconomic or attitudinal factor. The goal of the article is to explore the determinants of the attitudes toward the soviet past of the Lithuanian citizens. The article tests the hypotheses based on the theory of political cleavages using the data of the 2012 postelectoral survey. The results of the logistic regression demonstrate that the attitudes towards the soviet past are explained by the change of social status rather than current economic position of inhabitants. Moreover, personal social networks and the experience of political mobilization in the late 1980-ies are much better predictors of the anti-soviet attitudes than socioeconomic factors. Finally, ideological beliefs appeared to have independent impact on the anti-soviet stance.

While more than 20 years have passed from the collapse of the Soviet regime, the Lithuanian society is still deeply divided by different attitudes towards the life in the former regime. The soviet – anti-soviet attitudes allow predicting voting behavior of the Lithuanian electorate far better than any other socioeconomic or attitudinal factor. The goal of the article is to explore the determinants of the attitudes toward the soviet past of the Lithuanian citizens. The article tests the hypotheses based on the theory of political cleavages using the data of the 2012 postelectoral survey. The results of the logistic regression demonstrate that the attitudes towards the soviet past are explained by the change of social status rather than current economic position of inhabitants. Moreover, personal social networks and the experience of political mobilization in the late 1980-ies are much better predictors of the anti-soviet attitudes than socioeconomic factors. Finally, ideological beliefs appeared to have independent impact on the anti-soviet stance.

While more than 20 years have passed from the collapse of the Soviet regime, the Lithuanian society is still deeply divided by different attitudes towards the life in the former regime. The soviet – anti-soviet attitudes allow predicting voting behavior of the Lithuanian electorate far better than any other socioeconomic or attitudinal factor. The goal of the article is to explore the determinants of the attitudes toward the soviet past of the Lithuanian citizens. The article tests the hypotheses based on the theory of political cleavages using the data of the 2012 postelectoral survey. The results of the logistic regression demonstrate that the attitudes towards the soviet past are explained by the change of social status rather than current economic position of inhabitants. Moreover, personal social networks and the experience of political mobilization in the late 1980-ies are much better predictors of the anti-soviet attitudes than socioeconomic factors. Finally, ideological beliefs appeared to have independent impact on the anti-soviet stance.

Although high alcohol consumption has long been a widely-recognized problem in Lithuanian public policy circles, there were no major alcohol control policy changes until 2016. This thesis argues that a unique set of circumstances were needed to impose strict alcohol measures that were introduced by the current Government. This Master thesis uses Paul Sabatier's Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) theory to explain what factors lead to major policy changes that were achieved in 2017. Sabatier combines "bottom up" and "top down" approaches to construct a theoretical model that explains the process of policy change in a complicated policymaking environment. Sabatier studies policy processes through the lenses of advocacy coalitions and policy subsystems. Advocacy coalitions are defined as groups of various actors that share particular belief systems and coordinate activities to achieve policy change. Policy subsystems are issue-specific networks, which are contested by opposing advocacy coalitions. According to ACF theory, an advocacy coalition can contain very diverse actors such as scientists, journalists, politicians and other actors unified by certain core beliefs. We argue that the theory fails to distinguish between actors who are active in policy making and actors who are only active in influencing policy makers. Thus, the role of political parties, arguably the most important actors in parliamentary democracies, remains relatively unclear. This thesis aims to make a small contribution towards rectifying this problem. In order to explain strict alcohol control measures imposed in 2017, this thesis analyzes Lithuania's advocacy control subsystem, which is contested by "Anti-alcohol" and "Individual choice" advocacy coalitions. "Anti-alcohol" coalition argues for tighter alcohol control through the lenses of public health interest, while "Individual choice" coalition opposes tight regulation arguing that such measures stifle individual's freedom of choice. This case is interesting, because both "Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union" (LFGU), ruling party since October 2016, and "Lithuanian Christian Democrat Unions" (LCDU), the leading opposition party, shared both core beliefs and a lot of secondary beliefs in regards to alcohol control. Although both parties shared the goal of stricter alcohol control, policy making process in 2016-2017 was marked by a high degree of political conflict. ACF theory fails to explain why two actors of "Anti-alcohol" control coalition, with shared core beliefs and most of secondary beliefs, had a profound clash. This thesis employed theory process method to study a one year time frame, from formation of a new ruling coalition in December 2016 to adoption of new alcohol control regulations in June 2017. In order to answer why a major alcohol control policy breakthrough was achieved in 2017 and what was the role of LFGU and LCDU parties in the policy change process.

Although high alcohol consumption has long been a widely-recognized problem in Lithuanian public policy circles, there were no major alcohol control policy changes until 2016. This thesis argues that a unique set of circumstances were needed to impose strict alcohol measures that were introduced by the current Government. This Master thesis uses Paul Sabatier's Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) theory to explain what factors lead to major policy changes that were achieved in 2017. Sabatier combines "bottom up" and "top down" approaches to construct a theoretical model that explains the process of policy change in a complicated policymaking environment. Sabatier studies policy processes through the lenses of advocacy coalitions and policy subsystems. Advocacy coalitions are defined as groups of various actors that share particular belief systems and coordinate activities to achieve policy change. Policy subsystems are issue-specific networks, which are contested by opposing advocacy coalitions. According to ACF theory, an advocacy coalition can contain very diverse actors such as scientists, journalists, politicians and other actors unified by certain core beliefs. We argue that the theory fails to distinguish between actors who are active in policy making and actors who are only active in influencing policy makers. Thus, the role of political parties, arguably the most important actors in parliamentary democracies, remains relatively unclear. This thesis aims to make a small contribution towards rectifying this problem. In order to explain strict alcohol control measures imposed in 2017, this thesis analyzes Lithuania's advocacy control subsystem, which is contested by "Anti-alcohol" and "Individual choice" advocacy coalitions. "Anti-alcohol" coalition argues for tighter alcohol control through the lenses of public health interest, while "Individual choice" coalition opposes tight regulation arguing that such measures stifle individual's freedom of choice. This case is interesting, because both "Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union" (LFGU), ruling party since October 2016, and "Lithuanian Christian Democrat Unions" (LCDU), the leading opposition party, shared both core beliefs and a lot of secondary beliefs in regards to alcohol control. Although both parties shared the goal of stricter alcohol control, policy making process in 2016-2017 was marked by a high degree of political conflict. ACF theory fails to explain why two actors of "Anti-alcohol" control coalition, with shared core beliefs and most of secondary beliefs, had a profound clash. This thesis employed theory process method to study a one year time frame, from formation of a new ruling coalition in December 2016 to adoption of new alcohol control regulations in June 2017. In order to answer why a major alcohol control policy breakthrough was achieved in 2017 and what was the role of LFGU and LCDU parties in the policy change process.

Although high alcohol consumption has long been a widely-recognized problem in Lithuanian public policy circles, there were no major alcohol control policy changes until 2016. This thesis argues that a unique set of circumstances were needed to impose strict alcohol measures that were introduced by the current Government. This Master thesis uses Paul Sabatier's Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) theory to explain what factors lead to major policy changes that were achieved in 2017. Sabatier combines "bottom up" and "top down" approaches to construct a theoretical model that explains the process of policy change in a complicated policymaking environment. Sabatier studies policy processes through the lenses of advocacy coalitions and policy subsystems. Advocacy coalitions are defined as groups of various actors that share particular belief systems and coordinate activities to achieve policy change. Policy subsystems are issue-specific networks, which are contested by opposing advocacy coalitions. According to ACF theory, an advocacy coalition can contain very diverse actors such as scientists, journalists, politicians and other actors unified by certain core beliefs. We argue that the theory fails to distinguish between actors who are active in policy making and actors who are only active in influencing policy makers. Thus, the role of political parties, arguably the most important actors in parliamentary democracies, remains relatively unclear. This thesis aims to make a small contribution towards rectifying this problem. In order to explain strict alcohol control measures imposed in 2017, this thesis analyzes Lithuania's advocacy control subsystem, which is contested by "Anti-alcohol" and "Individual choice" advocacy coalitions. "Anti-alcohol" coalition argues for tighter alcohol control through the lenses of public health interest, while "Individual choice" coalition opposes tight regulation arguing that such measures stifle individual's freedom of choice. This case is interesting, because both "Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union" (LFGU), ruling party since October 2016, and "Lithuanian Christian Democrat Unions" (LCDU), the leading opposition party, shared both core beliefs and a lot of secondary beliefs in regards to alcohol control. Although both parties shared the goal of stricter alcohol control, policy making process in 2016-2017 was marked by a high degree of political conflict. ACF theory fails to explain why two actors of "Anti-alcohol" control coalition, with shared core beliefs and most of secondary beliefs, had a profound clash. This thesis employed theory process method to study a one year time frame, from formation of a new ruling coalition in December 2016 to adoption of new alcohol control regulations in June 2017. In order to answer why a major alcohol control policy breakthrough was achieved in 2017 and what was the role of LFGU and LCDU parties in the policy change process.

Although high alcohol consumption has long been a widely-recognized problem in Lithuanian public policy circles, there were no major alcohol control policy changes until 2016. This thesis argues that a unique set of circumstances were needed to impose strict alcohol measures that were introduced by the current Government. This Master thesis uses Paul Sabatier's Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) theory to explain what factors lead to major policy changes that were achieved in 2017. Sabatier combines "bottom up" and "top down" approaches to construct a theoretical model that explains the process of policy change in a complicated policymaking environment. Sabatier studies policy processes through the lenses of advocacy coalitions and policy subsystems. Advocacy coalitions are defined as groups of various actors that share particular belief systems and coordinate activities to achieve policy change. Policy subsystems are issue-specific networks, which are contested by opposing advocacy coalitions. According to ACF theory, an advocacy coalition can contain very diverse actors such as scientists, journalists, politicians and other actors unified by certain core beliefs. We argue that the theory fails to distinguish between actors who are active in policy making and actors who are only active in influencing policy makers. Thus, the role of political parties, arguably the most important actors in parliamentary democracies, remains relatively unclear. This thesis aims to make a small contribution towards rectifying this problem. In order to explain strict alcohol control measures imposed in 2017, this thesis analyzes Lithuania's advocacy control subsystem, which is contested by "Anti-alcohol" and "Individual choice" advocacy coalitions. "Anti-alcohol" coalition argues for tighter alcohol control through the lenses of public health interest, while "Individual choice" coalition opposes tight regulation arguing that such measures stifle individual's freedom of choice. This case is interesting, because both "Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union" (LFGU), ruling party since October 2016, and "Lithuanian Christian Democrat Unions" (LCDU), the leading opposition party, shared both core beliefs and a lot of secondary beliefs in regards to alcohol control. Although both parties shared the goal of stricter alcohol control, policy making process in 2016-2017 was marked by a high degree of political conflict. ACF theory fails to explain why two actors of "Anti-alcohol" control coalition, with shared core beliefs and most of secondary beliefs, had a profound clash. This thesis employed theory process method to study a one year time frame, from formation of a new ruling coalition in December 2016 to adoption of new alcohol control regulations in June 2017. In order to answer why a major alcohol control policy breakthrough was achieved in 2017 and what was the role of LFGU and LCDU parties in the policy change process.

This paper discusses the encounter of Enlightenment and Romanticism in John Stuart Mill's philosophy. The majority of authors and Mill's commentators (especially John Gray) tend to look at it as the theory with principles of Enlightenment. The smaller part of commentators (Nicholas Capaldi, Isaiah Berlin) sees in Mill's conception also the principles of Romanticism modifying the traditional interpretation of English philosopher. But in fact this not-dominant approach practically is not analysed – it is limited only with brief notices. Therefore this master work is dedicated to attitude that Mill's philosophy develops both from basic principles of Enlightenment and those of Romanticism. The inconsistency of Mill's thought could be related with conflict of Enlightenment and Romanticism which, according to Alvydas Jokubaitis, could be named as the encounter of naturalism and expressivism. In conformity with this separation we could clearly see that Mill is characterized by naturalistic orientation (mostly in area of science) and expressivist orientation (in examination of person and partly – of society). There are indicated the essential principles of Enlightenment in Mill's philosophy: 1) meliorism (the belief that persons, groups of persons, institutions, science, etc. improve and progresses) which denotes that utilitarian and political theory of this philosopher is pictured as stimulating social, as well as closely related intellectual progress; 2) egalitarianism (the belief that there is no valid hierarchy between persons and groups of persons) which denotes that hierarchy and social, political inequality, the existence of whom means eluding of justice, are rejected; 3) rationalism (the belief that person's mind and logic are the essential origin of knowledge so thought and behaviour have to be grounded on it) which denotes that rational intelligible truth, enabling scientific knowledge and rational political theory, exists; 4) universalism (the belief that there are acceptable ideas, social constructs to everyone without reference to historical, cultural, etc. conditions) which denotes general acceptability of ideals of civilization and representative government. Meanwhile the essential principles of Romanticism in Mill's philosophy are 1) individualism (the belief that persons interests are prior to that of society therefore society is build for the sake of individual) which denotes the delineation of limit from society through cultivation of personal features but also denotes the permanent relation with it through individualized government; 2) expressivism (the belief that artistic creation, feelings and morality are vital means for self-expression and self-creation) which denotes the separation of the truths of science and art which in turn enables the poetisation of the world and aestheticalising as well as emotionalizing of morality; 3) pluralism (the belief that society consists of various individuals with diverse conceptions of the good life) which denotes that there exists the basic diversity of human identities and determined of this condition – the diversity of opinions and attitudes. It can be observed that principles of Enlightenment, as well of Romanticism, are characterized by internal coherence and interconnection in them. Situation changes when principles of mentioned doctrines encounter with each other (as it is in Mill's philosophy). Then it can be clearly seen that, suppose, universalism begin to contradict pluralism, rationalism contradicts expressivism, etc. Probably the only principle, which do not confront, is meliorism referring to Mill's attitude that persons and societies, art and science are improving.

This paper discusses the encounter of Enlightenment and Romanticism in John Stuart Mill's philosophy. The majority of authors and Mill's commentators (especially John Gray) tend to look at it as the theory with principles of Enlightenment. The smaller part of commentators (Nicholas Capaldi, Isaiah Berlin) sees in Mill's conception also the principles of Romanticism modifying the traditional interpretation of English philosopher. But in fact this not-dominant approach practically is not analysed – it is limited only with brief notices. Therefore this master work is dedicated to attitude that Mill's philosophy develops both from basic principles of Enlightenment and those of Romanticism. The inconsistency of Mill's thought could be related with conflict of Enlightenment and Romanticism which, according to Alvydas Jokubaitis, could be named as the encounter of naturalism and expressivism. In conformity with this separation we could clearly see that Mill is characterized by naturalistic orientation (mostly in area of science) and expressivist orientation (in examination of person and partly – of society). There are indicated the essential principles of Enlightenment in Mill's philosophy: 1) meliorism (the belief that persons, groups of persons, institutions, science, etc. improve and progresses) which denotes that utilitarian and political theory of this philosopher is pictured as stimulating social, as well as closely related intellectual progress; 2) egalitarianism (the belief that there is no valid hierarchy between persons and groups of persons) which denotes that hierarchy and social, political inequality, the existence of whom means eluding of justice, are rejected; 3) rationalism (the belief that person's mind and logic are the essential origin of knowledge so thought and behaviour have to be grounded on it) which denotes that rational intelligible truth, enabling scientific knowledge and rational political theory, exists; 4) universalism (the belief that there are acceptable ideas, social constructs to everyone without reference to historical, cultural, etc. conditions) which denotes general acceptability of ideals of civilization and representative government. Meanwhile the essential principles of Romanticism in Mill's philosophy are 1) individualism (the belief that persons interests are prior to that of society therefore society is build for the sake of individual) which denotes the delineation of limit from society through cultivation of personal features but also denotes the permanent relation with it through individualized government; 2) expressivism (the belief that artistic creation, feelings and morality are vital means for self-expression and self-creation) which denotes the separation of the truths of science and art which in turn enables the poetisation of the world and aestheticalising as well as emotionalizing of morality; 3) pluralism (the belief that society consists of various individuals with diverse conceptions of the good life) which denotes that there exists the basic diversity of human identities and determined of this condition – the diversity of opinions and attitudes. It can be observed that principles of Enlightenment, as well of Romanticism, are characterized by internal coherence and interconnection in them. Situation changes when principles of mentioned doctrines encounter with each other (as it is in Mill's philosophy). Then it can be clearly seen that, suppose, universalism begin to contradict pluralism, rationalism contradicts expressivism, etc. Probably the only principle, which do not confront, is meliorism referring to Mill's attitude that persons and societies, art and science are improving.