This paper is a short commentary on Elinor Ostrom's criticism of 'The Tradegy of Commons', which is part of her research on Common Pool Resources (CPR) institutions. She delivered an institutional theory of Common Pool Resources governance and also seriously undermined so called social paradoxes, as Olsons' logic of collective action or prisoners dilemma as a model of social situations. The core of these social paradoxes and Garett Hardin's Tragedy of Commons respectively, is an assumption of rational choice taken by an isolated, selfish and egoistic individual. In Ostroms opinion such theories are not really wrong, but are very special cases in the World of interpersonal communication, customs and institutions. Ostrom has developed an institutional analysis of CPR governance and formulated basic rules of a good and durable CPR Institution. Ostroms' works takes account of both laissez-faire and centralized, government-run allocation as the wrong approach toward management of the Commons. These analyses seem useful in Poland, where nowadays CPR governance is highly centralized.
Collective bargaining in employment relations is one of the most important instruments for shaping the modern system of employment. An overall analysis of the Labour Code regulations on collective agreements negotiations allows to state it significantly formalizes the process of its commencement and conduct in the scope of voluntariness of their commencement and rules of performance as for their conduct, however some of the legislation should be criticized. Collective agreements negotiations should be conducted in good faith and with due regard for the legitimate interests of the other party. From the point of view of the conduct of collective agreements negotiations in good faith and with due regard for the legitimate interests of the other party an indication established as a result of the demands of the trade unions, which clearly exceed the financial capabilities of the parties of the workers' side, is doubtful, a contrario it shall be permitted to submit demands, which exceed these capabilities, but so far it is not clear. De lege ferenda is to request of resignation from the normative exemplification, what collective agreements negotiations in good faith are and leave the interpretation of the concept of "good faith" to judicature and doctrine. ; Udostępnienie publikacji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego finansowane w ramach projektu "Doskonałość naukowa kluczem do doskonałości kształcenia". Projekt realizowany jest ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w ramach Programu Operacyjnego Wiedza Edukacja Rozwój; nr umowy: POWER.03.05.00-00-Z092/17-00.
The subject of these reflections on the contemporary international relations is, on the one hand, sovereignty and, on the other, international security, and the analysis of the relationship between the system of collective security and the sovereignty of states in the context of sustainable peace and stability in the world. States have traditionally been tied to the idea of sovereignty. However, among the most characteristic features of the international relations of our time is the growing number of various types of threats originating in states (e.g. Iran, North Korea), in organisations or other entities (e.g. al-Qaeda). Security and sovereignty are two basic concepts most commonly discussed in literature and international legal doctrine. There are two reasons for that: (i) firstly, the main actors in international relations are states which are sovereign entities and the relations or cooperation between them is based on respect for the principle of that sovereignty, and (ii) secondly, the issue of safety is a key issue and a prerequisite for the performance of fully sovereign rights of these countries, necessary to ensure international cooperation and socio-economic development. This paper discusses the need to institutionalise legitimate use of force in global organisations as well as in their regional structures, and to rapidly and effectively manage situations and conflicts intercept to international peace and security. It also draws special attention to the role and place of international organisations in the maintenance of international peace and security both, at universal, and regional level. ; Przedmiotem niniejszych rozważań, dotyczących współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych są z jednej strony suwerenność, a z drugiej – bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe oraz analiza związku pomiędzy systemem bezpieczeństwa zbiorowego a suwerennością państw w kontekście utrzymania trwałego pokoju i stabilności na świecie. Państwa są tradycyjnie przywiązane do idei suwerenności, jednakże do najbardziej charakterystycznych cech stosunków międzynarodowych naszych czasów należy narastanie różnego rodzaju zagrożenia, zarówno ze strony państwa (np. Iran, Korea Północna), jak i ze strony innych podmiotów (np. Al-Kaida). Bezpieczeństwo i suwerenność to dwa podstawowe pojęcia w literaturze i doktrynie prawnomiędzynarodowej. Dzieje się tak z dwóch powodów: po pierwsze – głównymi aktorami w stosunkach międzynarodowych są państwa, będące suwerennymi podmiotami, a stosunki czy też współpraca między nimi oparte są w zasadzie na poszanowaniu owej suwerenności; po drugie – kwestia bezpieczeństwa jest podstawowym zagadnieniem i warunkiem niezbędnym do wykonywania w pełni suwerennych praw tychże państw oraz zapewnienia współpracy międzynarodowej i rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego. W artykule tym poruszono również problem konieczności instytucjonalizacji legalnego użycia siły, zarówno w organizacjach ogólnoświatowych, jak i na gruncie struktur regionalnych organizacji międzynarodowych, aby szybko i skutecznie zarządzać sytuacjami i konfliktami zagrażającymi pokojowi i bezpieczeństwu międzynarodowemu. W artykule zwrócono również szczególną uwagę na rolę i miejsce organizacji międzynarodowych w procesie utrzymania pokoju i bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, zarówno na poziomie ogólnoświatowym, jak i regionalnym.
W ostatnich dwóch dekadach nastąpił w Unii Europejskiej rozwój instytucji odpowiadających za bezpieczeństwo tych społeczeństw. W roku 2003 Rada Europy przyjęła pierwszą w historii tej organizacji międzynarodowej strategię bezpieczeństwa. Do zdecydowanych kroków zmusiły także zamachy terrorystyczne. Istotnego znaczenia nabrał proces tworzenia unijnych formacji wojskowych, głównie Grup Bojowych. Tworzenie tej formacji jest najważniejszą, podejmowaną przez UE inicjatywą militarną. Od 2010 roku pełnią one rotacyjne dyżury i są zdolne do szybkiego reagowania na kryzysy poza terytorium Europy. W procesie tym coraz aktywniej uczestniczy Polska, przyczyniając się do umacniania swej pozycji w strukturach UE. Polska tworzy z innymi krajami Weimarską i Wyszehradzką Grupę Bojową. Należy sądzić, że w najbliższych latach nie powstanie europejska armia pod jednolitym dowództwem i jednakowo umundurowana. Unia Europejska przyjęła na siebie zadania uzupełniające w stosunku do operacji wojskowych prowadzonych przez Organizację Narodów Zjednoczonych, Stany Zjednoczone i Sojusz Północnoatlantycki. ; The institutions responsible for the security of those societies developed in the last two decades in the European Union. The Council of Europe accepted the first safety strategy in the history of this international organization. Terrorist attacks made taking forceful steps necessary. The process of creating union troops mainly in combat groups became significant. The creation of this group is the most important military initiative undertaken by the European Union. Since 2010 they have been working in rotation groups and with the ability to react quickly during a crisis outside European territory. Poland is taking part in this process with an increasingly active contribution to strengthen its position within EU structures. Poland is part of the Weimarsk and Visegrad combat group with other countries. There is no sign yet of the creation of a unileteral European army in the coming years. The European Union undertakes supplementary tasks in relation to military operations run by the United Nations and NATO.
The institutions responsible for the security of those societies developed in the last two decades in the European Union. The Council of Europ accepted the first safety strategy in the history of this international organization. Terrorist attacks made taking forceful steps necessary. The process of creating union troops mainly in combat groups became significant. The creation of this group is the most important military initiative undertaken by the European Union. Since 2010 they have been working in rotation groups and with the ability to react quickly during a crisis outside European territory. Poland is taking part in this process with an increasingly active contribution to strengthen its position within EU structures. Poland is part of the Weimarsk and Visegrad combat group with other countries. There is no sign yet of the creation of a unileteral European army in the coming years. The European Union undertakes supplementary tasks in relation to military operations run by the United Nations and NATO. ; The institutions responsible for the security of those societies developed in the last two decades in the European Union. The Council of Europ accepted the first safety strategy in the history of this international organization. Terrorist attacks made taking forceful steps necessary. The process of creating union troops mainly in combat groups became significant. The creation of this group is the most important military initiative undertaken by the European Union. Since 2010 they have been working in rotation groups and with the ability to react quickly during a crisis outside European territory. Poland is taking part in this process with an increasingly active contribution to strengthen its position within EU structures. Poland is part of the Weimarsk and Visegrad combat group with other countries. There is no sign yet of the creation of a unileteral European army in the coming years. The European Union undertakes supplementary tasks in relation to military operations run by the United Nations and NATO.
The author takes into consideration self-government problems of state enterprises and local administration, that arise from realization of the economy reform in conditions of deep economic and political crisis. The author assumes that independence of state enterprises is the basic premise for overcoming the economic crises in a several years' period of economy stabilizing. In that period internal equilibrium would be redressed. The author points out, however, that enterprise independence does not seem to be possible as long as inflation is increasing. In such conditions it is not possible to ensure rational functioning for enterprises. After reduction of inflation gap, in a range indispensable, for ensurance effective activities for enterprises, it will be possible to proceed to the reform aiming at- decentralization of economic system as well as redressing the equilibrium. Introduction of self-government into enterprises ought to conduce to easier population approval of sacrifices connected with antiinflation policy. The role of that self-government in directing enterprises might be definitely stated aliter realization of the reform, in a longer period of stabilizing the economy. The author considers local self-government in another aspect, explaining first of all, why people's councils which have been functioning since 1950 do not meet requirements of self-government local administration. The author pays attention to the fact that the lack of real local self-government results from unsatisfactory democratization of people's councils. That influences unfavourably not only the satisfaction of local needs but also the enterprises economy, leads to increase of political pressure on workers' self-government and is aversed to the effectiveness increase in their economic activity. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The notion of the judicial control of administration exercised by specially designated authorities has been present in Poland for a long time. The first proposals in this area appeared as early as 1807, and were implemented on the basis of the French practice. In the years 1922–1939 there existed the Supreme Administrative Court, which determined the lawfulness of decisions and orders by public administration bodies in cases of breaches of particular rights or the imposion of duties without any legal grounds. It functioned as a court of appeal. After 1944 the administrative judicial system was dissolved. The solutions based on the three principal characteristics of administrative judicial system, i.e. the separation from common courts, the existence of a system of administrative courts, and the independence of their judges, were re-established in 1980. Also, a separate judicial authority was restored, referred to as the Chief Administrative Court, operating as a court of appeal with general material jurisdiction covering administrative decisions and cases of the inaction of administrative authorities despite their duty to issue such decisions. The scope of cognition of the Chief Administrative Court was gradually extending, and in 2004 a two-level model of the administrative judicial system was established, operating on an appeal basis. This model sparks off many controversies as to its practical application. The lengthiness of its proceedings is another problem of the Polish administrative judicial system. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim
Problem granic w Afryce nie wiąże się z nieprawdziwym faktem, iż są one "sztuczne" czy "młode" – jako że są w większości starsze niż granice państw europejskich – ale z tym, iż stanowiły dzieło Europejczyków i że nawet do tej pory nie został jeszcze zakończony proces ich delimitacji, a szczególnie demarkacji. O ich trwałości z kolei świadczy zaakceptowana zasada uti possidetis, podkreślana wielokrotnie w wyrokach Międzynarodowego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości i w rezolucjach ONZ. Inne natomiast traktowanie granic w Afryce może prowadzić do rewizjonizmu terytorialnego i konfliktów, a nawet wojen. ; The problem of borders in Africa is not related to the false fact that they are 'artificial' or 'young', for in their majority they are older than those of European countries, but to the fact that they were created by Europeans and even today the process of their delimitation, and especially demarcation, has not been completed. Their permanence is confirmed by the accepted principle uti possidetis, emphasised many times in the judgments of the International Court of Justice in Hague and resolutions of the United Nations. Treating borders differently in Africa can lead to territorial revisionism and conflicts, ending even in wars.
The problem of borders in Africa is not related to the false fact that they are 'artificial' or 'young', for in their majority they are older than those of European countries, but to the fact that they were created by Europeans and even today the process of their delimitation, and especially demarcation, has not been completed. Their permanence is confirmed by the accepted principle uti possidetis, emphasised many times in the judgments of the International Court of Justice in Hague and resolutions of the United Nations. Treating borders differently in Africa can lead to territorial revisionism and conflicts, ending even in wars. ; Problem granic w Afryce nie wiąże się z nieprawdziwym faktem, iż są one "sztuczne" czy "młode" – jako że są w większości starsze niż granice państw europejskich – ale z tym, iż stanowiły dzieło Europejczyków i że nawet do tej pory nie został jeszcze zakończony proces ich delimitacji, a szczególnie demarkacji. O ich trwałości z kolei świadczy zaakceptowana zasada uti possidetis, podkreślana wielokrotnie w wyrokach Międzynarodowego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości i w rezolucjach ONZ. Inne natomiast traktowanie granic w Afryce może prowadzić do rewizjonizmu terytorialnego i konfliktów, a nawet wojen.
Changeability is an immanent feature of tax systems. Over the last years, it has been even more noticeable. The domestic systems of the member states strive for the widest possible scope of cooperation in order to fulfill all the demands of the fast developing society. In this article, the authors describe the development of the international cooperation with regard to countering the double taxation problem as well as tax avoidance in general. Against this background, the publications of the OECD from 2016 are most certainly worth mentioning, seeing that due to them the Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS) was published. Regulations set forth therein are aimed mostly at the interactions of different tax provisions that lead to non-taxation of the profit parts of international enterprises. One of the key objectives of the Project is referred to as Action 13, which introduces an obligation of three-tier transfer pricing documentation. Representing a standpoint that – from the legislative point of view – creating efficient and clear legal provisions is of paramount importance, the authors have attempted to examine the problems encountered by the legislator while the implementation process of the transfer pricing directives. ; Zmienność jest cechą immanentną systemów prawnych, na przestrzeni ostatnich lat jest ona jeszcze bardziej zauważalna. Systemy krajowe państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej zmierzają do jak najszerszej współpracy, a wszystko po to, by jak najpełniej spełniać wymagania szybko rozwijającego się społeczeństwa. W niniejszym artykule autorzy zajęli się opisaniem rozwoju międzynarodowej współpracy w zakresie zwalczania problemu podwójnego opodatkowania oraz unikania opodatkowania. Na tym tle dużą rolę odgrywają prace OECD z 2016 r., dzięki którym powstał projekt zatytułowany Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS). Regulacje w nim zawarte dotyczą głównie przypadków, gdzie interakcje odmiennych przepisów podatkowych prowadzą w efekcie do nieopodatkowania części zysków międzynarodowych przedsiębiorstw. Jedno z kluczowych zadań projektu zostało określone jako działanie nr 13, a wprowadza ono obowiązek trójstopniowej dokumentacji w odniesieniu do cen transferowych. Jako że autorzy uważają, iż najistotniejsze z punktu widzenia ustawodawstwa jest stworzenie efektywnych, a zarazem jasnych przepisów prawa, w niniejszej publikacji podjęto rozważania na temat problemów, jakie stoją na drodze ustawodawcy krajowego podczas procesu implementacji dyrektyw dotyczących cen transferowych.
The article presents integrational processes observed among the dwellers of. the new voivodships established in 1975. On the grounds of questionnaire surves realized in the Gorzów voivodship the author analyses social attitudes towards reorganization of administration, qouting examples of local conflicts emerged on that background and establishes the main reasons for the integrational difficulties. The barriers are embeded both in the objective scope (errors in the new administrative division of the state, incorrect implementation of thereform, infringing traditional regional bonds, etc.) and in the subjective views and psychological attitudes of people (innovational stress, irrational reservations towards the new center of power, apprehensions against "selfishness of the district capital"). Partially those problems are specific for the Gorzów region, other are typical for all the new voivodships in Poland. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The multicultural and multiethnic character of Śląsk Opolski frequently leads to emotionally heated disputes over such symbols of the past as historical monuments, anniversaries of historical events, cemeteries, signs with topographic names and so on, which is reflected in regional policy. History and collective memory are obviously used by the politicians of Śląsk Opolski (both by political parties and minority organizations) for their current political purposes, in order to achieve certain political interests (such as winning or retaining voters) by means of exerting an influence on the regional community or selected groups and by shaping certain attitudes and behaviors. The author refers to concrete examples of debates held in the region to explain the phenomenon of the politicization of history. She ponders the role of researchers, including political scientists, in preventing the politicization of the past and emphasizes the necessity for their taking a stand in the process of forming regional historical policy. ; The multicultural and multiethnic character of Śląsk Opolski frequently leads to emotionally heated disputes over such symbols of the past as historical monuments, anniversaries of historical events, cemeteries, signs with topographic names and so on, which is reflected in regional policy. History and collective memory are obviously used by the politicians of Śląsk Opolski (both by political parties and minority organizations) for their current political purposes, in order to achieve certain political interests (such as winning or retaining voters) by means of exerting an influence on the regional community or selected groups and by shaping certain attitudes and behaviors. The author refers to concrete examples of debates held in the region to explain the phenomenon of the politicization of history. She ponders the role of researchers, including political scientists, in preventing the politicization of the past and emphasizes the necessity for their taking a stand in the process of forming regional historical policy.
Seven drafts of the constitution submitted to the Polish Sejm by political parties have been analyzed and compared within the scope of regulations concerning the economic organization of the society: property rights, freedom of economic activity and its limitations, social security, state budget and debt, etc. Though advanced by groups of different or even (seemingly) opposite political orientations, the drafts do not differ much, all of them presenting a vision of a rather liberal state with the possibility of state intervention, in case it is necessary to protect "the public good". Most important differences may be noticed in the area of social insurance, education and health service. It is, however, often difficult to state decisively what the differences between the drafts consist in. All the drafts have been written in a very general language. It is only the future legislation which will determine the shape of the economic system of the state, and will interpret the still vague regulations of the constitution, the final version of which will certainly be a compromise between the submitted drafts. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The article aims at presenting basic problems of decision-making independence of an enterprise arising in connection with the present (instituted in 1982) economic reform which opened new and hitherto unknown possibilities for an enterprise to shape independently its own activity at short and long range. The considerations are laid in a historical background, helping to accentuate innovatory and progressive conceptions of the reform and to expose the facts of retaining or rejecting some solutions introduced by previous reforms. The starting point has been provided by the thesis about limied decision-making independence of an enterprise as long as the national economy functions under the conditions of socialized basic means of production and the active role of the central plan. However, the above does not settle explicitly the question of the range and types of independence; the latter may be shapd in various ways. Accepting fully an extensive, and as broad as possible, independence of an enterprise in current and developmental matters, the author carried out the detailed analysis of three main decision-making spheres: 1) the decisions concerning production and exploitation, 2) the decisions concerning supplies and sales, 3) the decisions concerning property and income. The results of the analysis are to inform the management of new opportunities and prerogatives of its decision-making activity and of the problems to be autonomically overcome and solved by means of decision-making measures. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The main objective of this paper is to initiate a discussion on the system of quality evaluation of HEIs (Higher Education Institutions) in Poland. The author of this article points out that the current solutions applied within the field of Polish higher education concerning the assessment of the quality of HEIs are built without a reference to a strategic (long-term) vision. So it seems necessary to answer the following questions: 1) What is the profile of PKA (Polish Accreditation Committee)? Should it be the office controlling the HEIs? Or an expert unit enhancing the process of teaching at universities? 2) If PKA would became an expert unit, would it become a dangerous gap in the control system of HEIs that will increase the number of "diploma mills"? 3) Who within the Polish higher education system should take care for the control and quality assessment? The author presents the idea of creation of an unit that would deal professionally with the quality control in higher education - similar to the Financial Supervision Commission or the Office of Competition and Consumer Protection. The article uses ethnographic research conducted by the author. This article has been written with reference to the legal status of November 1st, 2016. ; Głównym celem tego opracowania jest zainicjowanie dyskusji nad kształtem systemu oceny jakości w Polsce. Obecne rozwiązania w obszarze szkolnictwa wyższego dotyczące oceny jakości kształcenia budowane są bowiem bez strategicznej, tzn. długookresowej wizji. Konieczne tym samym staje się udzielenie odpowiedzi na nastepujące pytania: 1) Jaki ma być profil działalności PKA? Czy ma to być urząd kontrolujący uczelnie, czy też ekspercka jednostka doskonaląca procesy kształcenia na uczelniach? 2) Czy w momencie przejścia PKA na poziom jednostki eksperckiej nie powstanie niebezpieczna luka w systemie kontroli uczelni, co spowoduje zwiększenie liczby uczelni "sprzedających dyplomy"? 3) Kto w naszym systemie szkolnictwa wyższego powinien zająć się kontrolą, a kto zarządzaniem jakością? Warto także rozważyć pomysł stworzenia jednostki, która profesjonalnie zajmowałaby się kontrolą w szkolnictwie wyższym – analogicznej do Komisji Nadzoru Finansowego czy Urzędu Ochrony Konkurencji i Konsumentów. W artykule zostały wykorzystane etnograficzne badania własne. Uwzględniono w nim stan prawny z dnia 1 listopada 2016 r.
