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As think tanks continue to grow exponentially in number worldwide, their infl uence on world politics has also been increasing. These think tanks, including Russia's policy-oriented scientifi c research institutes, study a wide range of pressing political, social and economic issues, present their ideas and recommendations to national governments and international institutions, and promote international dialogue to foster solutions to world's most burning problems. For think tanks to remain trustworthy and infl uential, they need to maintain their integrity, independence of judgement, in-depth scholarship, and a sharpened focus on real-world outcomes. Their impact will also depend on their effi ciency in promoting their fi ndings through an active publications campaign, fi rst-rate conferences and seminars, skillful outreach programs, innovative Internet activities, and cutting-edge social networking. With the assistance of think tanks, the world politics will be better informed and thus more enlightened, future-oriented, resourceful, and better equipped to fi nd solutions to ongoing confl icts, build international cooperation, and avoid crises in the future. ; По мере бурного роста количества экспертно-аналитических организаций в различных регионах мира, их влияние на мировую политику также увеличивается. Эти «мозговые центры», включая занимающиеся международной проблематикой научно-исследовательские институты РФ, изучают важнейшие политические, социальные, экономические проблемы, представляют свои идеи и рекомендации государственным органам соответствующих стран и международным организациям, содействуют международному диалогу в поиске решений наиболее насущных вопросов, стоящих перед мировым сообществом. Репутация и эффективность экспертно-аналитических организаций зависит от их способности обеспечить профессиональную честность, объективность и всесторонний подход при проведении исследований, концентрировать усилия на насущной повестке дня мировой политики. Действенность их работы также повышается за счет целенаправленного продвижения результатов их исследований, изданий актуальных и востребованных публикаций, проведения резонансных конференций и семинаров с участием ведущих экспертов и политиков, осуществления инновационной деятельности в Интернете и социальных сетях.

в статье анализируются некоторые аспекты пересмотра истории Великой Отечественной и Второй мировой войн в контексте современной мировой политики. ; The article analyzes some aspects of the history of the Great Patriotic War and the Second World War revision in the context of contemporary world politics.

The article analyses various instances of the memory politics of the Nazi genocide of Roma in Ukraine during wartime, Soviet and Post-Soviet periods of times through the prism of the theory of "path dependency" and the concept of "sites of memory". One of the aims of this study is to interpret recent trends in contemporary memory politics in Ukraine, with focus on the Roma genocide memorials, and the documentation of the victims. The author shows how Soviet 'path dependency' designed the limits of commemoration of the Nazi genocide of the Roma in Ukraine. During World War II the leading Soviet newspapers informed the public about the mass killings of Roma by the Nazis on the occupied territories and stressed that the systematic extermination of this group was motivated by racial goals. However, after 1945, the systematic extermination of the Roma population by the Nazis became a taboo and was ignored by Soviet historiography and memory politics. The absence of an educated strata within the Roma group and the aggressive forgetting politics made impossible the recording of testimonies of the Soviet Roma tragedy immediately after the war. Today it is simply impossible because of a lack of witnesses and archival records. The author draws interesting parallels with memory politics in Ukraine, and its conciliation with Belarus and Russia. In recent years, about twenty monuments commemorating victims of the genocide of the Roma have been erected in Ukraine. According to decision of the Ukrainian Rada dated 8 October 2004, the International Day of the Holocaust of the Roma is held annually on 2 August. Following the countries of the European Union, Ukraine abandoned the official use of the word 'Gypsies' in favour of the more politically correct name 'Roma'. At the same time, in Belarus there only three sites of memory devoted to the Roma genocide and in Russia – no one. In Ukraine, over the last few years, a number of conferences on the genocide of the Roma were held, collections of scientific papers were published, ...

International audience ; The educational and methodological manual is devoted to the main issues of modern world politics and international relations. In particular, the main trends in the development of world politics are analyzed through the prism of the main theories of international relations, such as: political realism, liberalism, neorealism and neoliberalism, as well as constructivism and feminism. Along with this, the manual introduces the regional and global developments in the post-Soviet space, Europe, the Middle East, as well as in the Asia-Pacific, Latin American and African regions. Special emphasis is placed on the geopolitical priorities of Armenia and the South Caucasus. The course ends with lectures on the technological developments of our time, their impact on international relations, as well as models for the formation of a strategy for a secure Future. ; Учебно-методическое пособие посвящено основным проблемам современной мировой политики и международных от-ношений. В частности, главные тенденции развития мировой политики анализируются сквозь призму основных теорий между-народных отношений – таких, как: политический реализм, либерализм, неореализм и неолиберализм, а также конструктивизм и феминизм. Наряду с этим, пособие знакомит с региональными и глобальными развитиями на постсоветском пространстве, Европе, Ближнем Востоке, а также в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском, Латиноамериканском и Африканском регионах. Особый акцент ставится на геополитические приоритеты Армении и Южного Кавказа. Курс завершается лекциями, посвященными технологическим развитиям современности, их влиянию на международные отношения, а также моделям формирования стратегии безопасного Будущего.

To understand the depth of transformations in all spheres of society generated by
migration, new terminology is needed. The notion of "postmigrant societies" implies that the
distinction between local and migrant population loses its relevance in certain social spheres.
According to the familiar epistemological framework, societies are presented as consisting of
"local population" on the one hand, and "migrant population" on the other. This understanding,
however, is becoming obsolete. First, it does not reflect the fact that the phenomenon of spatial
mobility is embedded in the social structure. A significant part of the so-called local population
is itself included in migration processes. People who are considered to be part of the
"autochthonous population" are in fact migrants themselves due to different circumstances
(contract work, long-term stay in another country due to studies, involvement in joint business
projects, participation in international scientific teams, availability of real estate abroad, etc.). At
the same time, those people who are regarded as "migrants" by common sense can be well
integrated into the social institutions of their new homeland. Second, the traditional
epistemological framework does not reflect contemporary demographic trends. It is unable to
capture two points: (a) population rotation within the framework of circular/pendulum migration;
(b) qualitative change in the urban population of industrialized countries.

The article compares the forecasts concerning trends in world politics of the early 21st century created by Francis Fukuyama, Samuel Huntington and Immanuel Wallerstein. Though none of the forecasts was completely accurate, all of them spoke of the tendencies that could be later observed in world politics. Despite many experts criticized Fukuyama's concept of the 'end of history', Western elites had been making foreign policies of their countries in accordance with the concept until recently.The article explains how such policies came to contradict contemporary state of affairs. In accordance with Huntington's expectations, the role of civilizational factor in world politics of the early 21st century signifi cantly grew compared to previous periods. However, the character of civilizational factor's infl uence on political processes appeared to be different compared to what Huntington expected. The article underlines the accuracy of Wallerstein's forecast concerning the consequences of mass South-North migration. At the same time, the article concludes, his forecast, likewise the other two, also requires adaptation to contemporary situation in societal development. ; В статье дается сравнительный анализ прогнозов об особенностях и тенденциях развития мировой политики начала XXI в., данных в работах известных политологов Ф. Фукуямы, С. Хантингтона и И. Валлерстайна. Подчеркивается, что каждый из них предсказал некоторые тенденции, реально проявившиеся в мировых политических процессах последних десятилетий, хотя не все прогнозы оказались точными. Отмечается, что, хотя концепция «конца истории» Ф. Фукуямы подвергалась обоснованной критике со стороны специалистов, на практике правящие элиты стран Запада до последнего времени выстраивали политику в соответствии с этой концепцией. Констатируется, что эта политика пришла в противоречие с современными реалиями. Как и предполагал С. Хантингтон, роль цивилизационного фактора в мировой политике XXI в. возросла по сравнению с предшествующими периодами. Но влияние этого фактора на политические процессы проявляется иначе, чем предполагал американский политолог. Наиболее близок к современным реалиям прогноз И. Валлерстайна относительно последствий массовой миграции с Юга на Север. Тем не менее этот, как и все другие прогнозы, необходимо адаптировать к современной ситуации в общественном развитии.

Fear is fast becoming - if it has not already become - a central object of analysis for understanding today's politics. As fear is, supposedly, increasingly saturating our everyday lives, politicians and political strategists of all ideological stripes are rediscovering that fear is a handy tool in influencing voters. Our argument, however, is that rather than simply seeing the most recent exercise of a "politics of fear," our contemporary moment is distinguished by the emergence of "fear as politics". The paper argues that rather than fear acting as an expedient but ad hoc political tool, it has become the de facto essence of politics. Fear now provides the impetus and reason for politics, substituting other sources of legitimation of power such as democracy, justice, and the common good. The argument of the authors is being developed in a three-step process. Firstly - the authors argue - fear has become a projection of the political will aiming at changing existing order - that is to say that fear becomes the main reason and main motive for institutional / social change domestically and internationally. Secondly, fear cements power relations by creating a new "political dogma", a supra-ideology of sorts that being trans-ideological in spectrum (that is to say, "fear" becomes enclosed in every current ideology from populism to neo-conservatism), and shapes and restricts social imagination and political action. Thirdly - authors continue - fear provides alternative legitimization of state authority and action (that is to say that fear provides justification and sense of purpose for those in power). The authors have provided a set of interlocked ideas to show that fear can be rationalized, operationalized, that it is imbedded into diversified social strata, included into mainstream politics, politically utilized and form a bedrock of the new regnum (with a rationality based on fear) by whoever play politics.

Михайленко В. И. Современные исследования тоталитаризма / В. И. Михайленко // Известия Уральского государственного университета. Сер. 1, Проблемы образования, науки и культуры. — 2011. — N 1 (86). — С. 181-192.The article deals with modern scientific interpretation of the totalitarian phenomenon. The strength of the totalitarian regime, the author argues, lies in its reliance on mass-to-use collectivist archetypes of mass consciousness and a new political style of drawing the masses into politics to build a consensus between the regime and the masses. The author expands the range of totalitarian regimes to the "totalitarian democracy." Comparing the "ideal types" of liberal and totalitarian democracy, the author believes that the viability of the first of them gives a spontaneous, heuristic search for a compromise between freedom and necessity. Necessity (as a limiter of freedom on the line of survival of the subject) acts as a social framework that holds it and the public from making disastrous decisions. On the contrary, international experience has not given any viable example of the totalitarian model, built-confident human mind. The author analyzes contemporary debates about the nature of totalitarian societies and regimes. ; Михайленко В. И. Современные исследования тоталитаризма / В. И. Михайленко // Известия Уральского государственного университета. Сер. 1, Проблемы образования, науки и культуры. — 2011. — N 1 (86). — С. 181-192.Рассматриваются современные научные интерпретации тоталитарного феномена. Автор расширяет диапазон тоталитарных режимов до «тоталитарной демократии». Сила тоталитарного режима, по утверждению автора, состоит в его опоре на массы, в использовании коллективистских архетипов массового сознания и нового политического стиля вовлечения масс в политику, в достижении консенсуса между режимом и массами. Автор расширяет диапазон тоталитарных режимов до «тоталитарной демократии». Сопоставляя «идеальные типы» либеральной и тоталитарной демократии, автор полагает, что жизнестойкость первой из них придает спонтанный, эвристический поиск компромисса между свободой и необходимостью. Анализируются современные дискуссии о природе тоталитарных обществ и режимов.

The aim of the study is to examine the activities of professional academic associations in the U.S., which are close to the memory institutions in Europe. The author examines the role of professional associations as memory institutions in the development of memorial culture through the representation of the past in contemporary politics, its reflection in public and public spaces of American society. The novelty of the study lies in the comparison of institutions that determine the main vectors and trajectories of historical policy as memory policy in the United States. The article analyses the problems of the activities of institutionalized actors of collective memory policy in the U.S., including the American Historical Association, the Organization of American Historians and the Southern Historical Association. It hypothesizes that these groups can shape civil society versions of collective memory as alternatives to politically motivated use of the past by political elites. The article deals with the institutional and formal features of historical politics in the United States, the participation of historical associations in memorial conflicts and "memory wars", issues of politicization of history and the academic community's attempts at forming a canon of historical collective memory which is formally free from ideological influences. The activities of professional historical associations have supposedly been a factor in the development of revisionism in the interpretation of the history of the American South and the Confederate States of America. Therefore, the author considers the role and responsibility of American historians as public intellectuals who shaped compromise versions of memorial culture that contributed to the consolidation of society. The article highlights the contribution of professional historical associations as memory institutions to the development of mnemonic spaces of American society and its memorial culture. It analyses the attempts of American historians to preserve the "purity" of academic research in the context of the growing ideologization and instrumentalization of history by ruling elites. The research results suggest that memory institutions are an important factor in the development of contemporary identities in the United States in the context of revision of the past and the formation of new or alternative memorial canons in American political culture.

The article considers the transformation of basic values, life plans and behavioral strategies of the youth in contemporary Belarus. The changes in basic values are directly connected with the youth's adaptation to the conditions of global instability. The new generation is sensitive to social injustice, violations of rights and freedoms, unwillingness to take into account their opinions on current issues of social development and the future. The self-perception of people regarding the possibility to realize basic values in the current social-economic conditions is an important factor of social stability. In both 1990 and 2018, family holds the first place among the basic values in Belarus; work takes the second place as a factor of decent life and family's success; the importance of friends and leisure remains the same over the decades, while the importance of politics and religion grows. International comparisons show that Belarus has the same hierarchy of values as European countries. The surveys prove a decrease in popularity of the traditional media among the youth and an increase in individualism, importance of personal self-realization in family and at work, and in reliance on one's own forces. In the public space, the needs and expectations of people have changed - there is an increase in political radicalization and critical perception of the most important events, which affects the behavioral patterns of social-demographic groups. Education together with the family and new information technologies have a significant impact on values - there is an intragenerational gap, alienation from society and increasing informatization. The article is based on the results of the sociological surveys conducted in the framework of the European Values Study (EVS) (the results of 1990 and 2018 are compared).

The article justifies the obligatory and actuality school education of contemporary child's book as a "key mediatext of culture"; revealed the reasons of the underestimation of child's literature formed in society; describes the contemporary processes that go in child's book business; proved the necessity of development informative politics elaborate at government level. The novelty of the research consists in the exposure of basic negative tendencies, that led Russia's loss of status not only "the most reading country of the world" but also simply "reading country", in the proposals by the author the concrete measures for the improvement of situation in area of reading and child's national book industry. A scientific value presented the generalizations and conclusions, done by the author who based on the study of specific properties of contemporary child's and teenage literature, in particular: its "ovzroslenie" - "written for children as for adults" - attraction to journalism, genres deflections, structural changes of texts, violation of logic narrative and composition and other. ; В статье обосновывается актуальность использования в обязательном школьном образовании современной детской книги как «главного медиатекста культуры», выявляются причины сложившейся недооценки детской литературы в обществе, представлена характеристика современных процессов, которые идут в области детского книгоиздания, доказывается необходимость разработки на государственном уровне продуманной информационной политики. Новизна исследования заключается в выявлении основных негативных тенденций, которые приводят к потере Россией статуса не только «самой читающей страны мира», но и просто «читающей страны», в предложении автором определенных мер по улучшению ситуации в области чтения и детского отечественного книгоиздания. Научную ценность представляют обобщения и выводы, сделанные автором на основании изучения специфических особенностей современной детской и подростковой литературы, в частности: ее «овзросление», тяготение к публицистике, жанровые сдвиги, структурные изменения текстов, нарушение логики сюжета и композиции и др.

Связь между историей языка и историей общества состоит в том, что существуют особенности языка и языковых ситуаций, соответствующие определенным ступеням этносоциальной истории общества. В статье анализируются англоязычные заимствования политического дискурса медиа-текстов в русском языке рубежа веков, процессы их адаптации и функционирования.Заимствование является одним из самых динамических процессов русского языка, и в связи с активными общественно-политическими процессами в российском обществе исследование пласта заимствованной политической лексики представляется наиболее актуальным и интересным.Цель: описание заимствованной лексики в русском политическом медиа-дискурсе конца XX – начала XXI вв. и проведение ее тематической классификации.Методы исследования. Реализация цели и задач осуществляется с помощью описательного (приемы наблюдения, обобщения, типологизации исследуемого материала), сопоставительного и социолингвистического методов.Научная новизна заключается в описании и классификации заимствованной политической лексики медиа-текстов как направления современных лингвистических исследований.Результаты. Расширение русского лексического фонда рубежа веков происходит как за счет актуализации старых политических лексем, так и посредством использования в медиа-текстах новых иноязычных слов. Это дает возможность показать тенденции языкового развития, говорить о соотношении внутриязыковых и экстралингвистических факторов в определенные этапы развития.Область применения результатов. Материалы и результаты исследования могут быть использованы в практике преподавания лексикологии, неологии, а также в спецкурсах, посвященных проблемам межкультурной коммуникации и иноязычных заимствований в русском языке. ; The connection between the history of language and the history of society is that there are features of language and language situations that correspond to certain stages of the ethno-social history of society. The article analyzes the English-language borrowings of the political discourse of media texts in the Russian language of the turn of the century, the processes of their adaptation and functioning.Relevance. Borrowing is one of the most dynamic processes in the Russian language, and studying the layer of borrowed political vocabulary is most interesting and relevant in view of the active socio-political processes going on in Russian society.Purpose. The authors are aimed at providing a description of the borrowed vocabulary in the Russian political media discourse at the end of the 20th and early 21st centuries as well as perform its thematic classification.Methods of research. The realization of the goal and tasks is carried out with the help of the descriptive method that includes methods of observation, generalization, typology of the material being studied, as well as the comparative and sociolinguistic methods.The scientific novelty lies in the description and classification of the borrowed political vocabulary of media texts as a direction of modern linguistic research.Results. The expansion of the Russian lexical fund of the turn of the century is due both to the actualization of old political lexemes and through the use of new foreign words in media texts. This makes it possible to show the trends of linguistic development, to talk about the correlation of intralinguistic and extralinguistic factors in certain stages of development.Practical implications. The materials and results of the research can be used in the practice of teaching lexicology, neology, and also in special courses on the problems of intercultural communication and foreign language borrowings in the Russian language.

The article provides an analysis of the factors contributing to the integration of the countries in BRICS and studies the reasons for rising attention of world community to the unit. BRICS is considered as a united organization compared with rest of the world communities (for example with G7) as well as a set of countries with common specifics of development. The author divides the analogies into internal and external. Among internal analogies there are the level of socio-economic development and the political systems. The external analogies include the positions of countries in the structure of international relations, the striving for multipolarity and the emerging role in the world community that means the striving for the promotion of national interests and the similar approaches to peaceful settlement of the international conflicts. The author highlights the actual mechanisms for collaboration between the parties and the future model of cooperation. ; В статье содержится анализ факторов, способствующих объединению стран в такой блок как БРИКС, а также изучаются причины все большего внимания мирового сообщества к странам БРИКС. Блок БРИКС рассматривается и как единая организация в сравнении с остальным мировым сообществом (например, с G7), и как совокупность стран, обладающих общими чертами развития. Среди сходств автор выделяет внутренние: схожий уровень социально-экономического развития («развивающиеся страны с растущими экономиками»), сходство в системах политического управления, и внешние: сходное положение стран в структуре современных международных отношений; стремление всех стран к многополярности и усилению роли в мировом сообществе, т.е. к продвижению национальных интересов на международной арене; схожие позиции по урегулированию международных конфликтных ситуаций и т.д. Автор говорит как об уже действующих механизмах взаимодействия внутри блока («культура БРИКС»), так и о потенциально возможных.

The third instalment of this multi-volume project presents a selection of archival sources from the time of Ukraine's Revolution on Granite in October 1990. They include telegrams sent to participants of the Revolution from supporters in different parts of Ukraine, KGB documents such as internal notes and other records, as well as transcripts of parliamentary sessions from the time of the revolution. All materials included in the volume are published in two languages: the original language of the document (Ukrainian or Russian) and in English translation.

The article discusses the fusion of postmodernist discursive elements with the models inherited from Socialist Realism in post-Soviet culture of the 2000s. This tendency emerges as a response to a neo-conservative turn in the cultural politics of 229 the period. The most significant aspect of this tendency is detected in the focus on the war (or war-like) chronotope and conflicts. The postmodernist features of this hybridized discourse can be seen in the transformation of the war condition into a performative ritual, engaging the reader/viewer in the ecstatics of violence. However, the postmodernist play undermines "positive" message of a post-sots text: the "truth" of the protagonist turns out to be a shallow and self-contradictory rhetorics intended to mask the self-contained character of rituals of violence. The hypothesis of post-sots is tested against a wide number of films and texts of the period. Alexei Balabanov film "War" is analyzed as a model text representative for this tendency.