Suchergebnisse

The role & influence of the ideological & political basis of Algeria's nationalist movement are held to be central to current debates on Algeria; the literature dedicated to these issues is analyzed. The teaching models of different generations of nationalists are addressed in a discussion of how colonialist powers precipitated the destruction of the traditional educational system. Research on Algeria's intellectual elite & their political ideologies is reviewed, arguing that a global context dominated by the emergence in Europe of new national identities mobilized the Algerian intellectual class, which drew connections between their experiences & those of people in the Middle East. Studies on Muslim nationalism in Algeria are discussed, with a focus on the influence of WWI & WWII, anti-imperialist & anticolonialist ideas, communist movements, & resistance to Jewish & Christian influences. It is contended that Algerians have found that following the example of Middle Eastern Islamist movements has destroyed the family unit & other traditional structures. D. Weibel

Examines the different colonial influences in Africa and how the different colonial pasts affect today the adaptation of the new generations to the changes needed to progress economically and politically; local languages inherited from European colonialism, training, and other issues.

Thanks to an analysis of the members of the pro-independence groups in the Catalonian & Corsican assemblies (1999-2003 & 1999-2004 mandates), one can observe an iron law of the "colonial" reproduction of the dominant selection logic of political personnel, even if these groups represented associations which were different with many regards. The superior studies, than the professional paths of these "radical" representatives constitute indeed trajectories that are frequently closed to the ones of the other groups. However, on the one side, these representatives are also in general younger than the others. And, on the other side, in selection systems dominated in Catalonia by lawyers & in Corsica by medical professions, these representatives appear, configurationally indeed, as dominants (detaining resources legitimately converted within the representative space), but as dominants who are "parallel" to notables, which limits the de-differentiation hypothesis & contributes to the specificity of these parties. Adapted from the source document.

In spring 2001, the Jean Chretien government undertook an important process of consultation with aboriginal communities in Canada, with a view toward modifying the Indian Act & improving governance practices & self-government within reserves. After one year of this process, the government put forward its First Nations Governance Act (Bill C-7). Though the Bill was never passed, the whole episode is quite indicative of the nature of institutional obstacles that slow down the creation of a more egalitarian relationship between the Canadian state & indigenous peoples. The article blends historical institutionalism & the concepts of target population & citizen engagement to argue that aboriginal policy formulation in Canada is essentially constrained by a colonial paradigm that has remained virtually unchanged since the 19th century. This paradigm, which continues to view aboriginal peoples as inferior, blocks any possibility of renewing aboriginal governance. Adapted from the source document.

An overview of the liberation of colonized countries around the world in the 19th & 20th centuries traces the succession of European to US hegemony, examines postcolonial relations in Afro-Asiatic countries since the 1950s/1960s, looks at the rise in militarism in sub-Saharan Africa, & discusses Third World industrial armies & the importation of immigrant workers into European countries such as France & GB. It is argued that decolonization has led not to independence, but to economic hegemony, a situation in which the industrialized nations remain in control. Given the overlapping interests of various multinational companies, the term multinational imperialism is thought to best describe the postcolonial global situation. 3 References. C. Brennan

Le colonialisme au Canada constitue un rapport social qui s'accomplit essentiellement au détriment des peuples autochtones. Avec le temps et selon les contextes économiques, technologiques et politiques, les pratiques du colonialisme diffèrent et s'adaptent, mais le rapport de pouvoir qui le sous-tend reste essentiellement un rapport d'exploitation. Cette réalité module le palimpseste canadien et fonde l'ordre actuel des choses. Elle est toutefois régulièrement niée, obscurcie ou légitimée par le recours constant à une panoplie de techniques et de dispositifs intellectuels, mythologiques, politiques, juridiques, culturels et idéologiques, de telle sorte que la majorité des Canadiens l'ignorent. Ils n'ont, en fait, à peu près aucune idée de la situation politico-économique contemporaine des peuples autochtones et ne sont pas en mesure de constater combien ils profitent de privilèges iniques acquis au détriment de ces derniers. Le présent texte tente de faire la lumière sur ce type de rapport de pouvoir et soutient que le Canada ne pourra transcender ses origines coloniales, légitimer son existence, affirmer son identité et devenir une société véritablement postcoloniale sans amorcer au préalable un nécessaire processus de décolonisation et d'« autochtonisation » de l'État.