Suchergebnisse

This paper explores the intersection of sexual identity, gender, and politics in the specifically Irish context of Bram Stoker's Dracula. Neither Stoker nor Dracula are typically thought of as Irish, but by highlighting Stoker's presentation of "thirdspace" characters, as well as his own "thirdspace" identities, it becomes possible to see the distinctly Irish origins and influence of the author and the novel. Critics have in the last 20 years read Draculaeither as a novel with queer concerns or a novel with political concerns. By looking at these two aspects together and in light of each other, a specifically Irish, postcolonial understanding of the novel becomes possible. In 2001, vampires are often portrayed as bisexual, promiscuous, and androgynous. In 1895, Stoker presented vampires as having blended characteristics of masculinity and femininity. Female vampires have masculine sexual behaviour, while male vampires like Dracula have typically feminine sexual behaviour. This picture of vampires mirrors the way homosexuals were being discussed by some theorists at that time. Particularly in the aftermath of the Oscar Wilde trial, scientists came to see homosexuals as people who possessed both masculine and feminine characteristics, as a third sex. Also as a result of the trial, it became popular to discuss homosexuals as a group that restocked their populations by converting young people. Conversion was also the typical way to conceive of colonial activities during this time. Natives were considered backward or inferior, so converting them to English lifestyles and customs was seemingly the kindest action the English could take. Replacing native customs with industrialisation and technology was considered a progressive type of colonialism. Stoker portrays this conversion method of colonialism in the character of Dracula. The Count threatens to take London not by force, but by slowly converting its citizens to his way of life. This intersection of colonialism and homosexuality in Draculaallows Stoker to re-define the importance of a third position to the contemporary Irish problem of the Land League. Like homosexuals at that time, the Anglo-Irish also occupied a third position, considered neither truly Irish nor truly English. Just as it takes those defined by a third position to defeat Dracula's attempt at colonisation, Stoker seems to suggest it will take the Anglo-Irish to settle colonial issues in Ireland successfully.

James David Rubadiri (1930-2018), poet, playwright, novelist, academic, diplomat, and political activist, is no stranger to many literary scholars in Africa and beyond. His popularity is not a result of his thespian skills—he acted Othello once—or skills in fiction writing (although he did try his hand at novel writing, producing No Bride Price), but mainly a result of his teaching and his skills in poetry. Although he is famous as a poet, his poetic harvest is rather minimal—his only collection, An African Thunderstorm and Other Poems, boasts only twenty-three poems. What the poems lack in numbers, they more than compensate for in the energy and beauty that they radiate, beauty that has seen most of them translated and anthologised around the world over the years. It is also this energy, the beauty of composition, and their tackling of relevant themes, which have made his poems the staple of many poetry classes in Africa and beyond. In this paper I analyse Rubadiri's poems that appear in the collection An African Thunderstorm and Other Poems. I argue that the success of Rubadiri's poetry is primarily based on his evocation of the dramatic, which is in turn reliant on his economic use of language, his descriptive skills, and his use of vivid and evocative images. These aspects do not only render the poetry enduring and memorable, but they also make the poems and the action in them spring to life, cementing the legacy of the poet as one of the accomplished poets of his generation in Africa. The discussion in this paper is divided into three parts. The first part examines how Rubadiri infuses a sense of the dramatic in poems that address issues of colonisation and blackness, the second part discusses how the poet evokes drama in poems about neocolonialism and postcolonial disenchantment, and the final section shows how Rubadiri's use of imagery and diction in poems about African life and the environment give the poems a vividness, sense of immediacy and a dramatic quality.Keywords: Rubadiri, Malawian poetry, style, language, evocative imagery, Africa,colonialism

La asignación de atribuciones de juez de la Administración al Consejo de Estado colombiano en los comienzos del siglo XX puede leerse como un episodio de expansionismo cultural francés. Paralelamente a la política de expansionismo militar impulsada por Napoleón III, se desarrollaron dinámicas culturales que determinaron una especie de colonialismo ideológico que de buena manera fue aceptado en Colombia mediante la importación de instituciones jurídicas, que modificaron los mecanismos mediante los cuales la Administración Pública resolvía judicialmente sus conflictos. ; The allocation of powers of judge of the Administration to the Colombian Council of State in the early twentieth century can be read as an episode of French cultural expansionism. Parallel with the policy of military expansionism driven by Napoleon III, cultural dynamics were developed that identified a kind of ideological colonialism. Through the importation of legal institutions that changed the mechanisms by which the Civil Service judicially resolved their conflicts the process was gladly adopted in Colombia.

"Little Brother," an autobiographical essay, is an excerpt from my manuscript, Dispossessed Indigeneity: Literary Excavations of Internalized Colonialism. I begin with the premise that 21st century Indigenous political movements focused on returning to our particular nations, languages, and land bases are often not accessible to urban and dispossessed Indigenous people. Further, I contend that urban and dispossessed Indigenous people embody particular subjectivities that contemporary Indigenous theory has not sufficiently recognized, understood, or theorized. To begin to fill this gap, I theorize the subjectivities of Indigenous people who have been dispossessed from our ancestral communities, families, and lands, in order to articulate our political agency and potential contributions to social struggles against colonialism and capitalism. Dispossessed Indigeneity presents historicized and politicized readings of three Indigenous authors in Canada: Edward Ahenakew (Cree); George Clutesi (Nuu-chah-nulth); and Jeannette Armstrong (Syilx). Through close readings of their texts, I offer Indigenous perspectives on political problems that characterize contemporary working class and urban Indigenous social movements. These problems include interweaving an anti-colonial Indigenous analysis with an anti-capitalist analysis; locating Indigenous politics of recognition and redistribution that do not rely on models of recognition and redistribution controlled by the colonial state; developing a concept of Indigenous historical consciousness as an avenue of politicization; and articulating Indigenous concepts and practices of land and value rooted in noncapitalist ecological knowledges. Woven through the literary and theoretical chapters are interludes, including "little brother," that extend personal and political reflections and show my own stake in the critical work, as well as practicing Indigenous storytelling alongside the authors whose works I consider.

Among all the national movements in colonial countries, the Indian national movement (1885-1947) was the most deeply and firmly rooted in understanding the nature and character of colonial economic domination and exploitation. Its early leaders, known as the moderates, were the first in the 19th century to develop an economic critique of colonialism. The constant flow of wealth from real return has been described by Indian nationalist and economists as the drain of India to England for which India did not get an adequate economic, commercial or match from India. They made it clear that the colonial government was utilizing Indian resources, both natural and human, as land revenue, agriculture and industry not for developing India but for the industrial development and extension in Britain. The drain of wealth was interpreted as an indirect tribute extracted by imperial Britain from India year after year. According to the nationalist calculations, this chain amounted to one-half of the government revenues more than the entire land revenue collection and over one-third of India's total savings. The Drain of Wealth theory was systemically initiated by Dadabhai Naoroji in 1867 and further analyzed and developed by R. P. Dutt, M. G Ranade, etc. Their focal point of critique of colonialism was the drain theory. They pointed out that a large part of India's capital and wealth was being transferred or drained to Britain in the form of salaries and pensions of British civil and military officials working in India, interests on loans taken by the Indian government, profits of the British capitalists in India and the home charges or expenses of the Indian Government in Britain.

This short intervention starts by discussing Giorgio Agamben's theoretical formulation of 'bare life,' popular in refugee studies. Thinking with the case study of Palestinian refugee camps, particularly in the West Bank, it argues that there are clear limitations to the discourse of and bare life. I argue that 'bare life' neither accounts for the multilayered relations of power, particularly colonialism, slavery, and indigenous genocide, that systemically make certain populations more susceptible to its power than others. Nor does it account for the modes of of those who are systemically relegated to its sphere. I conclude by working through some of the theoretical formulations around body politics from the field of Black studies, particularly Alexander Weheliye's 2014 concept of the flesh, in order to explore new directions they may point us towards in refugee studies. ; Cette courte intervention débute par une discussion de la formulation théorique de Giorgio sur la vie , populaire dans les études sur les réfugiés. À partir de l'étude de cas des camps de réfugiés palestiniens, en particulier en Cisjordanie, elle soutient qu'il existe des limitations claires au discours de la biopolitique et de la vie nue. Je soutiens que la vie ne rend pas compte des rapports de pouvoir à plusieurs niveaux, en particulier le colonialisme, l'esclavage, et le génocide des autochtones, qui rendent certaines populations plus vulnérables que d'autres à son pouvoir. Elle ne rend pas compte non plus des modes de sociabilité de ceux qui sont relégués à sa sphère. Je conclus en examinant certaines des formulations théoriques entourant les politiques du corps dans le champ des Black , et particulièrement le concept de chair» chez Alexander Wehelieye (2014) afin d'explorer les nouvelles avenues qu'elles pourraient ouvrir dans les études sur les réfugiés.

International audience ; The events of May 1972 in Madagascar revealed the superficiality of the Independence proclaimed in 1960. The ruling party was formed by local elites, while political, social and cultural life in the great Island was still strongly influenced by French power and its intervention through various cooperation agreements. The higher education system was a case in point. It was in the schools and unand languages of mobilizationiversities that a nationalist movement had been born , then joined in support by the rest of the population. But the system was characterized by profound social, political and ethnic gaps which divided Malagasy society - gaps which were a legacy of colonial domination. Forms of rebellion and and languages of mobilization in 1972 underline the effort to attain a real independence - one freed from all forms of neo-colonialism. ; Les événements de mai 1972 à Madagascar révèle le caractère inachevé de l'Indépendance proclamée en 1960. Le parti au pouvoir est issu des élites coloniales tandis que la vie politique, sociale et culturelle de la grande île reste étroitement liée à l'influence et à l'interventionnisme de la France à travers les accords de coopération , comme l'illustre la situation de l'enseignement supérieur. C'est dans les écoles et les universités que naît un mouvement de contestation, rejoint par le reste de la population, qui révèle la profondeur et le poids des divisions ethniques et sociales nées de la période coloniale. Les formes de la contestation et les langages de la mobilisation confirment cet effort pour atteindre une vraie indépendance, débarrassée de toute forme de néo-colonialisme.

International audience ; The events of May 1972 in Madagascar revealed the superficiality of the Independence proclaimed in 1960. The ruling party was formed by local elites, while political, social and cultural life in the great Island was still strongly influenced by French power and its intervention through various cooperation agreements. The higher education system was a case in point. It was in the schools and unand languages of mobilizationiversities that a nationalist movement had been born , then joined in support by the rest of the population. But the system was characterized by profound social, political and ethnic gaps which divided Malagasy society - gaps which were a legacy of colonial domination. Forms of rebellion and and languages of mobilization in 1972 underline the effort to attain a real independence - one freed from all forms of neo-colonialism. ; Les événements de mai 1972 à Madagascar révèle le caractère inachevé de l'Indépendance proclamée en 1960. Le parti au pouvoir est issu des élites coloniales tandis que la vie politique, sociale et culturelle de la grande île reste étroitement liée à l'influence et à l'interventionnisme de la France à travers les accords de coopération , comme l'illustre la situation de l'enseignement supérieur. C'est dans les écoles et les universités que naît un mouvement de contestation, rejoint par le reste de la population, qui révèle la profondeur et le poids des divisions ethniques et sociales nées de la période coloniale. Les formes de la contestation et les langages de la mobilisation confirment cet effort pour atteindre une vraie indépendance, débarrassée de toute forme de néo-colonialisme.

International audience ; The events of May 1972 in Madagascar revealed the superficiality of the Independence proclaimed in 1960. The ruling party was formed by local elites, while political, social and cultural life in the great Island was still strongly influenced by French power and its intervention through various cooperation agreements. The higher education system was a case in point. It was in the schools and unand languages of mobilizationiversities that a nationalist movement had been born , then joined in support by the rest of the population. But the system was characterized by profound social, political and ethnic gaps which divided Malagasy society - gaps which were a legacy of colonial domination. Forms of rebellion and and languages of mobilization in 1972 underline the effort to attain a real independence - one freed from all forms of neo-colonialism. ; Les événements de mai 1972 à Madagascar révèle le caractère inachevé de l'Indépendance proclamée en 1960. Le parti au pouvoir est issu des élites coloniales tandis que la vie politique, sociale et culturelle de la grande île reste étroitement liée à l'influence et à l'interventionnisme de la France à travers les accords de coopération , comme l'illustre la situation de l'enseignement supérieur. C'est dans les écoles et les universités que naît un mouvement de contestation, rejoint par le reste de la population, qui révèle la profondeur et le poids des divisions ethniques et sociales nées de la période coloniale. Les formes de la contestation et les langages de la mobilisation confirment cet effort pour atteindre une vraie indépendance, débarrassée de toute forme de néo-colonialisme.

There has been much rigorous questioning about the idea and practice of colonialism in current reflections on colonialism and post/coloniality. Except for some serious intellectual examination over the inter-relations between gender and colonisation in Spivak"s work on subalternity and gender, not much has been articulated about imperial desire and colonial sexualities. Moreover, there has been no signifying exploration of the distinction between imperialism and colonialism particularly as the difference is situated in desire. This paper attempts to locate the difference between imperial and colonial as they overlap in imperial desire. I also wish to expose its continuity in contemporary representations of colony, particularly in film and conclude by making comments on pedagogic practices in the current English studies classroom. In so doing, I intend to situate the politics, both cultural and sexual, within the current representational politics of post/coloniality.

The victory of Dogali (1887) represents the first successful resistance to European colonialism in Northeast Africa, and as such its historical significance has been immense. For some obscure reason, however, it was neglected in Ethiopian historiography until the last quarter of the 20th century when it was popularized for academic and political purposes. Its impact in history was twofold: on the international level, it cracked the Triple Alliance which ʿAdwa, the historical culmination of Dogali, subsequently rendered ineffective for good. On the national or regional level, Dogali initiated a campaign for liberty and sovereignty which was to last for decades and in which ʿAdwa and Maycäw were to stand as landmarks. These landmarks were nonetheless fought deep in the heart of the country, and in this respect Dogali, which took place way out of the effective control of the Empire, is no doubt exemplary.

Senior Project submitted to The Division of Languages and Literature of Bard College.

With China becoming more active in Greenland, worries abound that China might have hidden intentions. Despite that, the Greenlandic government is showing an increasing interest in deepening its cooperation with China. This article explores Greenland's motivation behind its positive attitude towards China and examines whether China will be a threat to Greenland's independence. For Greenland, China is both a deep-pocketed investor and a huge consumer market, especially in the mining, fishing and tourism industries. Greenland, therefore, views China as an important partner in its economic development, which is necessary for its independence from Denmark. Considering China's relationship with Denmark, its foreign policy and its affairs vis-à-vis Tibet, Xinjiang and Taiwan, it is not in China's interest to interfere with any affairs related to Greenland's independence.

According to Frantz Fanon, the psychological and social-political are deeply intertwined in the colonial context. Psychologically, the colonizers perceive the colonized as inferior and the colonized internalize this in an inferiority complex. This psychological reality is co-constitutive of and by material relations of power—the imaginary of inferiority both creates and is created by colonial relations of power. It is also in this context that violence takes on significant political import: violence deployed by the colonized to rebel against these colonial relations and enact a different world will also be violent in its fundamental disruption of this imaginary. The ethics of care, on the other hand, does not seem to sit well with violence, and thus Fanon's political theory more generally. Care ethics is concerned with everything we do to maintain and repair our worlds as well as reasonably possible. Violence, which ruptures our psycho-affective, material, and social-political realities, seems antithetical to this task. This article seeks to reconsider this apparent antinomy between violence and care via a dialogue between Fanon and the ethics of care. In so doing, this article mobilizes a relational conceptualization of violence that allows for the possibility that certain violences may, in fact, be justifiable from a care ethics perspective. At the same time, I contend that violence in any form will also eventually demand a caring response. Ultimately, this productive reading of Fanon's political theory and the ethics of care encourages both postcolonial philosophers and care ethicists alike to examine critically the relation between violence and care, and the ways in which we cannot a priori draw lines between the two.

Myanmar has a history of divisive institutions built during the British colonial period and the Japanese occupation. Colonial legacies suggest Myanmar's enduring ethnic conflict is path dependent, sustained by a self-reproductive system of violence. Yet, wartime disruption and Japanese institution building, as well as later ceasefire politics and limited ethnic defection, challenge theories of path dependency. This thesis compares distinct periods of institution building and the experiences of three ethnic minority groups in Myanmar, revealing a disastrous institutional trajectory that continues to reinforce ethnic conflict. In doing so, this thesis yields key insights to the conditions that precipitate change in the behavioral expression of ethnic identity during conflict.