Suchergebnisse

This paper applies the Church's understanding of the dual nature -in one person- of Christ, human and divine, to the issue of the strained between the Church and the State, within the Creation and the History. This question is approached and analysed through two theological, ecclesiological and canonical categories, alterity (otherness) and communion , which are based on the antinomical conciliar formula of a (comm)union "without confusion and without division". With the help of the systematic and canonical theology of the Fourth Ecumenical Council of Chalcedon (451), it has investigated the Christological question , according to the author, of the relationships between the Church and the State on a global level, in the name of the a double and symmetrical divergence: occurs: on the one hand, the autonomisation of otherness leading to the minorisation of communion, in other words, division and separation between Church and State arising from turning otherness into absolute autonomy (without any communion and relationship); and on the other hand, the alienation of communion causing confusion, and leading to the absorption of otherness , in other words, absorption of the weak locally established Church by the powerful State leading to "confusion" (in the Chalcedonian sense) - without any alterity. In the first case, priority is given to being "without confusion" at the detriment of being "without division" (communion), whereas in the second, we observe the predominance of "without division" and the total abolition of "without confusion" (otherness-autonomy). The author enshrines in Church, Body of Christ, its very nature a combination of alterity (otherness) and communion. He argues that these characteristics are undermined by the twin distortions of State infliction and untamed separation, which are marred the relations between these two entities, the Church and the State. For fifteen centuries now, this conception of relationships between the Church and the State has placed a burden at an ecumenical level. More precisely, the ecclesiological vision of the Council of Chalcedon was the simultaneous coexistence of otherness and communion between State and Church as a clearly paradoxical or antinomial feature of the christological mode of coexistence of the two natures of Christ: the human nature and the divine one. It naturally emerges that the coexistence of Church and State in a given state territory is realised through the acceptance of their ontological and institutional otherness and the preservation of communi(cati)on and relationship among them. Special reference is made to the case of the Political Dimension of the Church Eschatology.

Governance can either support or hinder the sustainability of socio-ecological systems. Like socio-ecological systems, governance is also a complex adaptive system, featuring path dependency, surprises, thresholds, and cascades. Frameworks characterize the dynamics of socio-ecological systems and include governance or some of its components. However, governance is often portrayed in a simplistic and static manner that does not reflect the complexity of governance. This paper presents a new framework that considers the governance system as a "political reactor" between politics and policies in open-ended cycles of action and reaction. The political reactor consists in iterations of politics, action, policy, and reaction, whose metabolism depends on the configuration, influence, interaction, and impact of actors, ideas, instruments, and ecosystems across space, time, and sectors. The Political Reactor Framework (PRF) adopts a systems approach, opening new avenues for research, including new typologies, for instance, of "fluid" and "jammed" governance systems, of political processes and implementation policies as subsystems, and of collective action and reaction as feedback loops. This framework allows better understanding the inertia and path dependency of governance systems and subsystems. Their partial self-referentiality, especially at the level of the political process and implementation policies, complicates the assessment of effectiveness. The framework also allows identifying drivers of systemic transformation, including ideas and environmental change. Lastly, this framework suggests that the analysis of the components of the governance systems is an interdisciplinary exercise that requires sustainability science to understand the governance of socio-ecological systems as a whole. The contents and conclusions of the book Ecoregionalism: analyzing regional environmental processes and agreements, which has just been published, will also be presented and discussed. ; La gouvernance peut soit soutenir, soit ...

Governance can either support or hinder the sustainability of socio-ecological systems. Like socio-ecological systems, governance is also a complex adaptive system, featuring path dependency, surprises, thresholds, and cascades. Frameworks characterize the dynamics of socio-ecological systems and include governance or some of its components. However, governance is often portrayed in a simplistic and static manner that does not reflect the complexity of governance. This paper presents a new framework that considers the governance system as a "political reactor" between politics and policies in open-ended cycles of action and reaction. The political reactor consists in iterations of politics, action, policy, and reaction, whose metabolism depends on the configuration, influence, interaction, and impact of actors, ideas, instruments, and ecosystems across space, time, and sectors. The Political Reactor Framework (PRF) adopts a systems approach, opening new avenues for research, including new typologies, for instance, of "fluid" and "jammed" governance systems, of political processes and implementation policies as subsystems, and of collective action and reaction as feedback loops. This framework allows better understanding the inertia and path dependency of governance systems and subsystems. Their partial self-referentiality, especially at the level of the political process and implementation policies, complicates the assessment of effectiveness. The framework also allows identifying drivers of systemic transformation, including ideas and environmental change. Lastly, this framework suggests that the analysis of the components of the governance systems is an interdisciplinary exercise that requires sustainability science to understand the governance of socio-ecological systems as a whole. The contents and conclusions of the book Ecoregionalism: analyzing regional environmental processes and agreements, which has just been published, will also be presented and discussed. ; La gouvernance peut soit soutenir, soit ...

Governance can either support or hinder the sustainability of socio-ecological systems. Like socio-ecological systems, governance is also a complex adaptive system, featuring path dependency, surprises, thresholds, and cascades. Frameworks characterize the dynamics of socio-ecological systems and include governance or some of its components. However, governance is often portrayed in a simplistic and static manner that does not reflect the complexity of governance. This paper presents a new framework that considers the governance system as a "political reactor" between politics and policies in open-ended cycles of action and reaction. The political reactor consists in iterations of politics, action, policy, and reaction, whose metabolism depends on the configuration, influence, interaction, and impact of actors, ideas, instruments, and ecosystems across space, time, and sectors. The Political Reactor Framework (PRF) adopts a systems approach, opening new avenues for research, including new typologies, for instance, of "fluid" and "jammed" governance systems, of political processes and implementation policies as subsystems, and of collective action and reaction as feedback loops. This framework allows better understanding the inertia and path dependency of governance systems and subsystems. Their partial self-referentiality, especially at the level of the political process and implementation policies, complicates the assessment of effectiveness. The framework also allows identifying drivers of systemic transformation, including ideas and environmental change. Lastly, this framework suggests that the analysis of the components of the governance systems is an interdisciplinary exercise that requires sustainability science to understand the governance of socio-ecological systems as a whole. The contents and conclusions of the book Ecoregionalism: analyzing regional environmental processes and agreements, which has just been published, will also be presented and discussed. ; La gouvernance peut soit soutenir, soit ...

Identity is not just about how we understand ourselves as opposed to the others. It is also about how we act. This article investigates the practices related to the reconstruction of the public identity of the Romanian Orthodox Church. After a brief incursion in the communist past, the first under scrutiny are institutional practices, from administrative nominations to formal and informal structures of authority and to structural change. It is followed by an analysis of the progressive reassessment of the Orthodox presence in state institutions (with a particular emphasis on the educational system) and in the political sphere. The final part of the study is devoted to the means of communication employed by the Church to transmit its message and to reclaim a strong position in the agora . As the article is merely a sketch of the practical application of a "return in the public" sphere of the Orthodox Church, the floor open for discussion.

The monitorial system is a way of teaching which uses monitors who are the more educated pupils of the school. At the very end of the XVIIIe century, two english pedagogues, Bell and Lancaster, establish this system of education for the poor children. Its founders want it to be both efficient and economic. So the usual pedagogy changes radically. Not only, in these schools, pupils teach pupils but they learn how to read and write simultaneously which is new at that time. Moreover, there are, in each matter, progressive series of lessons, rising step by step. Pupils are taught in different classes according to their proficiencies. Cheap school materials as slates and cardboards are also used. In France, this new way of teaching appears in 1815. In Brittany, between 1817 and 1822, more than fourty schools are established, especially in towns and big villages. But the catholic clergy don't appreciate these rival institutions. According to the Church, the education of the poor should be totally in its own hands. It's worth analysing the consequences of that innovation in Brittany where people are less educated than in the rest of France, very religious and dominated by the rich worthies. Apart from the religious, social and political sides, the pedagogy and the situation of the teachers are also interesting matters. In order to make this study more realistic, these pioneers of primary education are observed through a collection of pen portraits. Actually, considering these two aspects, not much studied by historians until now, changes brought by the monitorial system are notable ; L'enseignement mutuel consiste à utiliser des élèves plus instruits pour enseigner aux autres. A la fin du XVIIIe siècle, deux pédagogues anglais, Bell et Lancaster, élaborent ce système d'instruction en direction des enfants pauvres. Celui se voulant à la fois efficace et économique, on aboutit à une sorte de révolution pédagogique. Non seulement l'enseignement est confié à des enfants mais les élèves apprennent à lire et à écrire en même ...

The monitorial system is a way of teaching which uses monitors who are the more educated pupils of the school. At the very end of the XVIIIe century, two english pedagogues, Bell and Lancaster, establish this system of education for the poor children. Its founders want it to be both efficient and economic. So the usual pedagogy changes radically. Not only, in these schools, pupils teach pupils but they learn how to read and write simultaneously which is new at that time. Moreover, there are, in each matter, progressive series of lessons, rising step by step. Pupils are taught in different classes according to their proficiencies. Cheap school materials as slates and cardboards are also used. In France, this new way of teaching appears in 1815. In Brittany, between 1817 and 1822, more than fourty schools are established, especially in towns and big villages. But the catholic clergy don't appreciate these rival institutions. According to the Church, the education of the poor should be totally in its own hands. It's worth analysing the consequences of that innovation in Brittany where people are less educated than in the rest of France, very religious and dominated by the rich worthies. Apart from the religious, social and political sides, the pedagogy and the situation of the teachers are also interesting matters. In order to make this study more realistic, these pioneers of primary education are observed through a collection of pen portraits. Actually, considering these two aspects, not much studied by historians until now, changes brought by the monitorial system are notable ; L'enseignement mutuel consiste à utiliser des élèves plus instruits pour enseigner aux autres. A la fin du XVIIIe siècle, deux pédagogues anglais, Bell et Lancaster, élaborent ce système d'instruction en direction des enfants pauvres. Celui se voulant à la fois efficace et économique, on aboutit à une sorte de révolution pédagogique. Non seulement l'enseignement est confié à des enfants mais les élèves apprennent à lire et à écrire en même ...

The monitorial system is a way of teaching which uses monitors who are the more educated pupils of the school. At the very end of the XVIIIe century, two english pedagogues, Bell and Lancaster, establish this system of education for the poor children. Its founders want it to be both efficient and economic. So the usual pedagogy changes radically. Not only, in these schools, pupils teach pupils but they learn how to read and write simultaneously which is new at that time. Moreover, there are, in each matter, progressive series of lessons, rising step by step. Pupils are taught in different classes according to their proficiencies. Cheap school materials as slates and cardboards are also used. In France, this new way of teaching appears in 1815. In Brittany, between 1817 and 1822, more than fourty schools are established, especially in towns and big villages. But the catholic clergy don't appreciate these rival institutions. According to the Church, the education of the poor should be totally in its own hands. It's worth analysing the consequences of that innovation in Brittany where people are less educated than in the rest of France, very religious and dominated by the rich worthies. Apart from the religious, social and political sides, the pedagogy and the situation of the teachers are also interesting matters. In order to make this study more realistic, these pioneers of primary education are observed through a collection of pen portraits. Actually, considering these two aspects, not much studied by historians until now, changes brought by the monitorial system are notable ; L'enseignement mutuel consiste à utiliser des élèves plus instruits pour enseigner aux autres. A la fin du XVIIIe siècle, deux pédagogues anglais, Bell et Lancaster, élaborent ce système d'instruction en direction des enfants pauvres. Celui se voulant à la fois efficace et économique, on aboutit à une sorte de révolution pédagogique. Non seulement l'enseignement est confié à des enfants mais les élèves apprennent à lire et à écrire en même ...

Donations and sales to monasteries by Italian Aristocratic families at the end of the high age are part of a complex system of wealth cruclation organised between monasteries or some private churches and seculars. They help to strengthen the sacred slope of aristocratic power without threatening fortunes. Whatever their status, the various religious institutions help to strengthen the position of local elites, either by providing them with a point of contact with the power, whether it be imperial, royal or principled, or by ensuring a conditional but real redistribution of the land acquired. The files of Sainte-Sophie de Benvent, Saint-Maxime de Salerno, Sain-Clément de Casauria and San Bartolomeo di Carpineto, without exhausting all the possibilities, offer a typologic range that can revitalise a wide range of situations and show the different forms of cooperation established between religious institutions and aristocratic family groups. ; Les donations et les ventes faites à des monastères par les familles aristocratiques italiennes à la fin du haut Moyen âge font partie d'un complexe système de ciruclation des richesses organisé entre les monastères ou certaines églises privées et les laïcs. Elles permettent de conforter le versant sacré du pouvoir aristocratique sans pour autant menacer les fortunes. Quel que soit leur statut, les différents établissements religieux contribuent à renforcer la position des élites locales, soit en leur fournissant un point de contact avec le pouvoir englobant, qu'il soit impérial, royal ou princier, soit en assurant une redistribution conditionnelle mais réelle des terres acquises. Les dossiers de sainte-Sophie de Bénévent, Saint-Maxime de Salerne, Sain-Clément de Casauria et San Bartolomeo di Carpineto, sans épuiser l'ensemble des possibilités offrent une gamme typologiquer susceptible de revouvrir un très grand nombre de situations et montrent les différentes formes de la collaboration établie entre les institutions religieuses et les groupes familiaux aristocratiques.

The monitorial system is a way of teaching which uses monitors who are the more educated pupils of the school. At the very end of the XVIIIe century, two english pedagogues, Bell and Lancaster, establish this system of education for the poor children. Its founders want it to be both efficient and economic. So the usual pedagogy changes radically. Not only, in these schools, pupils teach pupils but they learn how to read and write simultaneously which is new at that time. Moreover, there are, in each matter, progressive series of lessons, rising step by step. Pupils are taught in different classes according to their proficiencies. Cheap school materials as slates and cardboards are also used. In France, this new way of teaching appears in 1815. In Brittany, between 1817 and 1822, more than fourty schools are established, especially in towns and big villages. But the catholic clergy don't appreciate these rival institutions. According to the Church, the education of the poor should be totally in its own hands. It's worth analysing the consequences of that innovation in Brittany where people are less educated than in the rest of France, very religious and dominated by the rich worthies. Apart from the religious, social and political sides, the pedagogy and the situation of the teachers are also interesting matters. In order to make this study more realistic, these pioneers of primary education are observed through a collection of pen portraits. Actually, considering these two aspects, not much studied by historians until now, changes brought by the monitorial system are notable ; L'enseignement mutuel consiste à utiliser des élèves plus instruits pour enseigner aux autres. A la fin du XVIIIe siècle, deux pédagogues anglais, Bell et Lancaster, élaborent ce système d'instruction en direction des enfants pauvres. Celui se voulant à la fois efficace et économique, on aboutit à une sorte de révolution pédagogique. Non seulement l'enseignement est confié à des enfants mais les élèves apprennent à lire et à écrire en même temps, ce qui est une nouveauté pour l'époque. En outre, une progression rigoureuse est introduite et les élèves sont groupés selon leurs compétences. Enfin, l'emploi d'un matériel peu onéreux, ardoises et tableaux, est généralisé. La nouvelle méthode est introduite en France en 1815. En Bretagne, entre 1817 et 1822, une quarantaine d'écoles sont fondées, essentiellement dans les villes et les gros bourgs. Mais, l'Eglise y voit bientôt un système concurrent menaçant sa volonté hégémonique dans le domaine de l'instruction populaire. Il est intéressant d'observer les conséquences d'une telle innovation en Bretagne, région qui se distingue, à l'époque, par un des plus faibles niveaux d'instruction de France, une culture dominée par la religion et une vie sociale sous l'emprise des notables. Hormis les aspects religieux, sociaux et politiques, ce qui retient également l'attention, c'est la pédagogie et la condition des maîtres. Ces pionniers de l'instruction primaire font d'ailleurs l'objet d'une prosopographie permettant une approche plus sensible de cette réalité. En effet, dans ces deux domaines, peu abordés dans les études historiques, les changements apportés par l'enseignement mutuel sont loin d'être négligeables

The French Concordat, which brings back civil peace and restores the exercise of worship, is welcomed by the diocese of Nantes after the Revolution decade. A new regime is established for the Catholic religion, which is protected and financed by the State but also placed under control of civil authorities. The churches and the liturgical objects nationalized in 1789 are left at the disposal of the clergy and the believers but remain in the public domain. With this exclusive use for worship, the Catholic Church is given a preponderant role, in which the needs of religion prevailing over the property right and the archaeological considerations born in the 19th century. The Concordat system creates the conditions of an entiretransformation, particularly impressive in the diocese of Nantes: the religious buildings are enlarged, modified or replaced to satisfy religious needs without taking into account archaeological conservation. Nevertheless, the Church seems to provide support to the public policies and to private initiatives for the recognition of religious monuments. However, the ecclesiastical contribution remains superficial and reveals motives inconsistent with archaeological concerns. The infatuation for an idealized past does not produce the conservation of material remains but on the contrary the birth of a new religious art, adapted to the contemporary needs of the exercise of worship and to the symbolic constructions specific to the 19th century Church ; Le Concordat, qui permet le retour à la paix civile et le rétablissement du culte, est accueilli avec soulagement dans un diocèse de Nantes durement éprouvé par la décennie révolutionnaire. Il instaure un régime neuf dans lequel la religion catholique, de même que les autres cultes reconnus, est protégée et financée par l'État mais également placée sous la surveillance du pouvoir civil. Les édifices et les objets religieux nationalisés en 1789 sont mis à la disposition du clergé et des fidèles mais demeurent des propriétés publiques. L'affectation ...

The French Concordat, which brings back civil peace and restores the exercise of worship, is welcomed by the diocese of Nantes after the Revolution decade. A new regime is established for the Catholic religion, which is protected and financed by the State but also placed under control of civil authorities. The churches and the liturgical objects nationalized in 1789 are left at the disposal of the clergy and the believers but remain in the public domain. With this exclusive use for worship, the Catholic Church is given a preponderant role, in which the needs of religion prevailing over the property right and the archaeological considerations born in the 19th century. The Concordat system creates the conditions of an entiretransformation, particularly impressive in the diocese of Nantes: the religious buildings are enlarged, modified or replaced to satisfy religious needs without taking into account archaeological conservation. Nevertheless, the Church seems to provide support to the public policies and to private initiatives for the recognition of religious monuments. However, the ecclesiastical contribution remains superficial and reveals motives inconsistent with archaeological concerns. The infatuation for an idealized past does not produce the conservation of material remains but on the contrary the birth of a new religious art, adapted to the contemporary needs of the exercise of worship and to the symbolic constructions specific to the 19th century Church ; Le Concordat, qui permet le retour à la paix civile et le rétablissement du culte, est accueilli avec soulagement dans un diocèse de Nantes durement éprouvé par la décennie révolutionnaire. Il instaure un régime neuf dans lequel la religion catholique, de même que les autres cultes reconnus, est protégée et financée par l'État mais également placée sous la surveillance du pouvoir civil. Les édifices et les objets religieux nationalisés en 1789 sont mis à la disposition du clergé et des fidèles mais demeurent des propriétés publiques. L'affectation exclusive à l'exercice du culte place néanmoins l'Église dans un rôle qui lui permet de faire prévaloir les besoins religieux sur le droit de propriété ou sur les considérations archéologiques qui apparaissent au cours du XIXe siècle. Le système concordataire crée les conditions d'une transformation spectaculaire des édifices religieux, agrandis, modifiés ou remplacés pour répondre aux besoins du culte, laissant peu de place à la conservation des monuments anciens et prenant dans le diocèse de Nantes le caractère d'unevéritable table rase. L'Église semble pourtant adhérer au mouvement général de reconnaissance des monuments religieux, apportant son concours aux politiques publiques et contribuant aux initiatives du milieu érudit. Cette participation reste cependant superficielle et révèle des motivations inconciliables avec les préoccupations archéologiques. L'engouement pour un passé monumental largement idéalisé provoque, au lieu de la conservation de ses vestiges matériels, la naissance d'une architecture et d'un art religieux nouveaux, inspirés des formes médiévales mais répondant aux besoins contemporains du culte et à des constructions symboliques propres à l'Église du XIXe siècle

England, France and Italy have opted, for political as well as historical and cultural reasons, for a very different type of regulation of their relations with the various Churches present on their territories, by choosing a system of Establishment, strict separation or concordat, today extended to agreements. The result is a matrimonial legislation that is a priori very varied from one country to another, as often illustrated by the example of the antinomy between the principle of the French civil marriage anteriority and the one of the Anglo-Italian matrimonial dualism. This impression must, however, be tempered by the fact that, on the one hand, a common Roman-Christian heritage is much more prevalent than it appears. Moreover, if, in the course of their national affirmation, the three States have sought, each in their own way, to take control of a certain number of matrimonial institutions, they have nevertheless only been able to do so while respecting certain democratic values, such as the freedom of conscience and religion. The solutions elaborated by the state courts on the occasion of litigations related to unrecognized religious marriages or contentious religious divorces are particularly explicit in this respect. The balance, both complex and delicate, thus achieved in the specific field of the law of couples tends, against all expectations, to bring these three States much closer together. ; L'Angleterre, la France et l'Italie ont opté, pour des raisons tant politiques qu'historiques et culturelles, pour une régulation très différente de leurs relations avec les diverses Églises présentes sur leur sol, en choisissant un système d'Establishment, de stricte séparation ou de concordat, aujourd'hui étendu aux ententes. Il en résulte une législation matrimoniale a priori très variée d'un pays à l'autre, souvent illustrée par l'exemple de l'antinomie entre le principe français de l'antériorité du mariage civil et celui du dualisme matrimonial anglo-italien. Cette impression est à cependant tempérer du ...

The Naum archimandrite and "naumovtsy" as the quintessence of the contemporary starchestvo phenomenon
The starchestvo, an informal religious practice in the Russian Orthodox Church, is a phenomenon that, parallel to official theological doctrines, fits into a system of practices and beliefs called "popular Orthodoxy". This practice is far from homogeneous. The influence of spiritual fathers is of overriding importance. Officially belonging to the Russian Orthodox Church, these priests exercise an influence (recognized by the episcopate itself) over the faithful and the clergy. They have set up their own system of Church administration. By concentrating on one example, the Naum archimandrite (Bajborodin), the relations between the starets and his disciples are studied so as to analyze both his influence on Church activities, even in the political and social fields, and the psychological mechanisms used to rule over followers.