Suchergebnisse

Mención Internacional en el título de doctor ; El trabajo de tesis titulado «la transición invisible» tiene por objetivo principal la proposición de un nuevo paradigma de relato transicional, surgido «desde abajo y desde dentro», capaz de dar cuenta de las transformaciones epistémicas que han ido aconteciendo respecto de la subjetividad, la conciencia y la acción política de la ciudadanía contemporánea de Chile. Se trata de un enfoque transicional novedoso que refiere a un proceso que ha tenido un curso de existencia subterráneo y a contracorriente de los grandes procesos transicionales que se han sucedido en el nivel de la superficie, desde la institucionalidad y con una vocación vertical descendente que ha colonizado la narración de la historia chilena contemporánea. Este trabajo de tesis está dividido en 3 partes: en su primer capítulo, se efectúa un repaso por los la historia contemporánea de Chile, vista como una sucesión de narrativas transicionales «oficiales» que han compartido, más allá de sus diferencias ideológicas, una raíz epistémica similar, en cuanto a definirse como imposiciones impuestas por el poder estatal para configurar el orden social y las subjetividades de acuerdo a los hitos y concepciones escogidos por cada relato para marcar el sentido del «nosotros» compartido. El enfoque crítico de la perspectiva de análisis escogida (concatenada como un juego de voces que conjugan la historia social e institucional, la ciencia política y la sociología nacionalmente situada) nos pondrá hacia el final de este primer capítulo frente a la existencia de una serie de acontecimientos observados como aislados que, sin embargo, debidamente articulados, pueden tener la posibilidad de representar un contrapoder al que nada más dejaremos presentado bajo la idea de concebirle como una «transición invisible» de la ciudadanía. En la segunda parte de esta tesis, se propondrá un curso de mayor abstracción y metateorización para construir unos fundamentos teóricos que nos permitan articular el corpus de acontecimientos denunciados hacia el final del primer capítulo como componentes de una transformación epistémica que llamamos «transición invisible». Este camino alternara la teorización respecto del desarrollo de la conciencia moderna; de la subjetividad individual y colectiva; de las posibilidades de articulación de la sociedad en un sentido antiatomista; y de la eventualidad de construir una nueva ciudadanía y a su vez, una nueva política, por medio del principio discursivo y el ejercicio de una política deliberativa. Seguiremos para la teorización de cada uno de estos apartados, el siguiente orden respectivo: la sociología fenomenológica de Peter Berger; la sociología de la acción y del Sujeto de Alain Touraine; la filosofía moral y política de Charles Taylor; y finalmente, la teorización realizada por Jürgen Habermas, acompasada por los aportes atemperados respecto a la democracia deliberativa de Carlos Santiago Nino. En la parte final de esta Tesis, proponemos en sus primeros pasajes un descenso desde la precedente teorización hacia la praxis, por medio del análisis situado en la contingencia chilena del proceso constituyente en ciernes, a modo de poner a prueba el cambio epistemológico de la ciudadanía y la posibilidad más o menos cierta de llevar a cabo un ejercicio poco habitual de política deliberativa entre ciudadanos e institucionalidad. Como resultado de este contraste entre teoría y efectiva praxis, hacia el final de este último capítulo se ofrecerá un balance respecto de los límites y posibilidades para la cristalización de las transformaciones que se van operando con la «transición invisible», centrado, por un lado, en el análisis de los aspectos ajenos al control de la ciudadanía («la enervante levedad de la clase política civil») y, por otro lado, aquellos que dependen de sí, fundamentalmente vinculados al desarrollo de su autoconocimiento respecto del pasado común (reelaboración del pasado reciente común a partir de la «afirmación de la afirmación» que denuncia los silencios, confusiones y deja a la vista algunos puntos ciegos) y a la vez también de la adecuada representación de un futuro común por hacer, por medio del ejercicio de una «política de lo imposible» que de todas maneras se mantiene cauta respecto de las aporías de la imaginación futura. En suma, el enfoque de esta tesis ha estado puesto en el estudio de las transformaciones operadas en el nivel de la ciudadanía (y desde ella misma) en contraste a las narrativas oficiales centradas en la preservación del orden social a través de su control vertical-descendente. He querido ofrecer una teorización conceptual situacional para el caso concreto de la ciudadanía chilena, a partir de sus propias prácticas e historia, auxiliada por la teorización foránea en la medida de que esta, debidamente reinterpretada, ha tenido potencial para aplicarse localizadamente. Finalmente, es una invitación a discutir las posibilidades de construir colectivamente una nueva institucionalidad democrática, más participativa y deliberativa, a partir del progresivo empoderamiento de la capacidad de agencia de la ciudadanía chilena. ; The main aim of this thesis, titled «The Invisible Transition», is to propose a new paradigm to account for a transition «from the bottom and from within», capable of explaining the epistemic transformations that have occurred to the subjectivity, conscience and political action of contemporary Chilean citizens. It deals with a novel transitional focus that refers to a process that has existed underground and which goes against main, visible transitional processes, as a result of institutionalism and with both a vertical and downwards emphasis that has colonised the narration of contemporary Chilean history. This thesis is divided into three parts: in the first chapter, a review of contemporary Chilean history is carried out. This is seen as a succession of «official» transitional narratives that, beyond their ideological differences, share similar epistemic roots, defining themselves as impositions exacted by the State power to configure social order and subjectivities, depending on the events and ideas chosen by each narrative to mark the shared sense of «us». The critical focus of the analytical perspective chosen (linked together as a chain of voices combining social and institutional history, political science and nationally-placed sociology) brings us, towards the end of this chapter, to a series of events that appear isolated but which, when duly articulated, make the representation of a counter-power possible, which we will simply suggest calling the «invisible transition» of citizenship. In the second part of this thesis, a more abstract path is followed and metatheorising made to construct the theoretical fundamentals that articulate the events described towards the end of the first chapter as components of an epistemic transformation that we call the «invisible transition». This path alternates between theorising about the development of modern consciousness, individual and collective subjectivity, the possibilities of society articulating itself anti-atomistically and the eventual construction of a new kind of citizenship and, on the other hand, a new policy with discursive principals and the use of a deliberative policy. This continues with theorising on each section in the following order: Peter Berger's phenomenologist sociology, Alain Touraine's sociology of action and subjects, Charles Taylor's moral and political philosophy and, finally, the theorising of Jürgen Habermas, accompanied by Carlos Santiago Nino's moderate contributions on deliberative democracy. At the beginning of the final part of this thesis, we propose moving from theory to practice, through an analysis situated in the Chilean context of this budding process, in order to put the epistemological change to citizens and the relatively certain possibility of carrying out the unusual exercise of deliberative politics between citizens and institutions to the test. As a result of this contrast between theory and practice, towards the end of this last chapter, an evaluation of the limits and possibilities of the materialisation of the transformations that operate in the «invisible transition» is offered. On one hand, this is based on an analysis of the aspects that are beyond citizens' control («the unbearable lightness of the civil political class») and, on the other, on those that depend on it, fundamentally linked to the development of a selfawareness of the common past (recreating the recent version of this by the use of a new epistemology known as «affirmation of the affirmation», reporting silences and confusion and leaving certain blind spots in plain sight). At the same time, the appropriate representation of a common future is made, through the exercising of a «policy of the impossible» which, in any case, is cautious regarding the paradoxes of the future imagination. In summary, the focus of this thesis is placed on the study of the transformations that operate at (and from) a citizen level, as opposed to the official narratives based on the preservation of a social order through vertical-downward control. Helped by outside theorising, the aim is to offer conceptual situational theorising on the specific case involving Chilean citizens and on their own practices and history, which, duly reinterpreted, has had the potential to be applied locally. Finally, this thesis is an invitation to discuss the opportunity to collectively construct a new, more participative and more deliberative democratic institutionalism from the progressive empowerment of Chileans and their capacity for agency. ; Programa Oficial de Doctorado en Humanidades ; Presidente: Fernando Broncano Rodríguez.- Secretario: Germán Cano Cuenca.- Vocal: José Maríaa Medina García

The analysis of the relationship between architecture, the territory and modern tourism, the subject of this research, is part of the interpretation of the tourist phenomenon as a spatial phenomenon at the basis of new urban scenarios, capable of influencing the processes of the urbanization of places and their perception, of generating renewed urban metaphors contributing to modify social forms and methods of communication. In this sense the initial frame of reference within which research is developed, refers to the theory of space aimed at understanding the phenomenon of tourism.The study of the "space tourist" has so far placed itself within the scientific debate regarding the geographical knowledge, of which two tasks have been traditionally assigned: the first was to provide representations, the second to translate the reading and interpretation of the territory into operational tools in order to transform it according to the needs of society. The latest spatial manifestations of tourism have therefore represented significant areas whereby to draft the features of a possible postmodern geography. But the analysis of space tourism, in recent decades, has taken on a new dimension and with it, a new relevance in terms of social and cultural aspects, in fact tourist images of places have contributed in an ever more consistent way to feed the mind maps of individuals and thus their vision of space, of the territory and of the world. The horizon of tourist research was broadened enormously by the research of the last ten ye- ars, and tourism has thus become an important key for interpreting significant phenomena, starting with the process of nation building, the Americanization of consumer styles and production patterns, the elaboration of the con- cept of heritage, the courses of development of backward economies, up until the most recent studies on the relationship between tourism and urbanism. And it is precisely on contemporary urban horizon which I intend to focus on in this work, thanks to more recent research trends of the French school, in particular in the transition from the study of geography of tourism to the study of the relationship between tourism and urban themes and by the research carried out by the MIT team (MIT Team – Mobilités, Itinéraires, Territoires). Today we can speak of hyper-tourist phase- a definition that may be useful to distinguish first generation tourism from the current one - for the fact that the relationship which has been established between tourist industry, urban are as and local systems is typically post-modern. In fact, both in terms of territorial transformation and economic and cultural terms, many cities have taken tourism as the reference model and, in turn, tourist spots and places have adopted dynamics which are typically urban even when pre-existing urban settlements are not mentioned. These premises are the basis of the objectives of this research that by analyzing the contemporary tourist phenomenon in its architectural and urban spatial dimension, intends to bring materials and methodologies for interpreting it as a phenomenon that generates "urbanity". The concept of urbanity thus allows us to approach tourism in a different way than just studying a set of practices which have incre- ased exponentially: rural tourism, ecological tourism, seaside tourism, urban tourism, etc., allowing us to highlight the properties common to the tourist phenomenon and what forms it may take on. At the same time, the concept of urbanity allows us to bring out the urban characteristics produced through tourism. The concept of "urbanity" is then referred to the transformations of the territory tied to tourism: from the evolutionary trends of the settlement, which also fits the role and orientation of planning, up to the current processes of restructuring the territory. In this sense it was deemed necessary to distinguish two reference scales: the extra-territorial dimension of the phenomenon where, in the dynamics of contemporary flows, it is possible to identify a sort of macroplace (destination) that includes all the spaces where people come to and which they often share, and bringing us to a phenomenology of generalized de-localisation and de-territorialization. - the territorial dimension, the one where in the concrete relationship with places, tourism leaves deep traces in space, produces urban substance becoming the generator of urbanity forms, which often defy the rules of the city in the consolidated or traditional sense, and for which it is necessary to define critical issues and politics of intervention . Starting from the need to bring the attention to the territorial dimension, in which analysis and formalization of the relationship between territory-tourism-urbanity can lead to theoretical and operational outcomes, the developments of this research thesis are then referred to the specific case study of Sardinia. This research is structured into three main sections. The first is dedicated to the analysis of space tourism, where, starting from the modern-post modern dichotomy as identified by Minca (1996), an in-depth examination is carried out, on the one hand, a kind of tourist space explo- sion, with the acquisition of new and increasingly large territories and, on the other hand, a genuine tourist space implosion with the concentration inside closed or semi-closed areas in a series of images and pure, stylized tourist landscapes. The focus is placed on the territory: the tourist territory - namely the spatial organization (or space-time) tourism, which presents itself since its origins as a consumer-driven system, because it is moulded favouring methods of access to resources and exchange, that today becomes the paroxysmal place of the flows both in terms of material consumption of goods – starting with the territory - in terms of geographical mobility (movement) and in terms of symbolic exchange (communication). The analysis of the first section focuses, as indicated in the introduction, focuses on the interpretation of the tourist phenomenon as a spatial phenomenon which causes space tran- sformations through the construction of images and landscapes, creating forms of urbanity in terms of urban 'products' and architecture 'products'. With reference to specific case studies and analysis we will then refer to the alternation in time of genuine models tied to the courses of differentiation and approval, related to the creation and organization of tourist area in which fundamental interpretations regard the formulations of Battilani (2007) and the research contribution of Trillo (2003). This type of analysis is supported by a further comparison, the one with the specialised 'manuals' and its contents compared to the reflections and attempts to define guidelines for the space tourist project. Therefore those elements emerge - which is the basis and where the thesis is oriented towards with the ability to confer quality to the project of tourist spots, with a significant contribution in the Italian case, consisting of a lecture by Gio Ponti entitled "Architettura e turismo" (Architecture and Tourism), held in 1942 for the Directorate General for tourism and ENIT (National Tourist Agency), which widens the horizon of the debate, from the manual type of debate to the more complex one: the context. The following paragraphs relate to a specific analysis of spatial transformations induced by tourism and in particular to the phenomena of cultural and physical de-location and de-territorialization, up to the analysis of urban dynamics- related processes, in which often the concept of city is represented, made into a utopia, or subverted. If in the first section of the thesis tourism has been identified as a spatial phenomenon, which begins with a project, an intention tied to the use of places, it is evident to steer this research within a framework of analysis on the relationship between tourism and the theme of urban, introducing the second section with an interpretation of Tourism as a generator of urbanity. The possibility to analyze and identify the specific characters of urbanity, referring to the evolutionary dynamics of a given territory, can constitute a conceptual tool that allows us to receive the tourist dimension as a component of the ur- ban aspect. This is formalized through the interpretation of three different dimensions: that of urban monuments, urban public spaces and mobility, deepening the analysis on the relations between tourist spots and the differentials of urbanity, illustrating the issues whereby that tourist aspect is featured as "relative urbanity". Consequently a second analysis scenario is introduced, the one that refers to the relationship between Tourists and Urbanists, hence between tourism and planning. Some a few fundamental references, Oddi (2011) with regard to the study of the relationship between tourism and urban planning, we start with the fundamental differences that exist between the two scopes: the town is basically a technique and an art2 ; while tourism is – just as with all the "isms" - a movement, a flow, even before a pure and simple activity. In this sense the town is the tourism object but it does not deplete its interests and interferes only partially with its reasons strongly tied to moving. That which unites urban planning and tourism, however, is the need for design, planning and programming of transformations that generate in the territory in order to ensure the control and quality of interventions. It is clear that the town planning technique (more rarely art) has established the necessary instrument for implementing tourist settle- ments, but the goals have strongly come apart, producing a sort of mutual distrust that under lies many still pervasive attitudes.

The article aims to describe and analyse international relations debates, focusing on the contributions that feminisms make to the field as one of the dissident currents and reflectivist approaches -especially in its postcolonial/decolonial formulations. The methodology used is qualitative, and a specific bibliography is reviewed in order to examine the current discussions in the discipline, the confrontations within feminisms in IR, as well as their contributions. Moreover, we will look at the revision that Latin American and Caribbean decolonial feminism has instigated, considering the importance of intersectionality for expanding disciplinary boundaries. The text is articulated around the following questions: What debates run through the contemporary disciplinary field? What do the approaches of feminisms, within this framework, question and propose? What methodologies and notions do they introduce in IR studies? Which contributions are made by Latin American and Caribbean feminism? Thus, specific methodological and epistemological issues illuminated by feminisms in IR, such as the body politics,the micropolitics approach, and the focus on everyday practices,are given particular consideration. Solomon & Steele (2016) affirm that it "is only now — with increasing shifts to the micro — that academic IR has begun to (re)discover the lives and people of global politics, and to breathe life back into a field that grand theory mostly neglected". Every life of any person around the world should be recognized; there is no international system or society without the actions and practices of ordinary people. In this regard, feminisms have been key introductions into the field of IR, along with poststructuralism and postcolonialism, which are regular research instruments in disciplines like anthropology or sociology. For instance, ethnographic studies or participant observation are techniques that support the turns and innovations mentioned above. This framework is fundamental to make gender differences visible from an intersectional perspective. Postcolonial/decolonial feminism concentrates their studies on that difference, especially considering its links with other inequalities and concrete oppressions: e.g. in relation to race, ethnicity, religion, class, and nationality. In Latin America and the Caribbean, this perspective takes on an added relevance, and gives rise in this text to the problematization of its entanglement with human rights; the relationship between women, work and racialization; inequalities and violence; together with their links with global neoliberalism. In this respect, the article gives a comprehensive account of the main issues tackled by feminisms in the region, such as women's positions during the colonization period, and the multiple forms of violence related to their role. For instance, there is the importance of state responsibility in femicides, and the internal colonization and the neglect of diversity in national (plurinational) societies. These are performed by academia and social movements, particularly so in Western (white) feminist perspectives. The text is divided into three sections. Firstly, the framework of current IR debates is established, the differences between feminisms in IR and their classifications are described, and the theoretical contributions that these approaches have made to the discipline through methodological instruments such as micropolitics, corporeality and the practices of everyday life are elaborated. In the words of Enloe (2007, p.100) "Feminism is a multidimensional yet coherent worldview. Feminism is an achieved mosaic of understandings, yet it is still unfolding. […] feminism is a complex set of understandings about how power operates, how power is legitimized and how power is perpetuated". Regardless of which perspective within feminism is being highlighted, some fundamental common issues will appear: neoliberalism and patriarchy are two of them, but also violence against women, gender identities and rights, exploitation, public and private spheres distinctions, etc. Then, the particularities of decolonial feminisms in Latin America and the Caribbean, along with their intersectional look at the field, are discussed: the question of subalternity, difference and neoliberalism, the concrete forms they acquire in the Global South and in the region. Moreover, the relevance of the link between neoliberalism and patriarchy is brought into consideration as a research topic shared by different feminist perspectives. In this respect, we name some authors form the region that propose feminist genealogic studies (Ciriza, 2015; Parra, 2021). As Marchand (2013, p.64) explains, the opportunities of a young middle-class woman with a university education are greater than those of a 65-year-old indigenous man with little formal education and a peasant life. While obviously not in a dominant position in society and the labour market, the young woman still has a privileged position with respect to the indigenous. These differences are invisible in the rational mainstream, and also in liberal -and some socialist or poststructuralist- feminisms. Some particular research is mentioned to show how the body politics, micropolitical approaches, and the practice turn are effectively used in IR studies, with innovative techniques oriented towards ethnographic studies and participated action. For instance, the examination of global women (and gender diversities), migration and mobility are illuminated by focusing in particular case: women from Guerrero in Texas (Muñoz y Mendoza, 2018). Also, the incidences of sexual violence in the conflict in Guatemala is brought to light through the voices of the Maya women survivors and thanks to the research of Fulchiron (2016). This research emphasises the use of the femininized body as a war instrument. In addition, this paper mentions the contribution that Latin American and Caribbean feminisms have made to the field of human rights, especially through the participation in international organizations such as OAS and UN. (Barrancos, 2021; Chiarotti Boero, 2021) Considering all the above mentioned, we state that critical and intersectional feminisms allow us to think IR as a diverse field, with true planetary scope, and capable of recovering the importance of the well-being and daily lives of people. Finally, the conclusions are presented with possible relevant lines for future research (ecofeminism and the Latin American approaches to it). Dissident contributions in IR, in general, call into question the mainstream, giving rise in recent years to alternative, peripheral and silenced voices through postcolonial studies (decoloniality) and the feminisms, amongst others. These voices of difference generate discussion beyond hegemonic perspectives, producing key contributions for the continued interrogation of the discipline. These voices, for instance from Latin America and the Caribbean, draw on their own worldviews, along with traditional and popular knowledge. This assists in the promotion of new approaches and value situated, plural, intersectional and corporeized knowledges. ; El artículo se propone describir y analizar los debates en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales (RRII), focalizando en los aportes que los feminismos hacen al campo como corriente disidente, y en especial, en sus vertientes postcoloniales/decoloniales. Con una metodología cualitativa, se revisa bibliografía específica que permite dar cuenta de las discusiones actuales en la disciplina, las confrontaciones al interior de los feminismos en RRII y sus contribuciones, y, en ese plano, se repasan los aportes propios del feminismo decolonial latinoamericano y caribeño, considerando el señalamiento sobre la interseccionalidad realizada por este. Así, se examinan cuestiones metodológicas y epistemológicas concretas como la cuestión del cuerpo, los estudios desde la micropolítica y el foco en las prácticas cotidianas de las personas, iluminadas por los feminismos en las RRII. Ese marco es fundamental para visibilizar las diferencias de género desde una perspectiva interseccional, que desde el feminismo postcolonial/decolonial se concentra en sus vínculos con otras desigualdades y opresiones (raza, origen, clase social, entre otras). En América Latina y el Caribe esta mirada adquiere una relevancia distintiva y da lugar en este escrito a la problematización de sus vínculos con los derechos humanos, con las desigualdades y las violencias, y sus articulaciones con el neoliberalismo transnacionalizado. El texto se divide en tres apartados: primero, en el marco de los debates actuales del campo de estudio, se revisan los aportes de los feminismos en las RRII y se describen las diferencias al interior de estos. En particular, se indican como contribuciones teórico-metodológicas de los enfoques feministas a las RRII aquellos estudios basados en la micropolítica, la corporeidad y las prácticas de la vida cotidiana. Luego, se tratan las particularidades de los feminismos decoloniales en América Latina y el Caribe y su mirada interseccional en el campo: la cuestión de la subalternidad, la diferencia, la inequidad y el neoliberalismo, las formas concretas que adquieren en el Sur Global y en la región. Por último, se presentan las conclusiones con posibles líneas relevantes para futuras investigaciones. Los aportes disidentes en las RRII, en general, ponen en cuestión la corriente principal, dando lugar en los últimos años a voces alternativas, periféricas y silenciadas a través de los estudios postcoloniales (decolonialidad) y los feminismos, entre otros. Son esas voces de la diferencia las que presentan discusión a las perspectivas hegemónicas, produciendo contribuciones claves para continuar pensando la disciplina; en América Latina y el Caribe esto se realiza desde cosmovisiones propias, que buscan amalgamar saberes tradicionales y populares, propiciar nuevos enfoques y valorizar un conocimiento situado, interseccional, plural y corporeizado.

This guide accompanies the following article: Christine V. Wood, 'The Sociologies of Knowledge, Science, and Intellectuals: Distinctive Traditions and Overlapping Perspectives', Sociology Compass 4/10 (2010): 909–923, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2010.00328.x.It offers a list of texts that one could use in developing a course in the sociology of scientific knowledge, in the sociology of knowledge in general, or in a more specialized course on the field of scholarly production, experts and intellectuals, and the social organization of the academic profession and research sciences.Author's introductionFew review and teaching materials exist that collect the diverse research exploring the social and institutional context in which scholarly and scientific ideas are generated, legitimated, and diffused. By zeroing in on the social 'field' or 'arena' of scholarly production, which may include the sciences, humanities, and social sciences, sociologists are better able to delineate the distinct analytic traditions that have emerged in studying various orderings of certified knowledge – whether philosophical, humanistic, social scientific, or scientific – and their producers. Despite obvious overlaps, the sociologies of knowledge, science, and intellectuals owe their origins as sociological sub‐fields to distinctive theoretical and even methodological traditions. Considering intellectuals and experts as social groups working in specific social contexts, institutions, and making different kinds of claims to knowledge is different from studying the gestation of ideas and their content, whether these ideas are values, beliefs, assumptions, or scientific and academic theories. Within the sociology of knowledge, studies of the production of academic knowledge is a separate body of literature from studies of social cognition, collective memory, or the internalization of norms and values, and so some distinctions are necessary. In some sense, the sociology of knowledge as a grand project that could subsume the study of scientific knowledge and the study of intellectuals as a social class or group and of the academic professions. But many scholars draw boundaries between the sociologies of knowledge and science, owing to the empirical distinctions between an area of inquiry that subsumes the study of broad orderings of knowledge and a field that focuses on the distinct status and situation of natural and hard science in modern life – its content, institutional contexts, organization, normative structures, political conflicts, and applications. Depending on their research interests, scholars have drawn boundaries within the sub‐fields of science studies, for instance by delineating between the 'political' sociology of science and the 'historical' sociology of science, or by focusing on the interactions between political and social movements and science and academia. Depending on the interests of the professor and the degree of specialization of a course, this guide offers a list of texts that one could use in developing a course in the sociology of scientific knowledge, in the sociology of knowledge in general, or in a more specialized course on the field of scholarly production, experts and intellectuals, and the social organization of the academic profession and research sciences.Author recommendsFollowing a chronology of sociological work on knowledge, science, and intellectuals, from the classical, 19th‐Century theory of Karl Marx and Max Weber through the early and mid‐20th‐Century is to trace a neat trajectory of sociological theory in its various incarnations – foundational, functionalist, structural, institutional, political, historical, and cultural. Many classical essays in the sociology of knowledge and science are dispersed among larger texts devoted to the essays of key sociological thinkers. Within the sociology of knowledge or science, numerous volumes exist that detail foundational and specialized approaches in the field.For a primer in the modern sociologist's treatment of science as a social institution, an excellent collection is Robert Merton's The Sociology of Science: Theoretical and Empirical Investigations, a compendium of essays from the thinker on science in modern societies, with attention paid to scientific institutions as they developed from the 17th‐Century through the 20th‐Centuries. What is most remarkable about Merton's collection of essays is that it sets the framework for many core themes that would later be elaborated by sociologists on questions of science, including the relationship of science to other institutions and conflicts among scientists over the prioritization of some programs of research and discovery over others. In a thesis that explored the 'interdependence' of science and other institutional spheres in seventeenth century England, where modern science was just beginning, Merton explored the 'interdependence' of science and other institutional spheres, occupational, religious, economic, and militaristic. Aside from this essentially 'macro' view of science, Merton also wrote on the 'Normative Structures of Science', where he discussed a conflict between the governing ethos of science and the attitudes of others across institutional and social spheres. He wrote that a tenet in science is that all scientists should in their research ignore all considerations other than the advance of knowledge, the justification being that consideration of the practical or social uses of the knowledge increases the possibility for bias and error. Merton claimed that this attitude had furnished a basis of revolt against science – once the applications of the science are discovered, those authorities or groups who disapprove of that application will turn their antipathy toward the science itself. Finally, in an essay on 'Priorities in Scientific Discovery', Merton laid the groundwork for the 'functionalist' perspective of science. He argued that science operates with governing norms of priority and originality, which places pressure on scientists to assert their claims as original. When science as an institution is working efficiently, those who have best fulfilled their roles as scientists will have made genuinely original contributions to the common stock of knowledge, and are afforded rightful esteem and recognition. The focus on the judgment of originality and credibility in science has sparked a wave of new scholarship, which I outline in the course syllabus and essay.Given the status of 'science and technology studies' as an ever expanding interdisciplinary field, several recent volumes collect contemporary essays in the social studies of science. A notable volume that contains diverse theoretical and methodological writings in the social studies of science is the Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, edited by Edward J. Hackett, Olga Amsterdamska, Michael Lynch, and Judy Wajcman (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2007). Emphases on the political dimensions of scientific knowledge production are currently receiving a great deal of attention, with diverse research exploring the politics of nuclear proliferation, environmental justice movements, and the politics of gender and sexual difference in scientific and medical research. The New Political Sociology of Science: Institutions, Networks, and Power, edited by Scott Frickel and Kelly Moore, provides a good introduction (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 2006). Other edited volumes are useful as introductory texts to core essays and readings in the sociology of knowledge. A nice volume that contains overlapping research in the sociologies of knowledge and science is Society & Knowledge: Contemporary Perspectives in the Sociology of Knowledge & Science, edited by Volker Meja and Nico Stehr (Transaction Publishers, 2005).Sample syllabusSince the sociologies of knowledge and science are such broad areas of research, the sample syllabus takes into account analysis of knowledge production in the sciences, social sciences, and humanities as well as the study of intellectuals as a group. For those that find the focus broad, recommended readings allow those with more interest in science and technology studies or in the study of expert communities to zero‐in on specific bodies of literature. This course could be framed broadly as a course on the social contexts of knowledge production – science, knowledge, and modern research and academic vocations. A basic goal of the class is to encourage students to think more reflexively about science and about their own work as social scientists, while also to promote ongoing research on the ever changing social contexts of the academic professions and knowledge production in the sciences, social sciences, and humanities.This 10 week outline introduces theoretical texts and some exemplary case studies.Week 1: Introduction:This session is an introduction to the sociological study of knowledge production, science, and intellectuals as a group. The class should discuss short pieces as foundational texts, which may include Gramsci's essay writing on intellectuals in Selections from the Prison Notebooks (New York: International Publishers, 1971); excerpts from Karl Mannheim's Ideology and Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1985), particularly those portions that deal with the social function of the intellectual and the 'classless intellectual'; Max Weber's essay 'Science as a Vocation' (Pp. 129–156 in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, edited by H. Gerth and C. W. Mills, New York: Oxford University Press, 1958); and some more contemporary piece, perhaps Merton's essay 'Paradigm for the Sociology of Knowledge', a clarifying, comprehensive essay on the myriad topics that could be subsumed under the sociology of knowledge (in The Sociology of Science: Theoretical and Empirical Investigations, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973). Given the breadth of Merton's essay, which does not deal exclusively with scholarly and scientific knowledge, class discussion should devote attention to the distinctions among approaches that deal with intellectuals as a group, the social contexts of science, and the content of ideas.Week 2: Classical foundations:The second week should involve a more detailed emphasis on theoretical foundations in the sociology of knowledge and science. Though Weber's essay on 'Science as a Vocation' has been introduced in the first week, the discussion should center more intensely on how the classical scholars handled questions about knowledge and intellectuals. Using Merton's essay to frame the classical theorists' take on science and knowledge, a comparison of the perspectives of Marx and Weber on knowledge and intellectuals should make for a lively discussion. Excerpts from Marx's The German Ideology provide a good introduction to Marx's views on the way the content of ideas are linked to material life. In Marx's critique of the writings in political economy of his day, he argues that the content, form, and method of the writing on utilitarianism from the prominent bourgeois thinkers of the day were linked to concrete social and economic developments in Europe. To contrast Marx's take that the content of political and economic writing reflected social and economic developments, Weber provides a more nuanced analysis of how the class interests of intellectuals influences the content of their ideas in his writing on how certain types of intellectuals influenced the ideological and ethical doctrines of major world religions, by advocating ideas that conformed to but were not directly influenced by their occupational class interests. Important to this discussion is to compare and contrast Marx and Weber and the extent to which each sees social class as shaping ideas.Weeks 3–4: Social structure, function, and institutions:The next several sessions deal with the various approaches to science and technology, knowledge, and intellectuals to emerge in the middle of the 20th‐Century. The first set of discussions should be on social structure and function – essentially, in discussion how sociologists' have understood the influence of social structure on knowledge production and how scholars have theorized on the function or 'role' of scientists and intellectuals in the promotion of the social order. Again, Robert Merton provides a touchstone example of a 'functionalist' perspective on science, and a good example is his essay on 'Priorities of Scientific Discovery' (The Sociology of Science: Theoretical and Empirical Investigations, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973). An exemplary text and enjoyable read is Florian Znaniecki's Social Role of the Man of Knowledge (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, [1940] 1986). C. Wright Mills's Sociology and Pragmatism: The Higher Learning in America is an exemplary and oft‐overlooked text on the growth of pragmatism and modern American sociology, a model of research design and a prescient analysis of how occupational and economic conditions, the changing demographic of the American university, and the content and function of elective curricula influenced the development of new areas of research in philosophy and the growth of modern sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969). This text could also be used to discuss the importance of institutional conditions in shaping academic disciplines and knowledge production. Key texts on the importance of institutions as portals and venues of intellectual activity and the social importance of scientists and intellectuals as institutional and bureaucratic actors include Lewis Coser's Men of Ideas: A Sociologist's View (New York: Free Press, 1965) and Edward Shils's (1972) collection of essays, The Intellectuals and the Powers, and Other Essays (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).Weeks 5–6: Politics and reflexivity:Alvin W. Gouldner's The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology is a good introduction to a reflexive approach to knowledge production in the social sciences (New York: Avon, 1970). Gouldner analyzed the 'presuppositions' of two generations of social theorists, comparing the early 20th‐Century sociological preoccupations with social order with the more conflict‐laden approaches of the New Left generation. The book makes a rather convincing case about how scholars' relations to resources and politics form the subtext of social theory. Other examples of the 'politics' of knowledge production and the social situation of the observer or abound, particularly in feminist theory, beginning with Dorothy Smith's now‐dated essay 'Women's Perspective as a Radical Critique of Sociology' (Pp. 21–34 in The Feminist Standpoint Theory Reader: Intellectual and Political Controversies, edited by S. Harding, New York: Routledge, 2004). A good way to trace the intellectual trajectory of feminist critiques of science and knowledge is by assigning selections from The Feminist Standpoint Theory Reader. These texts will provide something of an antidote or contrast to the social structural or 'functional' perspectives. Also fitting for these discussion are a couple of texts that revived the analyses of the influence of intellectuals' social class position on the content of ideas. Erik Olin Wright (1978) focused on intellectuals in late capitalism and György Konrad and Ivan Szelenyi (1979) analyzed the social position of intellectuals under Eastern European state socialism, in both cases melding political sociology with the sociology of knowledge. Discussions of the texts featured in these 2 weeks should provoke students to discuss whether the main imperative of the sociology of knowledge – the analysis of the social and material, or at least contextual, backdrop to knowledge claims – is in itself reflexive.Weeks 7–8: Fields, new institutional analysis, social movements, and networks:Among the most popular recent approaches in the sociology of knowledge are field analysis, network analysis, and new institutional approaches. Each of these could be said to be in some sense 'macro' as the focus is on how broader contexts and relationships influence the content and flow of ideas. Bourdieu's Homo Academicus is a study of the relationships of status among French university professors and includes rigorous analyses of scholars' career and family backgrounds as well as the relationships of academic disciplines to authorities in the university and the state (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1988). Examples of how institutional conditions shape the development, structure, and composition of academic disciplines and departments have emerged in recent years, the most notable examples being Charles Camic's essay (published in 1995 in Social Research) on how local institutional conditions and interdisciplinary interaction influenced the development of distinct analytic traditions in three early sociology departments and Mario Small's essay (published in 1999 in Theory and Society) on how local institutional factors influenced differences in the content and structure of new African‐American studies programs. Excellent examples of the influence that social movements and collective action have on the formation of new academic disciplines include Fabio Rojas's From Black Power to Black Studies: How a Radical Social Movement Became an Academic Discipline (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007) and Scott Frickel's Chemical Consequences: Environmental Mutagens, Scientist Activism, and the Rise of Genetic Toxicology (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004). Finally, Randall Collins's mammoth The Sociology of Philosophies: A Global Theory of Intellectual Change outlines a vast network analysis of philosophical production across historical periods (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000). The book is big, and an idea is to have students read the theoretical sections that explain the logic of a network analysis of philosophical production, and then to have students select individual chapters to read and present to the class.Week 9: Culture and micro‐sociological analysis:With the rise in importance of the sociology of culture in recent years, interested scholars have applied some of the research techniques developed in culture studies to analyze knowledge production. An exemplary study in this area is Karin Knorr‐Cetina's Epistemic Culture: How the Sciences Make Knowledge, which is a micro‐sociological account of how scientists in high‐energy particle physics and molecular biology labs conduct their research (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999). If students are interested in the contexts of scientific knowledge production and laboratory life, students might compare Knorr‐Cetina's analysis with earlier studies of the interactions of actors and artifacts in science labs, beginning with the work of Bruno Latour, perhaps starting with Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987).Week 10: Using approaches in the sociology of science to analyze other kinds of knowledge production:At the 'cutting edge' of research in the sociology of knowledge are attempts by scholars to adapt, or utilize, the theories and methods developed in science studies to analyze knowledge production in the social sciences and humanities. A good essay that draws on the work of Knorr‐Cetina is Gregoire Mallard's 'Interpreters of the Literary Canon and their Technical Instruments: The Case of Balzac Criticism', published in the American Sociological Review in 2005. A more recent example examines how social science and humanities professors evaluate knowledge, borrowing from research in the social studies of science on consensus, evaluation, and credibility: Michele Lamont's How Professors Think: Inside the Curious World of Academic Judgment (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009). Students should assess how convincingly a research area that originated in social studies of science, like studies of how knowledge is prioritized and judged as 'original' or the use of technical instruments in the humanities, applies to knowledge contexts outside of the hard sciences.Focus questions

 In what ways can the methods and theories of the sociology of science be adapted to analyze knowledge production in other areas, including the humanities and the social sciences? What sorts of processes and knowledge claims are specific to science?
 What makes an analysis reflexive? Is analyzing the material or institutional conditions that shape ideas or scientific production inherently critical or reflexive?
 Among the more recently popularized theoretical and methodological approaches to intellectual life, like Bourdieu's 'field' analysis of the French university and Collins's network analysis of philosophy, which is likely to be most transposable across diverse scientific and academic settings?

Editorial I am delighted to announce the successful publication of Volume 26, 2020 of our esteemed journal, Lagos Notes and Records. This current edition is made up of thirteen well-researched articles across the various disciplines of the Humanities and Social Sciences namely History, Philosophy, Creative Arts, Language Studies, Literature, Communication Studies, and Linguistics. Lynn Schler in the first article, 'The Local and the Global in African Studies: An Essay in Honour of Prof. Ayodeji Olukoju @ 60', argues that in every geographic context, African studies evolved as an intersection between local and global flows of ideas, politics and capital. She concludes that the future of African studies requires scholars to view Africa as both a singular idea and a conglomeration of vastly diverse cultural contexts. Scholars must be aware of what is distinctive in local contexts and also take cognizance of global solutions. In the second article, 'Identity and Ideological Positioning in Popular Nigerian Ethnic Jokes', 'Rotimi Taiwo and David Dontele examine the discursive constructions of selected jokes to determine their expression of attitudinal and ideological dispositions of the ethnic groups within the multilingual/multicultural context of Nigeria. They argue that ethnic jokes in Nigeria construct stereotypes about linguo-cultural signs, and that the jokes have been stripped of their stigmatizing effects owing to the ability of Nigerians to laugh collectively at their perceived prejudices and stereotypes. In a related article, 'Impression Management and Face Sensitivities in Delta State Courtroom Interactions', Olasimbo Takpor and Felix Ogoanah investigate impression management and courtroom interactions in High Court proceedings in DeltaState of Nigeria within the theoretical framework of Rapport Management Model (Spencer Oatey). They conclude that to manage face sensitivities, courtroom interactions create diverse impressions of themselves or others by deploying impression management strategies such as self-promotion, intimidation, apologies, ingratiation and conformity as determined by the peculiarities of legal procedures and cultural norms, which mediate judicial proceedings, interpretations and decisions. Felix Ajiola's 'Colonial Capitalism and the Structure of the Nigerian Cocoa Marketing Board, 1947-1960' examines the origin, structure and impact of the Nigerian Cocoa Marketing Board (NCMB) from its inauguration in 1947 up to 1960. The author argues that the NCMB served various interests and purposes, which hardly benefitted cocoa producers, but rather exploited them through intolerable taxes, harmful price regulations and unfavourable grading policies. In another article, 'The Language Factor and Internet Penetration in Nigeria: A Practical Assessment', Olushola Are examines all the unstated assumptions behind quests for more language options on the internet with specific reference to Nigeria. The author concludes that the provision of Nigerian language options online would not significantly enhance internet penetration in the country without broader adjustments to the roles and status of indigenous languages as well as greater socio-economic and political reforms to fight general social exclusion for which linguistic exclusion of any form may be merely symptomatic. In the sixth article, 'Theatrical Intervention towards "Birth Preparedness and Complication Readiness"', Oluwatoyin Olokodana-James examines Birth Preparedness and Complication Readiness (BPCR) strategies. She argues that BPCR reduces the risks of complications in that it helps health practitioners to detect danger signs from both mother and the newborn early enough. Using qualitative research approach, the author employs theatre and dance as interventionist tools to educate women within Ifako-Ijaye LGA in Lagos State on the usefulness of BPCR. In a different article on 'Stress Patterning in Polysyllabic Words among Educated Yoruba Speakers of English in Lagos', Emmanuel Osifeso investigates one hundred (100) undergraduate and post-graduate students across Lagos State to underscore the role of stress patterning of polysyllabic words among educated Yoruba speakers of English in Lagos (EYSEL). He concludes that EYSEL have a propensity for shifting the main stress in English polysyllabic words rightward. Victor Ariole's article, 'Peul (Fulani) Worldview as seen in Ba's Work: A Critique', identifies the cultural integration constraints in Africa using Ba's discussion of the Peul/Fulani as a case study. He concludes that Ba's thought patterns are quite relevant in understanding the Peul's worldview which sees probity and constituents' responsibilities as inalienable with peaceful living or existence. Babatunji Adepoju in the ninth article, 'Cohesion in English Biblical Narratives: A Study of "The Prodigal Son"', examines the different methods that writers/speakers employ in making English narratives coherent. He discusses the reasons why many texts are considered disjointed/disorganised thereby making such texts lose the desired radiance. He concludes that the unity of a text is enhanced by adherence to the appropriate usage of grammatical and lexical ties in English narratives. Ayọdele Shotunde in 'A Discourse on the Nature of Crime and Punishment in the Administration of Social Justice in an African Culture' evaluates the nature of crime and punishment among the Yoruba of Nigeria. Adopting the critical and prescriptive methodology, he concludes that it is important to take an insightful look at the traditional Yoruba conception of crime and punishment given its embedded spirit of forgiveness because such has the potential of fostering better social ethics in contemporary Nigeria. In the next article, 'China-Hong Kong Dual System: Twenty-Three Years of Uncertainty and Broken Promises', Henry Ogunjewo argues that the relationship between China and Hong Kong in the last twenty-three years have been characterised by broken promises, failed covenants, unnecessary political meddling, judicial undercutting, press gagging and restrictions on freedom of expressions, leading to protests and political tension in Hong Kong. He concludes that the United Kingdom, former colonial administrator of Hong Kong, needed to bring international pressure on China to protect the interests of Hong Kong. Bisoye Eleshin's 'High-Toned Vowel Prefix in Yoruba' examines prefixation as it relates to gerund derivation in Yoruba. He uses the morpho-syntactic approach to establish the claim that there actually exists a high-toned vowel prefix i- in Yoruba and that the class of noun it derives is gerund. The last paper by Mosunmola Ogunmolaji and Oyinade Adekunle ''Madam Due Process': The Public Life of Obiageli Ezekwesili' is a biography of Obiageli Ezekwesili. The authors analyse the public life of Obiageli Ezekwesili providing insights into her lifestyle, especially the major forces that spurred her interest in politics and public administration. They conclude that Ezekwesili is an intellectual who has broken gender barriers in Nigeria. She possesses pragmatic understanding of the yearnings of Nigerians through deliberate identification of their problems, acquisition of necessary problem-solving tools, and swift responses to the problems whether or not she stepped on toes in the process. I hereby warmly recommend these articles to the academic community with the hope that scholars will find them interesting and useful. I congratulate the Editorial Team for a job well done despite the constraints of the COVID era! Professor Olufunkẹ Adeboye Dean, Faculty of Arts Editor-in-Chief

This study seeks to address a gap in the study of nonviolent action. The gap relates to the question of how nonviolence is performed, as opposed to the meaning or impact of nonviolent politics. The dissertation approaches the history of nonviolent protest in South Asia through the lens of performance studies. Such a shift allows for concepts such as performativity and theatricality to be tested in terms of their applicability and relevance to contemporary political and philosophical questions. It also allows for a different perspective on the historiography of nonviolent protest. Using concepts, modes of analysis and tropes of thinking from the emerging field of performance studies, the dissertation analyses two different cases of nonviolent protest, asking how politics is performatively constituted. The first two sections of this study set out the parameters of the key terms of the dissertation: nonviolence and performativity, by tracing their genealogies and legacies as terms. These histories are then located as an intersection in the founding of the nonviolent. The case studies at the analytical core of the dissertation are: fasting as a method in Gandhi's political arsenal, and the army of nonviolent soldiers in the North-West Frontier Province, known as the Khudai Khidmatgar. The study begins with an overview of current theorisations of nonviolence. The approach to the subject is through an investigation of commonly held misconceptions about nonviolent action, such as its supposed passivity, the absence of violence, its ineffectiveness and its spiritual basis. This section addresses the lacunae within existing theories of nonviolence and points to possible fertile spaces for further exploration. Section 3 offers an overview of the different shades of the concept of performativity, asking how it is used in various contexts and how these different nuances can be viewed in relation to each other. The dissertation explores how a theory of performativity may be correlated to the theorisation of nonviolence. The correlations are established in four boundary areas: action/inaction, violence/absence of violence, the actor/opponent and the body/spirit. These boundary areas allow for a theorising of nonviolent action as a performative process. The first case study is Gandhi's use of the fast as a method of nonviolent protest. Using a close reading of his own writings, speeches and letters, as well as a reading of responses to his fast in British newspapers and within India, the dissertation asks what made fasting into Gandhi's most favoured mode of protest and political action. The study reconstructs his unique praxis of the fast from a performative perspective, demonstrating how display and ostentation are vital to the political economy of the fast. It also unveils the cultural context and historical reservoir of body practices, which Gandhi drew from and adapted into 'weapons' of political action. The relationship of Gandhian nonviolence to the body forms a crucial part of the analysis. The second case study is the nonviolent army of the Pashtuns, Khudai Khidmatgar (KK), literally Servants of God. This anti-imperialist movement in the North-West Frontier Province of what is today the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan existed between 1929 and 1948. The movement adopted the organisational form of an army. It conducted protest activities against colonial rule, as well as social reform activities for the Pashtuns. This group was connected to the Congress party of Gandhi, but the dissertation argues that their conceptualisation and praxis of nonviolence emerged from a very different tradition and worldview. Following a brief introduction to the socio-political background of this Pashtun movement, the dissertation explores the activities that this nonviolent army engaged in, looking at their unique understanding of the militancy of an unarmed force, and their mode of combat and confrontation. Of particular interest to the analysis is the way the KK re-combined and mixed what appear to be contradictory ideologies and acts. In doing so, they reframed cultural and historical stereotypes of the Pashtuns as a martial race, juxtaposing the institutional form of the army with a nonviolent praxis based on Islamic principles and social reform. The example of the Khudai Khidmatgar is used to explore the idea that nonviolence is not the opposite of violent conflict, but in fact a dialectical engagement and response to violence. Section 5, in conclusion, returns to the boundary areas of nonviolence: action, violence, the opponent and the body, and re-visits these areas on a comparative note, bringing together elements from Gandhi's fasts and the practices of the KK. The similarities and differences in the two examples are assessed and contextualised in relation to the guiding question of this study, namely the question of the performativity of nonviolent action. ; Die Dissertation widmet sich einer bislang wenig untersuchten Frage in der Forschung zur gewaltfreien Aktion, nämlich der Performativität des gewaltfreien Protests, im Gegensatz zur viel untersuchten Frage der Wirksamkeit von gewaltfreien politischen Ansätzen. Woraus besteht ein gewaltfreier Akt, wenn man ihn als Handlungsfeld und nicht im gängigen Sinne eines Zustands der Abwesenheit von Gewaltanwendung sieht? Was können theaterwissenschaftliche Theorien zum Verständnis gewaltfreien Handelns beitragen? Die Studie hinterfragt die Geschichtsschreibung des gewaltfreien Protestes in Südasien durch die Einbeziehung von theaterwissenschaftlichen Begriffen, Analysemethoden und Denkfiguren. Die ersten zwei Abschnitte der Studie erläutern die begrifflichen und interdisziplinären Parametern der Dissertation, und zwar einerseits die Gewaltfreiheit und andererseits die Performativität. Die Genealogien der beiden Begriffe werden kritisch beleuchtet und durch wiederkehrende Bezugsfelder in Verbindung zueinander gesetzt. Zwei Fallbeispiele ermöglichen eine tiefergehende Untersuchung von der Performativität der Gewaltfreiheit: erstens das Fasten als Protestwaffe in Gandhis politischem Arsenal und zweitens die Khudai Khidmatgar, die Armee der gewaltfreien Soldaten in der Nordwestfrontierprovinz von heutigem Pakistan. Die Dissertation beginnt mit einem typologischen Überblick von Theorien der Gewaltfreiheit. Die Theorien werden zusammengefasst im Hinblick auf häufig vorkommende Missverständnisse über Gewaltfreiheit, wie beispielsweise die Opposition zwischen passivem und aktivem Handeln, die Infragestellung der tatsächlichen Abwesenheit von Gewalt oder die mangelnde Wirksamkeit des politischen Ansatzes. Dieser Abschnitt zeigt die Lücken in existierenden Theorien der Gewaltfreiheit auf und weist auf potentielle Erörterungs- und Forschungsmöglichkeiten darin. Kapitel 3 bietet einen Überblick über die verschiedenen Begriffsabschattungen des Begriffs der Performativität, und stellt die unterschiedlichen Anwendungsfelder kritisch in Bezug zueinander. Die Dissertation fragt nach dem Potential des Begriffs der Performativität in einer Theoriebildung zur Gewaltfreiheit und schlägt dann vier Grenzfelder vor: Handeln/ Handlungsunfähigkeit, Gewalt/ Abwesenheit von Gewalt, der Akteur/ der Gegner und Körper/ Geist. Diese Grenzfelder ermöglichen eine theoretische Annäherung von Gewaltfreiheit als einen performativen Prozess. Das erste Fallbeispiel der Dissertation ist Mohandas Gandhis Gebrauch des Fastens als Methode des gewaltfreien Protestes. Mithilfe einer Lektüre seiner eigenen Äußerungen zum Thema, seiner Reden und Briefe sowie durch eine Diskursanalyse der Reaktionen zu Gandhis Fasten in der britischen Presse untersucht die Studie wie das Fasten zu einem der erfolgreichsten Methoden in Gandhis politischer Kommunikation wurde. Der Abschnitt erläutert den kulturellen Kontext und die historischen Bezugsquellen, aus denen Gandhi seine Methoden geschöpft und neu interpretiert hat. In der kritischen Analyse liegt der Schwerpunkt auf Gandhis performative Körperkonzeption. Das zweite Fallbeispiel ist die gewaltfreie Armee der Paschtunen, Khudai Khidmatgar (KK), wörtlich die Diener Gottes. Diese anti-imperialistische Bewegung in der Nordwestfrontierprovinz des heutigen Pakistans existierte zwischen 1929 und 1948. Die antimilitaristische Bewegung adoptierte die Organisationsform einer Armee. Ihre Aktivitäten variierten zwischen Protestaktionen gegen die britische Herrschaft und Sozialreformaktionen innerhalb der eigenen Bevölkerung. Die KK war formal mit der indischen Kongress-Partei verbunden, in ihrer Praxis und in der Konzeptualisierung von Gewaltfreiheit war sie jedoch von einer ganz anderen Tradition inspiriert als Gandhi, nämlich vom Islam und von der Paschtunkultur. Die Studie erforscht die Aktivitäten der gewaltfreien Armee durch eine Neulektüre des existierenden historiographischen Materials, besonders im Hinblick auf ihr Verständnis von gewaltfreier Aktion und Konfrontation. Von besonderem Interesse ist die Art, wie scheinbar gegensätzliche Ideologien und Haltungen in der KK performativ miteinander kombiniert wurden. Das Beispiel der KK dient zu einer dialektischen, sich aus Gegensätzen hervorhebenden Beschäftigung mit dem Begriff der Gewaltfreiheit. Das letzte Kapitel der Dissertation bietet eine vergleichende Interpretation von Gandhis Fasten und die Aktionen der KK. Die Unterschiede und die Gemeinsamkeiten werden in Bezug auf die Grundfrage der Dissertation erläutert, nämlich die der Performativität der Gewaltfreiheit.

The history of German migration policies was a growth industry during the 1990s. The political battles of the present, such as asylum legislation, integration, and citizenship reform, created growing interest in the German historical experience of migration, migration controls and citizenship law. At the time, the only major work to tackle the subject was Klaus Bade's pioneering study of Prussian migration policies before the First World War, recently republished in an updated edition.[1] Initially, interest in German migration policies was guided largely by two leading questions. Histories of citizenship in Germany tended to adopt a long or a comparative perspective, which sought to test the hypothesis that German citizenship law and its implementation in practice reflected a particularly ethnic German conception of nationhood.[2] Histories of migration policy, by contrast, tended to focus on particular episodes in which a German tendency to view migrants primarily with regard to their usefulness, and not as potential immigrants and future citizens, clearly emerged, especially with regards to histories of the German Empire, the First World War, National Socialism, the Second World War and the post-war treatment of Gastarbeiter. The Weimar Republic, in contrast, was usually passed over in a few pages that highlighted the continuity of labor market control.[3] This state of affairs was remarkable because research on other countries highlighted the interwar period as an epoch of massive change in international migration policies. Race and ethnicity loomed larger than they had before, as indicated by the implementation of a quota system and barred zones in the United States. Moreover, with the First World War came the introduction of documentation requirements and the creation of labor-management bureaucracies that facilitated the distinction between citizens and aliens, as well as attempts to match labor supply to labor demand. Gérard Noiriel had even gone so far as to argue, largely with a view to migration and documentation policies, that the practices of Vichy had their roots in republican reforms of the late 1920s and 1930s.[4] Jochen Oltmer's magisterialHabilitationsschrift closes this gap all but completely. Based on a thorough reading of the archival record and contemporary public debate, his book shows that the transition from the politics of the First World War to the politics of National Socialism in the years of a labor shortage was more complicated previously assumed. He also highlights that migration policy was a field in which the Weimar Republic's problems emerged with particular poignancy. Oltmer's account is organized thematically rather than chronologically, though his subjects are arranged in the order in which they emerged as the main foci of internal administrative and public political debate. In the Weimar Republic's early years, these topics concerned ethnic Germans left outside the Empire's post-Versailles borders, prisoners of war and political refugees. In the later years, the position of migrant workers gained more prominence. While publicly committed to aiding fellow Germans, the republic's practice was ambivalent. The arrival of former residents of Alsace--mostly skilled workers in industries where labor was in demand, from a territory unlikely to be re-conquered soon--was welcome, but emigration of ethnic Germans from areas under Polish control was actively discouraged. The official view of these potential emigrants was less positive, their numbers were larger by several orders of magnitude and maintaining a visible German minority outside Germany's eastern borders seemed a good way to bolster the German case for a revision of the Treaty of Versailles. Migrants from Poland who could not prove they had been persecuted could therefore only expect accommodation in forbidding refugee camps in remote locations. As Oltmer's third chapter shows, this attitude also shaped the Weimar Republic's response to ethnic German emigration from Russia, which peaked during the famine years of the 1920s. Individual ethnicity was, therefore, not a dominant factor in the treatment of refugees; aliens of all ethnic backgrounds remained in a precarious position in the Weimar Republic, regardless of whether they were former prisoners of war who had opted to stay, or Jewish refugees from eastern and southeastern Europe who loomed relatively large in public debates or refugees from Soviet Russia. Ethnicity and race also loomed large in debates on the desirability of labor immigration. In general, the attitudes of state governments had more or less come full circle since the days of the empire. Whereas Prussia had been most concerned about the impact of Polish immigrants on national homogeneity before 1914, Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg proved most rigid after 1919. However, the majority of migrant workers were interested in jobs in Prussia, in the industrial areas of the Ruhr and, more prominently, in the agricultural east, which continued to rely on the access to Polish labor markets, particularly for potato planting and harvesting. In theory, the states and the empire had a powerful new tool to control labor migration: the obligatory work permit, issued only if no German applicants could be found for a job. Things were, however, not so simple in practice. Political interest in ethnic homogeneity was equal to interest in increasing the supply of food, a goal that could only be achieved, East Elbian landowners claimed, if Polish seasonal workers remained available to German employers. Immigration was, however, regarded with distaste by the völkisch right, Prussia's conservative bureaucracy and the Social Democrats, who viewed Polish laborers as an obstacle to the long-overdue modernization of rural Prussia through mechanization and unionization. The solution, fixed quotas for migrant laborers set to decline every year, proved unworkable, as rural employers turned to undocumented laborers. Moreover, the German government did its bit to undermine respect for legality in immigration matters. Seeking to reimpose a de facto policy forcing Polish migrants to return home for part of the year to prevent their settlement in Poland, German officials came into conflict with Polish determination to cut the state's ties to long-term emigrants, and were frequently forced to aid migrants in clandestinely crossing the border, before an unequal agreement could be concluded with Poland in 1927 that confirmed the status of Polish workers as second-class migrants excluded from social insurance and subject to a forced return for part of the year. Oltmer's comprehensively documented study does more than simply fill a gap in existing research. He unearths a striking pattern to Weimar policies, which could be found in many other fields of policy and may contribute to explaining why successive Weimar governments had such a difficult time in gaining the population's respect. Public pronouncements frequently contradicted secret or semi-secret policies. Official quotas for foreign workers, for example, were unofficially raised and little attempt was made to sanction employers of undocumented workers. Such actions exposed the Republic to criticism from the right and created a climate in which even more restrictive National Socialist policies could acquire broad popular support. Oltmer's book thus treats a question at the center, not the periphery, of the Weimar years.

The proceedings of the 24th Annual Conference on PO Res, held May 16-29 at the Hotel Sagamore, Lake George, NY, are presented as follows: (1) Ronald Gatty & Raymond Fink, Proceedings Editors, offer a brief summary of events. (2) Contents of Proceedings; (3) The AAPOR Reward for Exceptionally Distinguished Achievement was awarded to the Roper PO Res Center. A brief mention of previous recipients is made. (4)Abstracts of Papers, Third Annual Student Paper Competition, Chairman: William Paisley (Stanford U, Calif). lst, 2nd & 3rd prize were won as follows: David Knoke (U of Michigan, Ann Arbor), 'The Political Consequences of Economic Class Inconsistencies;' Charles K. Atkin (U of Wisconsin, Madison), 'The Influence of Pre-Election Poll Information on Political Preferences;' & Drury R. Sherrod (Stanford U, Calif), 'A Balance Theory Approach to Candidate Perception.' Honorable mention was made of: Douglas C. Hall (Stanford U, Calif), 'Political Partisanship - An Unobtrusive Field Experiment;' Kent L. Anderson (Stanford U, Calif), 'A Hierarchial Decision Model for Questionnaire Analysis and Interpretation;' & Jonathan Kelley (U of California, Berkeley), 'Dress as Nonverbal Communication.' Mention was made of: Milton Richards (Syracuse U, NY), 'The Effects of Overt Behavior of Alternative Mass Communication Persuasion Strategies - A Controlled Field Experiment;' & Matilda B. Rees, 'Linguistic Problems in Attitude Scales.' Abstracts of all these papers are presented. Then abstracts of contributions under the following headings are offered: Herbert Abelson (Response Analysis Corp), Chairman, THE POLITICAL YEAR THAT WAS: 1968: Warren J. Mitofsky (CBS News), 'Who Voted for Wallace?' Thomas E. Coffin & Sam Tuchman (Nat'l Broadcasting Corp), 'The Influence of Television Election Broadcasts in a Close Election;' Ernest Dichter (Instit for Motivational Res, Inc) & Henry Brenner (Home Testing Instit), 'Personality Characteristics of Undecided Voters;' & John P. Robinson (U of Michigan, Ann Arbor), 'Voter Reaction to Chicago 1968.' Yvan Corbeil (Centre de Recherches sur L'Opinion Publique, Paris, France), Chairman, RESPONSES TO STUDENT PRO- TEST: Joe L. Spaeth (Nat'l Opinion Res Center), 'Public Reactions to College Student Protests;' Stephen Cole (State U of New York, Stony Brook) & Hannelore Adamson (Columbia U, NY), 'The Student Demonstration at Columbia U: Determinants of Faculty Support;' Emanuel H. Demby, 'All the Lonely People;' Richard B. Wirthlin (Brigham Young U, Provo, Utah), &Vincent J. Breglio (California State Coll, Long Beach) 'Public Reaction to Student Protest: The California Case;' S. C. Dodd (U of Washington, Seattle), 'A Feedback Poll for Standardizing Change in Human Systems - A University Case,' Charles Winick (City U of New York, NY), Chairman, THE ISSUE OF OBSCENITY AND PORNOGRAPHY IN CONTEMPORARY MEDIA: Edward Sagarin (City Coll of New York, NY) 'Obscenity in the Underground Press;' David Sonenschein (U of Texas, Austin), 'Sex and Love in the Romance Magazines;' Richard Maisel (New York U, NY), Chairman: CAPAC: AN EXAMPLE OF A MULTI- STUDY: Robert S. Weiss (Harvard Med Sch, Boston), 'Studying Life Organization;' James H. Laue (Harvard Med Sch, Boston), 'Application of the Research by the U.S. Government: Issues of Public Policy and Professional Ethics;' James S. Bacharach (Trendex Inc), 'Methodology of the Study;' Richard Maisel (New York U, NY), 'The Impact of Events.' Ronald Gatty (City U of New York, NY), Chairman, IS OUR METHODOLOGY RELE- VANT TO THE TIMES: Joseph J. M. Saleh (Cantex Corp), 'Observations on the Sociology of Mass Communications;' Eric Josephson (Columbia U, NY) 'Sources and Forms of Resistance to Surveys;' & G. Ray Funkhouser & Nathan Maccoby (Stanford U, Calif), 'The Roll of a Poll in Resolving a University Crisis.' Sidney Hollander (Sidney Hollander Associates), Chairman, DRUGS, TELEVISION, INTEGRATION: TOPICS OF THE TIMES: Hope Lunin Klapper (New York U, NY), "Did Anyone Do Anything That Would be Wrong for You to Do?': Children's Perceptions and Moral Evaluations of Television Programs;' Hugh J. Parry, Mitchell B. Balter, & Ira H. Cisin (George Washington U, Washington DC & Nat'l Instit of Mental Health, Buthesda, Md), 'Primary Levels of Underreporting Psychotropic Drug Use with and without Visual Aids.' Allen H. Baron (Columbia U, NY), Chairman, SPECIAL SESSION ON TRAINING STUDENTS FOR SURVEY METHODOLOGY: Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann (Instit for Demoscopy, Allensbach, Germany), 'Training in Survey Methodology;' Morris Axelrod (Joint Center for Ur Studies of MIT & Harvard, Cambridge, Mass), 'Training Students in Survey Research.' Herbert E. Krugman (General Electric Co), OPEN MEETING ON AAPOR/ APA EARLY INTERNSHIP PROGRAM. Paul B. Sheatsley (Nat'l Opinion Res Center), Moderator, PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH AS A PUBLIC OPINION ISSUE: Leo Bogart (Bur of Advertising, ANPA), 'Public Priorities, Power Politics, and Polls;' Burns W. Roper (Roper Res Associates, NYC), 'Responsibilities of the Public Opinion Researcher to the Public;' & Philip Meyer (Knight Newspapers), 'The Journalist as Public Opinion Researcher.' Kurt Lang (State U of New York, Stony Brook), Chairman, PUBLIC OPINION, GOVERN- MENTAL COMMISSIONS, AND SOCIAL POLICY: Paul N. Borsky (Columbia U, NY), 'The Use of Social Surveys in Policy;' Fred Schindeler & C. Michael Lanphier (Instit for Behavioral Res), 'Participatory Democracy in Canada: Paths for Survey Research;' Robert Shellow (Office of Public Safety, Washington, DC), 'Social Scientists and Social Action from Within the Establishment.' Robert Brictson (Systems Development Corp), Chairman, A LOOK AT THE FUTURE THROUGH INTERNATIONAL EYES: Jiri Nehnevajsa (U of Pittsburgh, Pa), 'Czechoslovak Intelligentsia Looks at the Future of Czechoslovakia;' G. N. Levine (U of California, Los Angeles), 'A Case Study in Comparative and International Research: Some Perils, Problems, and Solutions;' R. C. Brictson 'Expectations of Colombian Elites Toward Education.' Laure M. Sharp (Bur of Soc Sci Res Inc), Chairman, PUBLIC OPINION AND THE CRISIS IN PUBLIC EDUCATION: Richard M. Johnson (State U of NY, Buffalo), 'Public Schools and Confrontation Politics: The Views of Urban Blacks and Whites;' Jack Schwartz (Philadelphia Board of Educ, Pa), 'A Community Views Its Schools: The Philadelphia Story;' Harland Randolp (Federal City Coll, Washington, DC) 'Public Opinion Research: A Form of Community Participation for Urban Universities.' William T. Moran (Lever Brothers), Chairman, MODELS AND THEIR USE: Eric Marder (Eric Marder Associates Inc), 'A Consumer Behavior Model;' J. T. Linthorst-Homan (Young & Rubicam, NY), 'Which End Is UP? How to Use Marketing Models.' Harold K. Kassarijian (U of California, Los Angeles), Chairman, CONSUMER BEHAVIOR UNDER CHANGING SOCIAL CONDITIONS: Thomas S. Robertson, Douglas J. Dalrymple, & Michael Y. Yosbino (Harvard U, Cambridge, Mass, Indiana U, Bloomington & UCLA, Calif), 'Ethnic Purchasing Behavior As An Aspect of Desired Assimilation;' Harry L. Davis (U of Chicago, Ill), 'A Longitudinal Analysis of Family Decision Making; George S. Day (Stanford U, Calif), 'Attitude Change and the Influence of Brand Advertising;' Joel B. Cohen (U of Illinois, Urbana), 'Product Choice and Consumer Response: Post-Decision Processes.' Norman Perlstein & Charles H. Stember (Brotherhood-in-Action, & Rutgers U, New Brunswick, NJ), Co-Chairmen, BLACK VS. WHITE: BLACKS AND WHITES? Albert E. Gollin (Bur of Soc Sci Res Inc), 'Poor People's Campaign and the March on Washington: Mobilization for Collective Protest;' Landon G. Haynes (Miami Herald, Fla), 'Changes in Negro Attitudes Following the Assassinations of Martin Luthur King and Robert F. Kennedy;' Ann F. Brunswick (Columbia U, NY), 'What Generation Gap? A Comparison of Some Generational Differences Among Blacks and Whites.' The 'Annual Advisory AAPOR Business Meeting' concluded the Conference. M. Maxfield.

 

Hundreds
of millions of Indian citizens have begun to vote and they will keep doing it
for six weeks. Indian democratic elections are the most massive human
mobilizations in the world —more than any other election, war, pilgrimage,
migration movement, or world fair. There are more than one million polling
stations and even a team of elephants to carry voting machines to the Himalaya.
Unlike in many other democracies, electoral turnout in India is higher among
the poor than among the rich, among the less educated than among the graduates,
in the villages than in the cities. Since the last elections, five years ago,
women vote (a little) more than men.

The
success of democracy in India has dismissed the pessimistic auguries after the
independence and the first election in 1952. But India is not an isolated case.
Let's see the numbers. A little more than half of the world's population lives
in democracy. Let's consider that "rich" countries are those above the world
average per capita income (in purchasing power, around $ 18,000 per year), and
"poor" are those below that threshold. About half of the world population
living in democracy lives in relatively poor countries (including India, but
also Indonesia, South Africa, and others), while about half of the population
living in dictatorships lives in relatively rich countries (including China,
but also S. Arabia, Russia, and others).

Some
traditional sociologists have been puzzled by the India case because it does
not fit the classical doctrine that economic development must precede democracy:
from Seymour Lipset to Adam Przeworski, who has "repeatedly predict India as a
dictatorship" before 2030. Yet, India is not an exception or an anomaly. The
earliest modern democracies, such as Norway, Switzerland, the United Kingdom,
or the United States, had also enforced broad male suffrage for competitive
elections in the nineteenth century when they were fairly poor, as poor as
India was in the mid-twentieth century or as is now.

For
about forty years after independence, when the government was dominated by the
Indian National Congress party, initially led by Jawaharlal Nehru, the
centralized and closed Indian economy grew at an often-mocked annual rate of
1%. But since the early 1990s, when it has liberalized and opened to new
technologies and globalization, India has enjoyed significant benefits from
open trade and capital inflows. Against all expectations, the Indian per capita
income at purchasing power has multiplied by five in thirty years. Precisely
because India was late in adopting more sophisticated institutions and
policies, it has been able to adapt more readily to the global economy. In
contrast to developed countries with old technologies and onerous preexisting
social arrangements, India has not had to dismantle former industrial and
bureaucratic structures that might have obstructed innovation.

Consequently,
the Indian citizens declare to prefer democracy to an authoritarian regime in a
proportion of four to one. In the most recent international poll by the Pew
Research Center, 72% of Indian citizens declare to be satisfied with the way
democracy works in their country --only after Sweden and in contrast with, for
example, 33% in the United States. (Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes
& Trends, 2024).

The Congress
Party, always led by Nehru's descendants Gandhi family, and the current incumbent
People's Party (BJP) led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, have alternated in
government seven times. The electoral system is a copy of the colonial British
tradition of single-member districts by simple plurality rule, which permits a
party with less than 40% of votes to get an absolute majority of seats in the lower
chamber of parliament. Yet, while numerous minor parties run independently, the
two larger parties run in very broad electoral coalitions: in the current
election, the incumbent BJP has formed a National Democratic Alliance with 12 mostly
state-based or ethnic parties, while the opposition Congress is running in an
India National Development Inclusive Alliance (to fit the acronym INDIA) with
23 parties, including several on the far left. Their participation in federal
politics also works as a factor of Indian union.

After
the end of the Cold War, the old Indian foreign policy of "non-alignment" was
initially replaced with one of "strategic autonomy." India remains outside the
United Nations Security Council, despite having become a nuclear power, and
outside the Group of Seven despite being the fourth democratic economy in size.
Nevertheless, India has become more dynamic in supporting the democratization
of its neighboring countries in South Asia, which is still a poorly integrated
region. It is also the oldest and most stable democracy of the so-called BRICS
group, now enlarged to nine members, and it has recently increased its
relations and deals with the United States and the European Union in a world of
fluctuating international coalitions. From a global and historical perspective,
democracy in India is already one of the most remarkable contemporary achievements
of humankind.

 Also in Spanish and Catalan in La Vanguardia:https://www.lavanguardia.com/opinion/20240429/9605408/mayor-fiesta-democratica-mundo.html

Joe Biden is neither an original thinker nor a profound one. Granted, few if any figures laboring in the trenches of contemporary American politics can claim to be either. On that score, it would be unreasonable for us to hold Biden's lack of depth and originality against him. He is, after all, just an Average Joe.
Somewhat more problematic is Biden's penchant for appropriating the words of others without attribution. The habit has not enhanced his reputation. Yet to be fair, when the President recently described the United States as the "indispensable nation," he did credit the origin of that phrase to his "friend" Madeleine Albright.
Such honesty is commendable. Even so, wary Americans might find Biden's resurrection of Albright's several decades-old phrase to be more than a little troubling.
The provenance of the expression is worth noting. Speaking on national television in 1998, then Secretary of State Albright had used the occasion to articulate an Albright Doctrine of sorts. "If we have to use force," she declared with sublime confidence, "it is because we are America; we are the indispensable nation. We stand tall and we see further than other countries into the future."
In Albright's defense, she issued this grandiose pronouncement at a moment when American elites were enjoying a prolonged post-Cold War victory lap. In political circles, chest-thumping triumphalism had become the lingua franca. Had not the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 ostensibly brought history itself to its intended conclusion? A mere decade later, had not Operation Desert Storm definitively affirmed history's verdict? By the 1990s, America was on a roll, destined, it seemed, to remain the world's number one in perpetuity.
Soon enough, however, all of this came to seem like so much hot air. First came the terrorist attacks of 9/11, with the follies of the Global War on Terrorism following in short order. The epic failure of the Afghanistan War in tandem with costly and bungled efforts to "liberate" Iraq left America's reputation for peering into the future in tatters. Sundry other missteps demolished claims that the United States possessed some special knack for anticipating what comes next. Then came the election of Donald Trump, unforeseen by those ostensibly in the know.
If remembered at all, the Albright Doctrine survived as a sort of punchline — the equivalent of "Mission Accomplished" or "We got him!"
Today the future to which Albright had confidently alluded in 1998 has become our own immediate past. Events since have brought us to where we are today. They provide a backdrop and frame of reference for the exercise of American power. That Biden has chosen our present moment to resuscitate the Albright Doctrine is, to put it mildly, disconcerting. It suggests someone badly out of touch with reality.
Albright had credited the United States with the ability to "see" and by implication to shape the future course of world history. Today, with the nation's ability to sustain its own democracy beyond the upcoming presidential election up for debate, we may question the Biden administration's ability to see beyond next Thursday.
Yet let us take Biden at his word, as a true believer in American indispensability, advised by a cadre of like minded civilian and military officials. Even today, their collective confidence in American global primacy is undiminished, as if events since 1998 either didn't happen or don't matter.
Today challenges to the nation's erstwhile indispensability premier abound: the rise of China, a stalemated conflict in Ukraine, porous borders at home, the pressing existential threat posed by climate change. Yet none poses a more urgent test than the ongoing war in Gaza. Here, more than anywhere else, events summon the United States to affirm its claim to primacy. Right now, without delay.
Doing so would mean employing U.S. power and influence to bring this wretched war to an immediate end.
As measured by actions rather than rhetorical gestures, however, the Biden administration has done just the opposite. By providing immense quantities of ordnance to one side, it ensures the war's perpetuation and facilitates the continued slaughter of noncombatants. By vetoing UN Security Council efforts to force a ceasefire, it stands virtually alone in defiance of world opinion. While American diplomats travel hither and yon, their efforts cannot be rated as other than ineffectual.
On a recent trip to the Middle East, national security adviser Jake Sullivan remarked, "We're not here to tell anybody, 'You must do X, you must do Y'." How this accords with any meaningful conception of indispensability is not clear.
My guess is that Madeleine Albright would be embarrassed. Joe Biden should be as well.

Virginia Woolf famously asserted that "on or about December 1910 human character changed". Featured in her essay "Mr. Bennett and Mrs. Brown", this assertion heralded the advent of modernism in the history of British literature and art; it also provided a useful chronological protocol in modernist studies. However, Woolf's choice of year (1910) and subject (character) surpasses both its literary and art historical contexts. Even though extant research provides invaluable critical insight into Woolf's essay, it remains largely mute about the significance of1910 inBritain's political history and national discourse. Since Woolf proposed the change in human character in retrospect, her assertion testifies to a reshaping of the British political landscape, which happened between 1910 and 1924, and installed the Labour Party in government. Additionally, Woolf's endorsement of a different representation of character overlaps with a contemporary shift in national discourse, marked by the emergence of an introspective type of subjectivity. This article provides a contextual reading of Woolf's assertion against the period's historical background, and considers the pertinence of political change to that in human character. It examines how an inchoate leftward turn in British politics permitted Woolf to identify 1910 as a watershed in how character was represented. This analysis is followed by a discussion of how British national discourse, with its emphasis on the continuity of the British state, at once limits and catalyses the representation of character, which becomes evident in Woolf's portrayal of a cook and Mrs. Brown, who stand in a complex dual relationship to national discourse. The article contends that Woolf renegotiates national discourse, and her representation of character commits itself to a more diverse human subjectivity.Keywords: character, repre ; В своем эссе «Мистер Беннет и миссис Браун» (1924) Вирджиния Вулф заявила, что «где-то в декабре 1910 года человеческий характер изменился». Это знаменитое высказывание предвестило начало эпохи модернизма в английской литературе и искусстве, а также впоследствии стало служить хронологическим маркером. Однако проблемы эссе Вулф не исчерпываются литературоведческим и искусствоведческим контекстом, и несмотря на обилие интерпретационных, биографических и исторических работ отсутствует понимание влияния политической истории Великобритании и национального дискурса на заявление писательницы. Поскольку Вулф определила изменение в изображении характера в ретроспективе, ее высказывание свидетельствует о меняющемся политическом ландшафте в Великобритании, которое имело место между 1910 и 1924 годами и влекло за собой приход Лейбористской партии к власти. Помимо этого, одобрение Вулф иного изображения характера говорит о современном ей сдвиге в национальном дискурсе, который сопровождался появлением интроспективного типа субъективности. Данная статья осуществляет контекстуальное прочтение заявления Вулф на историческом фоне 1910-х годов, обращая внимание на взаимосвязь изменений характера с политическими переменами. Статья анализирует, как наметившийся переход к правлению левого толка в британской политике позволил Вулф обозначить 1910 год в качестве водораздела в изображении характера. Обсуждается то, каким образом британский национальный дискурс, фокусирующийся на идее преемственности британского государства, одновременно ограничивает и катализирует способы изображения. Статья показывает, что характеры, созданные самой Вулф, – кухарка и миссис Браун – находятся в сложном двойственном отношении к национальному дискурсу. В статье заключается, что Вулф переосмысливает национальный дискурс, ставя изображение характера в неразрывную связь с многообразием человеческой субъективности.Ключевые слова: характер, изображение, национальный дискурс, политическая история Великобритании, Вирджиния Вулф, 1910 год. ; У своєму есе «Містер Беннет і Міссіс Браун» (1924) Вірджинія Вулф стверджує, що «приблизно від грудня 1910 року людський характер змінився». Це відоме висловлювання стало провісником початку епохи модернізму в англійській літературі та мистецтві, пізніше – історичним маркером. Проте, проблематика цього есе Вулф не вичерпується літературознавчим чи мистецтвознавчим контекстом. Не зважаючи на чисельність інтерпретаційних, біографічних та історичних праць, науковці не брали до уваги вплив політичної історії Великобританії і національного дискурсу на це твердження письменниці. Оскільки Вулф визначила зміни у зображенні характеру ретроспективно, її висловлювання вказує на зміни в політичному ландшафті Великобританії, що відбувалися між 1910 та 1924-ми роками і тягли за собою прихід до влади Лейбористської партії. Окрім цього, схвалення Вулф щодо іншого зображення характеру свідчить про зміну акцентів у національному дискурсі того часу, котрий проявився у появі інтроспективного типу суб'єктивності. Дана стаття пропонує контекстуальне прочитання твердження Вулф на історичному тлі 1910-х років, беручи до уваги взаємозв'язок зміни характеру з політичними трансформаціями того часу. Спершу автор статті аналізує, як намічений перехід до правління лівих сил в британській політиці дозволив Вулф позначити 1910-й рік як вододіл у зображенні характеру. Автор стверджує, що британський національний дискурс з його ідеєю континуальності британської держави одночасно обмежує і каталізує способи зображення. Зокрема, автор зосереджується на тому, наскільки двоїстими є характери, створені самою письменницею, – кухарка і міссіс Браун – по відношенню до національного дискурсу. У заключній частині статті автор доходить висновку, що Вулф переосмислює національний дискурс і ставить зображення характеру в зв'язок з рiзноманiттям людської суб'єктивністi.Ключові слова: характер, зображення, національний дискурс, політична історія Великобританії, Вірджинія Вулф, 1910 рік.

Problem setting. Security issues are importantfor contemporary international relations research, since security has been and remains one of the most important aspects in the functioning of international relations. Ensuring security is seen as an important task for both a state and the international community in the broad sense of the term, in particular for the EU. In today's context, the problem of information security of the individual, the state and the society is fundamentally relevant as it needs, primarily, a complex reflection, taking into account the realities of the present. In addition, continuous monitoring of the security situation in the information field, the ranking of threats by the degree of influence on national interests, the rational redistribution of forces and the means to neutralize threats are urgently needed.Recent research and publications analysis. Problems of European politics and defense are constantly in the center of attention of Western scientists, first of all Laura Chappell, David J. Galbreath, Jocelyn Mawdsley, Robert McCabe, Hugo Meijer, Deborah Sanders, Ian Speller, Marco Wyss, and others. In the Ukrainian literature, some solutions to this problem are found in Ya. Tymkiv's manual, in the encyclopedic dictionary-directory «Modern Political Vocabulary», in the Glossary of the Encyclopedic Dictionary of Information Security, articles by Yu. Bytyak and I. Yakovyuk, M. Dmytrenko, E. Nikipelova,O. Poshedin, O. Sosnin and O. Dzioban, M. Trebin which the author of the paper researches and identifies previously unsolved parts of the general problem the article is devoted to.Paper object: to analyze the term «security», to identify the place of security in the European security and defense policy, to characterize the peculiarities of the problem of the Euro-Atlantic security space formation.Paper main body. In the article, based on the conceptualization of the security problem in the aspect of international political issues, the definitions of the security by domestic and foreign scientists are explored. Particular attention is paid to information security, which requires, first of all, a comprehensive understanding of the today's realities. The evolution of the EU Common Security and Defense Policy, its current interpretation in the EU's Global Foreign and Security Policy, has been traced. The main security priorities were identified, namely, defense, counter-terrorism, cybersecurity, energy and strategic communications. Special attention is drawn to the problem of creating the Euro-Atlantic security information space, i.e., the space of a dialogue between Ukraine and the NATO, which should accompany the necessary reforms in Ukraine in order to bring it closer to Euro-Atlantic standards.Conclusions of the research. Therefore, in the modern science of international relations there is no definition of security that would satisfy both domestic and foreign scientists. This is explained by the fact that certain components of the security content acquire a certain value or lose it, depending on the internal situation in the country and the international situation. The problem of information security which requires, first of all, a comprehensive understanding of the present realities is ofparticular importance in today's context.The contours of the EU Common Security and Defense Policy began to be defined in the 1990s, and its current interpretation is reflected in the EU's Global Foreign and Security Policy, 2016. Defense, counter-terrorism, cybersecurity, energy and strategic communication are the main security priorities. The issue of creating a Euro-Atlantic security space that is the space of a dialogue between Ukraine and the NATO, which should accompany the necessary reforms in Ukraine in order to bring it closer to Euro-Atlantic standards is of utmost importance. ; В статье на основе концептуализации проблемы безопасности в аспекте международно-политической проблематики исследованы определения безопасности отечественных и зарубежных ученых. Особое внимание уделяется информационной безопасности, которая требует, прежде всего, комплексного осмысления с учетом реалий. Прослежена эволюция общей политики безопасности и обороны ЕС, современная ее интерпретация в Глобальной стратегии внешней политики и политики безопасности ЕС. Отмечено, что приоритетными вопросами безопасности определены: оборона, борьба с терроризмом, кибербезопасность, энергетика и стра­тегические коммуникации. Определенное внимание уделяется проблеме создания евроатлантического информационного пространства - пространства диалога Украины и НАТО, которое должно сопровождаться проведением необходимых реформ в Украине с целью приближения ее к евроатлантическим стандартам. ; У статті на основі концептуалізації проблеми безпеки в аспекті міжнародно-політичної проблематики досліджені визначення безпеки вітчизняних і зарубіжних науковців. Особлива увага приділяється інформаційній безпеці, яка потребує, насамперед, комплексного осмислення з урахуванням реалій сьогодення. Простежено еволюцію Спільної політики безпеки і оборони ЄС, сучасну її інтерпретацію в Глобальній стратегії зовнішньої політики та політики безпеки ЄС. Зазначено, що основними безпековими пріоритетами визначені: оборона, боротьба з тероризмом, кібербезпека, енергетика та стратегічні комунікації. Певна увага приділяється проблемі створення євроатлантичного безпекового простору - простору діалогу України і НАТО, що має супроводжувати проведення необхідних реформ в Україні з метою наближення її до євроатлантичних стандартів.

Problem setting. Security issues are importantfor contemporary international relations research, since security has been and remains one of the most important aspects in the functioning of international relations. Ensuring security is seen as an important task for both a state and the international community in the broad sense of the term, in particular for the EU. In today's context, the problem of information security of the individual, the state and the society is fundamentally relevant as it needs, primarily, a complex reflection, taking into account the realities of the present. In addition, continuous monitoring of the security situation in the information field, the ranking of threats by the degree of influence on national interests, the rational redistribution of forces and the means to neutralize threats are urgently needed.Recent research and publications analysis. Problems of European politics and defense are constantly in the center of attention of Western scientists, first of all Laura Chappell, David J. Galbreath, Jocelyn Mawdsley, Robert McCabe, Hugo Meijer, Deborah Sanders, Ian Speller, Marco Wyss, and others. In the Ukrainian literature, some solutions to this problem are found in Ya. Tymkiv's manual, in the encyclopedic dictionary-directory «Modern Political Vocabulary», in the Glossary of the Encyclopedic Dictionary of Information Security, articles by Yu. Bytyak and I. Yakovyuk, M. Dmytrenko, E. Nikipelova,O. Poshedin, O. Sosnin and O. Dzioban, M. Trebin which the author of the paper researches and identifies previously unsolved parts of the general problem the article is devoted to.Paper object: to analyze the term «security», to identify the place of security in the European security and defense policy, to characterize the peculiarities of the problem of the Euro-Atlantic security space formation.Paper main body. In the article, based on the conceptualization of the security problem in the aspect of international political issues, the definitions of the security by domestic and foreign scientists are explored. Particular attention is paid to information security, which requires, first of all, a comprehensive understanding of the today's realities. The evolution of the EU Common Security and Defense Policy, its current interpretation in the EU's Global Foreign and Security Policy, has been traced. The main security priorities were identified, namely, defense, counter-terrorism, cybersecurity, energy and strategic communications. Special attention is drawn to the problem of creating the Euro-Atlantic security information space, i.e., the space of a dialogue between Ukraine and the NATO, which should accompany the necessary reforms in Ukraine in order to bring it closer to Euro-Atlantic standards.Conclusions of the research. Therefore, in the modern science of international relations there is no definition of security that would satisfy both domestic and foreign scientists. This is explained by the fact that certain components of the security content acquire a certain value or lose it, depending on the internal situation in the country and the international situation. The problem of information security which requires, first of all, a comprehensive understanding of the present realities is ofparticular importance in today's context.The contours of the EU Common Security and Defense Policy began to be defined in the 1990s, and its current interpretation is reflected in the EU's Global Foreign and Security Policy, 2016. Defense, counter-terrorism, cybersecurity, energy and strategic communication are the main security priorities. The issue of creating a Euro-Atlantic security space that is the space of a dialogue between Ukraine and the NATO, which should accompany the necessary reforms in Ukraine in order to bring it closer to Euro-Atlantic standards is of utmost importance. ; В статье на основе концептуализации проблемы безопасности в аспекте международно-политической проблематики исследованы определения безопасности отечественных и зарубежных ученых. Особое внимание уделяется информационной безопасности, которая требует, прежде всего, комплексного осмысления с учетом реалий. Прослежена эволюция общей политики безопасности и обороны ЕС, современная ее интерпретация в Глобальной стратегии внешней политики и политики безопасности ЕС. Отмечено, что приоритетными вопросами безопасности определены: оборона, борьба с терроризмом, кибербезопасность, энергетика и стра­тегические коммуникации. Определенное внимание уделяется проблеме создания евроатлантического информационного пространства - пространства диалога Украины и НАТО, которое должно сопровождаться проведением необходимых реформ в Украине с целью приближения ее к евроатлантическим стандартам. ; У статті на основі концептуалізації проблеми безпеки в аспекті міжнародно-політичної проблематики досліджені визначення безпеки вітчизняних і зарубіжних науковців. Особлива увага приділяється інформаційній безпеці, яка потребує, насамперед, комплексного осмислення з урахуванням реалій сьогодення. Простежено еволюцію Спільної політики безпеки і оборони ЄС, сучасну її інтерпретацію в Глобальній стратегії зовнішньої політики та політики безпеки ЄС. Зазначено, що основними безпековими пріоритетами визначені: оборона, боротьба з тероризмом, кібербезпека, енергетика та стратегічні комунікації. Певна увага приділяється проблемі створення євроатлантичного безпекового простору - простору діалогу України і НАТО, що має супроводжувати проведення необхідних реформ в Україні з метою наближення її до євроатлантичних стандартів.

Im Fokus der bildungshistorischen und doppelbiografischen Dissertation steht die Darstellung des vielseitigen Reformengagements der Torhorst-Schwestern Adelheid und Marie im (Aus-) Bildungswesen der Weimarer Republik. Die Begriffe "Reform" und "Engagement" stellen tragende inhaltliche Signaturen der quellenbasierten Annäherung an das Geschwisterpaar dar. Thematisiert werden ihre Berufsbiografien in ihren jeweiligen bildungspolitischen sowie bildungspraktischen Wirkungskreisen – inmitten der ersten "echten" deutschen Demokratie. Die Studie zielt insbesondere darauf ab, den Kreis der bildungshistorischen Repräsentantinnen für eine konstruktive Ausgestaltung des (Fort-)Bildungswesens im Sinne eines notwendigen, aber nicht realisierten Modernisierungs- und Demokratisierungsprozesses in jenem Zeitraum zu erweitern. Die Aufarbeitung des bisher in der bildungsgeschichtlichen Forschung weitestgehend unbekannten Schaffens vermag es, den vielschichtigen Bedeutungsebenen von Schulreform(en) und Reformpädagogik gerecht(er) zu werden. Die Arbeit intendiert zudem eine Horizonterweiterung des bildungshistorischen Blickfeldes – vor allem in Bezug auf bildungspolitische und schulpraktische Realisierungen von essenziellen Reformen in den Bereichen sekundärer (Aus-)Bildungseinrichtungen. Die Schwestern bestimmten sowohl als kommunalpolitische als auch als schulpraktische Akteure die neue Praxis und die neuen Anforderungen der demokratischen Staatsform mit. Adelheid Torhorst kämpfte – über ihren kommunalen Verantwortungsradius hinausreichend – aktiv im Rahmen ihrer von 1924–1931 andauernden Mitgliedschaft im Bund der Freien Schulgesellschaften (BFS) für eine gesamte Weltlichkeit des deutschen Schul- und (Aus-)Bildungswesens. Beide Frauen mussten auf ihren Tätigkeitsebenen erfahren, dass ihre immer stärker werdenden sozialistisch geprägten Vorstellungen bezüglich der deutschen Bildungslandschaft Illusionen blieben. Vielmehr erkannten sie zunehmend einen Zusammenhang zwischen den etablierten Machtstrukturen; ein gesellschaftlicher Fortschritt, der sich in ihren Augen in einem sozial durchlässigen und weltlichen Bildungswesen formierte, erforderte vor allem strukturelle Veränderungen. Für diese jedoch gab es keine gesellschaftlichen und politischen Mehrheiten. Die doppelbiografische Perspektive mit dem Fokus auf das Bleibende des Reformengagements sensibilisiert für gegenwärtige bildungspolitische Streitfragen. Der kritisch-reflexive Blick geht zunächst mit einer Würdigung der qualifizierenden deutschen (Aus-) Bildungslandschaft einher; schätzt die liberalen Errungenschaften wie die Entscheidungsfreiheit der Eltern in Bezug zum Besuch des Religionsunterrichts ihrer Kinder als ein Privileg einer demokratischen, sozial offenen Gesellschaft. Es braucht in einer herausfordernden Zukunft mehr denn je mutige Akteure mit progressivem Reformpotenzial. Das wegweisende Engagement der Torhorst-Schwestern stand im Kontext eines schulischen sowie gesellschaftlichen Fortschrittgedankens, der sowohl die Moderne positiv prägt und trägt, der aber auch für deren Krisen und Konflikte steht. Im gegenwärtigen (Aus-)Bildungswesen entstehen ebenso immer wieder neue Spannungen und Reformbedarfe, die es gilt, mit entsprechenden bildungspolitischen Richtlinien "von oben" gesetzlich neu zu reglementieren – mit Leben gefüllt werden sie mit dem Engagement "von unten". ; This dissertation, an educational history and double biography, focuses on the Torhorst sisters, Adelheid and Marie, and on their engagement in the educational reform movement that took place within the Weimar Republic's education system. The terms "reform" and "engagement" are related to the relevant library reference numbers used in a study of the siblings based on original sources. This work looks at their professional biographies as pertaining to their work on educational policies and practices that took place in the context of the first "real" German democracy. It aims to broaden the scope of the history of education to include those who advocated for a progressive redesign of (continuing) education that was in keeping with processes of modernization and democratization that at the time were urgently needed but never fully carried out. By examining a largely unknown topic and unpacking the complex layers of meaning that were part of the school and educational reform movements, this study fills a gap within the field of the history of education. In addition, this work seeks to contribute to the history of education, in terms of understanding the educational policy and school practices that were necessary to implementing essential reforms within secondary schools and vocational training institutions. As players in local politics and in addressing issues related to school policies, the sisters influenced the development of the democratic form of government's new practices and standards. Going well beyond her local duties, as a member of the "Bund der Freien Schulgesellschaften" (BFS) from 1924 to 1931, Adelheid Torhorst actively fought for the complete secularization of the German school and vocational training systems. It was through their work that both sisters discovered that their ideas about the German educational system, which were increasingly influenced by socialism, would remain mere illusions. Over time, they also increasingly recognized that there was a connection between potential reform and the established structures of power. Social progress, which in their view took shape within a socially open and secular educational system, required above all structural changes. The young democracy lacked, however, the social and political majorities that would have been necessary to bring about such changes. By concentrating on the lasting influence of the reform movement, the double-biographical perspective draws attention to contemporary debates in educational policy. The critical-reflexive view is closely tied to understanding the requirements of the German educational and vocational training system; such a view values liberal achievements like the fact that one of the privileges of a democratic, socially open society is the freedom that parents have to choose if their children attend religion classes. For a future likely marked by challenge, courageous individuals with progressive visions for reform will be needed more than ever. The Torhorst sisters' path-breaking engagement in the educational reform movement took place at a time in which most shared the belief that progress in schools and society would positively shape and be shaped by modernity, but most were also aware that such progress would create crises and conflicts. In the current educational and vocational training systems, new sources of tension and needs for reform are constantly arising. These issues need to be regulated "from above" with legislation that establishes appropriate educational policy guidelines. But it is only with the engagement of those "from below" that they will actually be put into practice.

Objetivo: La disciplina arquitectónica está imbuida en multitud de legislaciones. Desde las leyes urbanísticas a las técnicas, entre otras, afectan al entendimiento de la ciudad y a los límites posibles de la acción edificatoria. El conflicto se encuentra en que están reguladas principalmente a través del parámetro espacio, situando el factor tiempo como algo residual. Desde disciplinas como la sociología, la geografía o el derecho, diversos investigadores identifican esta circunstancia como un impedimento para mejorar la arquitectura, la ciudad o el territorio. Así pues, este artículo trata de mirar críticamente a la vertiente espacial de la ley para plantear un debate sobre sus limitaciones y una posible actualización ante un contexto tecnológico que no hace más que difuminar sus bordes. Metodología: La metodología consiste en una lectura crítica y exhaustiva de las leyes españolas y madrileñas y su conexión con el debate teórico que se está produciendo en otros campos. Conclusiones: La consecuencia principal del conflicto es el fortalecimiento de la división público-privado, una separación legal y espacial que se impone en las leyes de la edificación. Esta dicotomía acota, condiciona y limita la actividad de arquitectos y urbanistas, pero también de políticos, sociólogos o economistas y representa uno de los mayores problemas a los que se enfrenta el diseño arquitectónico. Originalidad: El análisis crítico de las legislaciones es un campo de estudio novedoso y prácticamente inexplorado en la arquitectura. Visibilizar el rol de la ley sobre la arquitectura puede proveer a los agentes urbanos de nuevas herramientas para intervenir sobre ella. ; Objectiu: La disciplina arquitectònica està afectada per multitud de legislacions. Des de les principals urbanitzacions a les tècniques, entre altres, les regulacions distintius influeixen en la configuració de la ciutat i en l'enteniment dels límits de l'acció edificatòria. El conflicte es troba en què es troben enunciats principalment a través del paràmetre espacial, situant el factor temps com a residual. Des de les disciplines com la sociologia, la geografia o el dret, diversos investigadors identificaran aquesta circumstància com un imprevist per millorar l'edificació, la ciutat o el territori i adequar les demandes contemporànies. Aquest article tracta de mirar críticament la veracitat espacial de la llei per plantar un debat sobre les seves limitacions i una possible actualització davant un context tecnològic que no fa més que difondre les seves fronteres. Metodologia: La metodologia consisteix en una lectura crítica i exhaustiva de les veus espanyoles que afecten l'ús i el disseny de l'espai urbà, així com la vostra connexió amb el debat que t'està produint en altres camps. Conclusions: La consciència principal del conflicte és el fortament de la divisió pública-privada, una separació legal i espacial que s'impulsaran en les lleis de l'edificació. Esta dicotomia acota, condiciona i limita l'activitat dels arquitectes i els urbanistes, però també els polítics, els socis i els economistes i els representants dels problemes amb els que s'enfronten al disseny arquitectònic. Originalitat: L'anàlisi crític de les legislacions és un camp d'estudi original i pràcticament inexplorat en l'arquitectura. Fer visible el rol de la llei sobre l'arquitectura que pot provar amb els agents urbans de noves eines per intervenir sobre ella. ; Objective: The architectural discipline is affected by a multitude of legislations. From the urban to the technical, different regulations influence the configuration of the city and the limits of what to build. The conflict is that they are enunciated mainly through space, placing the time factor as something residual. From disciplines such as sociology, geography or law, various researchers identify this circumstance as an impediment to improve buildings, cities or territories and adapting them to contemporary demands. This article tries to look critically at the spatial side of the law in order to raise a debate about its limitations and its possible evolution into a technological context that only diffuses its borders. Methodology: The methodology consists of a critical and exhaustive reading of Spanish laws that affect the use and design of urban space, as well as its connection with the theoretical debate that is taking place in other fields. Conclusions: The main consequence of the conflict is the strengthening of the public-private division, a legal and spatial separation that is imposed in building and urban legislations. This dichotomy conditions and limits the activity of architects and urban planners, but also of politicians, sociologists or economists and it represents one of the biggest problems faced by architectural design. Originality: The critical analysis of legislations is a new field of study and practically unexplored in architecture. Making visible the role of the law on architecture can provide urban agents with new tools to intervene on it. ; Peer Reviewed