What are the effects of natural disasters on electoral results? Some authors claim that catastrophes have a negative effect on the survival of leaders in a democracy because voters have a propensity to punish politicians for not preventing or poorly handling a crisis. In contrast, this paper finds that these events might be beneficial for leaders. Disasters are linked to leader survival through clientelism: they generate an in-flow of resources in the form of aid, which increase money for buying votes. Analyzing the rainy season of 2010-2011 in Colombia, considered its worst disaster in history, I use a difference-in-differences strategy to show that in the local election incumbent parties benefited from the disaster. The result is robust to different specifications and alternative explanations. Moreover, places receiving more aid and those with judicial evidence of vote-buying irregularities, are more likely to reelect the incumbent, supporting the mechanism proposed by this paper.
This paper tries to identify the conditions that produce the crisis in clientelist parties and explain the causal mechanisms of their deterioration. The original empirical material is developed in Galicia (Spain) and consists of case studies about political clientelism in a municipal arena, ina provincial council, and in a case of revolt against the local cacique. The paper uses an analysis of mechanisms, process tracking and small-N comparison. Each case study describes a electoral district led by a patron who coordinates a clientelist network, distributes favors to its voters, has large influences on the party machine and wins elections. ; Este artículo trata de identificar las condiciones que producen el colapso de los partidos clientelares y explicar los mecanismos causales de su crisis. El material empírico original está recogido en Galicia (España), y consiste en cuatro estudios de caso sobre clientelismo político en ayuntamientos y en una Diputación provincial, acompañados de un caso de acción colectiva contra el cacique local. El artículo utiliza el análisis de mecanismos, rastreo de procesos y comparación de pocos casos. Cada uno de los estudio de caso describe un distrito electoral liderado por un patrón que coordina una red clientelar, distribuye favores a sus votantes, tiene grandes influencias en la máquina de partido y gana las elecciones.
During the period 2000-2006, the increase that underwent the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), in their levels of party identification in Mexico City, had no emotional significance such as the original theoretical formulation suggests is based towards a party membership (Campbell et.al., 1960). On the other hand, the development of the perredismo obeyed a logic of government performance based on the construction of support by way of social policy, which generated a schema of loyalty or partisanship rational that is based on parameters of assessment different to Fiona Morris (1981) has postulated and the model of Responsible Party Model.The strategy of verification of this hypothesis, was based on an analysis at an aggregate level who contain, with its own database, verify the existence of a linear relationship between the independent variables of expenses in the four programs that included transfers of direct income and the perredismo in each of the 16 political delegations that divides Mexico City.The base is built with data of the following programs: 1. Program of Assistant to Older Adults; 2. Program of Support to the Employment; 3. Scholarship Program, and 4. Program of Assistant to Handicap People, and have the data corresponding to the levels of perredismo of each year indexed by delegation from the data provided by the Research Department of Grupo Reforma.With the purpose of verify the existence or the absence of linear relations between independent expenses variables and the perredismo, there is designed a model of regression in form of a panel that allowed a follow-up of the increase in levels of perredismo in the delegations (transverse units) along the time.Key Words: Social policy, Revolutionary Democratic Party, Responsible Party Model, Clientelism, Patronage, Mexico City
Clientelism is an asymmetrical relationship that implies certain political advantage by the authorities, but above all individuals to have certain resources. Although clientelism has an informal and illegal halo, it has enabled individuals to come closer to their institution. Trust relationships seek to establish links between individuals and their political institution, which can last, generating legitimacy, and achieving greater satisfaction with local democracy.It tries to observe in what way both concepts are related, but above all, if through clientelistic relationships it is plausible to build trust-worthy relationships. Local political institution will be analyzed in two districts of the Lima´s same zone stratum; using qualitative and quantitative techniques. Considering also variables, such as, interpersonal trust, local democracy satisfaction, local authority behavior with local people, in order to observe if they play a role in the ways of relating between each other.All this is evaluated in determinant and logistic models. Clientelism predominates in the way to establish links. It correlates directly with confidence. Also, clientelism can explain confidence in local political institution. And likewise, a probability of being able to trust. Therefore, to build institutional trust, there as a variety of ways that one would say "damage" the development of institutions and democracy, however, they show certain practices that formal relationships can´t accomplish between individuals. Keywords: Clientelism, institutional trust, interpersonal trust, near clientelism
Corruption scandals appear in all the countries and times. No one community has the capacity to resist corruption. It goes without saying, almost, that corruption is everywhere. It occurs at all levels of society, from local and national governments. Once we say this, we know that there are big differences among societies. In someone, people understand it, consider corruption as a habit and a part of our lives; has a positive value and even admire it, to the point that corrupt people are not punish he enough; while, in other societies tolerance with corruption is almost absent, Society does not accept this behavior. Nowadays Spain is in a really difficult social, economic and political situation. The news about corruption scandals appear continuously and people feel seriously as tonished and painfully socked. Corruption looks like being firmly fixed in our social and cultural structures. In this article we attempt to approach a sort of corruption of low intensity; the habitual extortion of bribes by the ones in the position of some power, clientship practices, through a documentary review. In Spain there is a close relationship between the long untouchable elites and the Spanish political class, with the members of the political parties, attached to, friends and relatives. All these elites make webs of clients, where the politicians get support and the economic class their benefits. On the otherhand, the citizens obtain something in return: a job, even for you or someone close to you, some sort of States subsidy, a grantor some special help. Everyone isacting to one's own advantage, leaving apart large segments of society. These citizens out of those client ship group have usually difficulties to gain admittance to some services, jobs, some sort of help ; La corrupción aparece en todos los países y momentos históricos. Ninguna comunidad es inmune a esta realidad. Hecha esta afirmación, existen diferencias importantes entre sociedades. En algunas se puede comprender, valorar, admirar y no castigar suficientemente al corrupto; en cambio, en otras la tolerancia es mínima. La sociedad no acepta este tipo de actos. Actualmente España se encuentra en una situación social, económica y política muy difícil. Continuamente aparecen en los medios de comunicación hechos graves que escandalizan a los ciudadanos. Parece que la corrupción está incrustada en la estructura social y cultural. En este artículo, a través de una revisión documental, abordamos un tipo de corrupción de baja intensidad, el clientelismo. En España existe una relación estrecha entre políticos y afiliados, amigos, allegados y conocidos. Las élites construyen redes clientelares, donde los políticos reciben apoyos y los ciudadanos contratos de trabajo, ayudas, subvenciones. Ambas partes salen beneficiadas, contra un grupo significativo que no participa y está al margen. Estos tienen muchas dificultades para acceder a determinados servicios, trabajos, y ayudas.
WOS:000300833400009 (Nº de Acesso Web of Science) ; The Chilean civil service is considered one of the most efficient in Latin America. However, different studies describe the informal institutions that operate between the Legislative Power and the bureaucracy to fill positions in the public administration. Although some of these clientelistic practices are against the law, they have been accepted and defended in both the political and scientific spheres. Legality is not considered an important value if certain indexes have a positive development. In this context, it is important to study how corruption and clientelism have been ignored, or hidden, through political discourses and technical reports about the situation of bureaucracy. All of this allows a better understanding of why after 20 years of administrative reforms there are damaging practices which negatively affect democracy that have not been eradicated.
Este artículo forma parte de una serie de investigaciones sobre el fenómeno del clientelismo político en Galicia (España). El objetivo principal es comprobar la relación teórica y empírica entre el fenómeno del clientelismo y su financiación por métodos corruptos. El artículo utiliza una definición teórica de clientelismo y corrupción como fenómenos diferenciados, pero que pueden llegar a ser interdependientes y superponerse en un plano empírico, dando origen a fenómenos híbridos. El texto propone un marco analítico para explorar el nexo entre ambos conceptos, especialmente cuando la corrupción se convierte en un instrumento de financiación de las redes clientelares. El artículo presenta los resultados de una investigación original, basada en tres minuciosos estudios de caso de relaciones clientelares donde se ha producido corrupción política para financiar la maquinaria partidista y distribuir favores. ; This article is part of a series of investigations on the phenomenon of political clientelism in Galicia (Spain). The main objective is to verify the theoretical and empirical relationship between the phenomenon of clientelism and its funding through corrupt methods. The article uses a theoretical definition of clientelism and corruption as differentiated phenomena that can, nevertheless, become interdependent and overlapping at an empirical plane. This, in turn, gives rise to hybrid phenomena. The text proposes an analytical framework to explore the linkage between both concepts, especially when corruption becomes an instrument for financing patron-client networks. The paper presents the results of an original research based on three thorough case studies of clientelistic relationship where political corruption has taken place to finance the party machine and distribute favours. ; SI
The objective of the research is to identify how patronage erodes the construction of citizenship in the municipality of Acapulco, Guerrero. Through semi-structured interviews, it was found that the lack of coverage of political, social and civil rights in the population motivates citizens to enter the client networks in the municipality. The limitations are that it is carried out in a context of violence that does not allow reaching more informants. The study is novel because it is carried out at the sub-national level and allows us to observe the case in depth. The main findings are that citizens also become passive agents before democracy due to the lack of trust in institutions. ; El objetivo de la investigación es identificar cómo el clientelismo erosiona la construcción de ciudadanía en el municipio de Acapulco, Guerrero. Mediante entrevistas semiestructuradas se encontró que la falta de cobertura de los derechos políticos, sociales y civiles en la población motiva el ingreso de los ciudadanos a las redes clientelares en el municipio. El estudio es novedoso pues se realiza en el plano subnacional y permite observar a profundidad el caso. Los principales hallazgos radican en que además los ciudadanos se vuelven agentes pasivos ante la democracia a raíz de la falta de confianza en instituciones.
Resumen: El artículo estudia el contexto actual del surgimiento del Neopatrimonialismo y su definición, características y consecuencias socio-económicas a partir del análisis de distintos académicos que han abordado esta temática. Luego, se marcan los puntos de contacto y las diferencias entre el Neopatrimonialismo y el Patronazgo-Clientelismo. Explorar estos sistemas de organización institucional, ampliamente arraigados en América Latina, es esencial para comprender los problemas que presenta la región en la actualidad y vislumbrar sus posibles soluciones. ; Abstract: The paper examines Neopatrimonialism current context of re-emergence, its definitions, features and socio-economic consequences, from various scholars who have addressed this subject. Then, connections and differences between Neopatrimonialism and Patronage-Clientelism are identified. Exploring these systems of institutional organization, widely rooted in Latin America, is essential to understand the region's present problems and to foresee its possible solutions.
This article is part of a series of investigations on the phenomenon of political clientelism in Galicia (Spain). The main objective is to verify the theoretical and empirical relationship between the phenomenon of clientelism and its funding through corrupt methods. The article uses a theoretical definition of clientelism and corruption as differentiated phenomena that can, nevertheless, become interdependent and overlapping at an empirical plane. This, in turn, gives rise to hybrid phenomena. The text proposes an analytical framework to explore the linkage between both concepts, especially when corruption becomes an instrument for financing patron-client networks. The paper presents the results of an original research based on three thorough case studies of clientelistic relationship where political corruption has taken place to finance the party machine and distribute favours. ; Este artículo forma parte de una serie de investigaciones sobre el fenómeno del clientelismo político en Galicia (España). El objetivo principal es comprobar la relación teórica y empírica entre el fenómeno del clientelismo y su financiación por métodos corruptos. El artículo utiliza una definición teórica de clientelismo y corrupción como fenómenos diferenciados, pero que pueden llegar a ser interdependientes y superponerse en un plano empírico, dando origen a fenómenos híbridos. El texto propone un marco analítico para explorar el nexo entre ambos conceptos, especialmente cuando la corrupción se convierte en un instrumento de financiación de las redes clientelares. El artículo presenta los resultados de una investigación original, basada en tres minuciosos estudios de caso de relaciones clientelares donde se ha producido corrupción política para financiar la maquinaria partidista y distribuir favores.
The present article deepens in the current research advances that are made from the CANANGUACHALES Research Group, which looks for the political-electoral behavior analysis from the city of Neiva, starting from city council electoral results between the years 2007 and 2015. Firstly, the group analyze how the political patronage phenomenon has become a must inside the political structures in the city, where the existence of the traditional families from the two main political parties Liberal and Conservador has made easier the construction of patronage networks. Secondly, a study about the electoral behavior from Neiva City is carried out based on the application of different electoral indices which show the tendencies and typical behaviors. In addition, the political-electoral behavior from a community will be covered. From this analysis as a political fact, the research group intends to analyze the electoral behavior from the voters during the election between 2007 and 2015 in the city of neiva, where it is necessary the explanation of the political parties from the country history, the relationship that every party has with its voters, its rol along Colombianhistory and society and the electoral results that motivates it to participate in a voters event as decisive actors in democracy. In this article the documentary review made from 3 different data basis, datos SCIELO, Biblioteca digital Univalle, Dialnet, with 15 checked articles, from which 8 were chosen will be presented. ; El presente artículo profundiza en los avances de la investigación en curso que se dinamiza desde el Grupo de investigación CANANGUCHALES, que busca analizar el comportamiento político-electoral del municipio de Neiva a partir de los resultados electorales del concejo para el periodo comprendido entre 2007 a 2015. En primer lugar, se analiza, cómo el fenómeno del clientelismo ha permeado las estructuras políticas en este municipio, donde la existencia de familias tradicionales del Partido Liberal y Conservador ha facilitado la ...
The present article deepens in the current research advances that are made from the CANANGUACHALES Research Group, which looks for the political-electoral behavior analysis from the city of Neiva, starting from city council electoral results between the years 2007 and 2015. Firstly, the group analyze how the political patronage phenomenon has become a must inside the political structures in the city, where the existence of the traditional families from the two main political parties Liberal and Conservador has made easier the construction of patronage networks. Secondly, a study about the electoral behavior from Neiva City is carried out based on the application of different electoral indices which show the tendencies and typical behaviors. In addition, the political-electoral behavior from a community will be covered. From this analysis as a political fact, the research group intends to analyze the electoral behavior from the voters during the election between 2007 and 2015 in the city of neiva, where it is necessary the explanation of the political parties from the country history, the relationship that every party has with its voters, its rol along Colombianhistory and society and the electoral results that motivates it to participate in a voters event as decisive actors in democracy. In this article the documentary review made from 3 different data basis, datos SCIELO, Biblioteca digital Univalle, Dialnet, with 15 checked articles, from which 8 were chosen will be presented. ; El presente artículo profundiza en los avances de la investigación en curso que se dinamiza desde el Grupo de investigación CANANGUCHALES, que busca analizar el comportamiento político-electoral del municipio de Neiva a partir de los resultados electorales del concejo para el periodo comprendido entre 2007 a 2015. En primer lugar, se analiza, cómo el fenómeno del clientelismo ha permeado las estructuras políticas en este municipio, donde la existencia de familias tradicionales del Partido Liberal y Conservador ha facilitado la ...
This article examines how emotions are understood, in deeply gendered ways, within gender and clientelism debates in Argentina. By looking at the case study of the voluntary network of neighborhood representatives of Plan Vida, which distributes food aid in the Province of Buenos Aires, I distinguish two ways of conceiving affects in grassroots women's political participation. While the first one emphasizes the management of the external expression of emotions as part of doing politics, the second one considers affective labour in a given urban territory as fostering connections among actors, creating social capital and allowing the flow of relevant information. The conclusion suggests that the second approach gives greater relevance to the possibilities of agency and transforming relations of domination of these women doing politics at the local level. ; Este artículo examina los supuestos sobre el funcionamiento generizado de las emociones en los debates sobre género y clientelismo en Argentina. A través del caso de la red de referentes barriales que realizan la distribución territorial del programa de asistencia alimentaria Plan Vida en la Provincia de Buenos Aires, distingo dos formas de concebir lo afectivo en la participación política de las mujeres de sectores populares. Mientras que la primera enfatiza el gerenciamiento de la expresión externa de las propias emociones como parte del hacer política, la segunda considera el trabajo afectivo territorial que establece conexiones entre actores, genera capital social y permite la circulación de información local. La conclusión sugiere que la segunda perspectiva da mayor relevancia a la agencia de estas intermediarias políticas y abre la posibilidad de transformar relaciones de dominación.
This article examines the relationship between patron-client configurations and social movements in a region of the Colombian Caribbean. It traces the historical transformations giving rise to rural migration towards urban centers and its strong connection to local politics, the inhabitants' adjustment to these, and their own adaptation to national politics. It includes an ethnography of a social movement that defies the state, the parameters that define national and local politics, although in its strategic and identity definitions it recurs to idiosyncratic concepts and resources, those purveyed by the state or other hegemonic entities. It emphasizes how social movements can use local definitions of justice, legality and illegality and adjust to circumstances and forces that constrain political expression and social protest. ; El artículo trata sobre la relación entre clientelismo y movimientos sociales en una región de la costa Caribe colombiana. Se trazan las transformaciones históricas que dan por resultado la migración rural hacia centros urbanos y su fuerte vínculo con la cultura política local, las adaptaciones de los pobladores a la política local y de esta a la política nacional. Incluye la etnografía de un movimiento social que desafía al estado y los parámetros que definen nacional y localmente la política, aunque en sus definiciones identitarias y estratégicas recurre a conceptos y recursos idiosincrásicos y a los suministrados por el estado u otras entidades que ejercen hegemonía. Enfatiza en cómo los movimientos sociales pueden utilizar definiciones locales de justicia, legalidad e ilegalidad y acomodarse a circunstancias y fuerzas que constriñen la expresión política y la protesta social.
This article examines the way of doing politics in the indigenous municipality of Paez since a new National Charter was formulated in 1991. Although this National Constitution enhanced the indigenous law in Colombia, some political effects started to appear particularly from the transference of substantial funds for the indigenous territories. Here, I analyse the emergency of patron-client relations which turn up after the law imposed by the Constitution attempted to support Nasa communities in Paez municipality. Although there are similarities to the traditional patronclient relations developed by the so called traditional parties, liberales and conservadores, I believe there are differences which suggest to think in a different set of relations. However, the spirit of keeping a political identity still remains. ; La constitución política de 1991 ha reafirmado en los paeces algunas formas tradicionales de hacer política, pero produjo también cambios socioculturales en distintos ámbitos de la vida social. En el caso estudiado se resalta la manera como después de esta y a partir de las transferencias de recursos a los resguardos indígenas del municipio de Páez, empezaron a constituirse redes clientelistas que se fundamentaron en las posiciones de poder que empezaron a desempeñar algunos líderes en las organizaciones indígenas. Estas redes de clientela, sin embargo, no constituyen un sistema idéntico al que practican los partidos políticos tradicionales. En este caso se trata, quizá, de una variación o de un sistema particular que se compagina como una nueva forma del ejercicio de la política local. No obstante, el proyecto indígena Nasa subsiste todavía en la reivindicación de la identidad política étnica.
