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This article analyses social inequality and political processes in post-Communist Lithuania, using the neo-Weberian class theory of Robert Erikson, John Goldthorpe and Lucienne Portocarero (EGP). The opening section considers why the analysis of social structure, which was a central concern in classical sociology, has been so neglected in Lithuanian sociology since the restoration of independence. There are just two exceptions to this trend, discussed in the same section - Rūta Brazienė's 2002 thesis and the 2005 volume edited by Arvydas Matulionis. The first part also compares inductive (data-driven) and deductive (theory-driven) methodologies of social structure analysis to substantiate the advantages of the latter for this article's empirical analysis. The second part outlines EGP class theory, considered as a creative continuation of Weber's classical analysis of social structure, and as a genuine alternative to Marx's theory of classes and class struggle. EGP class theory is compared with two other approaches - Erik Olin Wright's neo-Marxist class theory, which emphasises exploitation relations between classes, and American social stratification analysis, which focuses on the measurement of socio-economic status (SES). The third section offers a neo-Weberian examination of post-Communist Lithuania's class structure, represented by four different EGP class types. Diachronic and synchronic comparisons and historical analysis are used to point out the features of Lithuanian class structure that are shared with other similar countries and those features that are nationally specific. To this end, data from Round 4 of the European Social Survey in Lithuania (conducted at the end of 2009) is used. In the last section, which applies statistical methods of correspondence analysis, a slightly modified EGP class model is used to explore manifestations of social inequality [.]

This article analyses social inequality and political processes in post-Communist Lithuania, using the neo-Weberian class theory of Robert Erikson, John Goldthorpe and Lucienne Portocarero (EGP). The opening section considers why the analysis of social structure, which was a central concern in classical sociology, has been so neglected in Lithuanian sociology since the restoration of independence. There are just two exceptions to this trend, discussed in the same section - Rūta Brazienė's 2002 thesis and the 2005 volume edited by Arvydas Matulionis. The first part also compares inductive (data-driven) and deductive (theory-driven) methodologies of social structure analysis to substantiate the advantages of the latter for this article's empirical analysis. The second part outlines EGP class theory, considered as a creative continuation of Weber's classical analysis of social structure, and as a genuine alternative to Marx's theory of classes and class struggle. EGP class theory is compared with two other approaches - Erik Olin Wright's neo-Marxist class theory, which emphasises exploitation relations between classes, and American social stratification analysis, which focuses on the measurement of socio-economic status (SES). The third section offers a neo-Weberian examination of post-Communist Lithuania's class structure, represented by four different EGP class types. Diachronic and synchronic comparisons and historical analysis are used to point out the features of Lithuanian class structure that are shared with other similar countries and those features that are nationally specific. To this end, data from Round 4 of the European Social Survey in Lithuania (conducted at the end of 2009) is used. In the last section, which applies statistical methods of correspondence analysis, a slightly modified EGP class model is used to explore manifestations of social inequality [.]

This article analyses social inequality and political processes in post-Communist Lithuania, using the neo-Weberian class theory of Robert Erikson, John Goldthorpe and Lucienne Portocarero (EGP). The opening section considers why the analysis of social structure, which was a central concern in classical sociology, has been so neglected in Lithuanian sociology since the restoration of independence. There are just two exceptions to this trend, discussed in the same section - Rūta Brazienė's 2002 thesis and the 2005 volume edited by Arvydas Matulionis. The first part also compares inductive (data-driven) and deductive (theory-driven) methodologies of social structure analysis to substantiate the advantages of the latter for this article's empirical analysis. The second part outlines EGP class theory, considered as a creative continuation of Weber's classical analysis of social structure, and as a genuine alternative to Marx's theory of classes and class struggle. EGP class theory is compared with two other approaches - Erik Olin Wright's neo-Marxist class theory, which emphasises exploitation relations between classes, and American social stratification analysis, which focuses on the measurement of socio-economic status (SES). The third section offers a neo-Weberian examination of post-Communist Lithuania's class structure, represented by four different EGP class types. Diachronic and synchronic comparisons and historical analysis are used to point out the features of Lithuanian class structure that are shared with other similar countries and those features that are nationally specific. To this end, data from Round 4 of the European Social Survey in Lithuania (conducted at the end of 2009) is used. In the last section, which applies statistical methods of correspondence analysis, a slightly modified EGP class model is used to explore manifestations of social inequality [.]

Concept of Virtue in Contemporary Democratic Theory: an Alternative to A. MacIntyre. This paper examines the relationship between the theories of virtue ethics and the theories of contemporary democracy, as an alternative to the theories of Alasdair MacIntyre. The aim is to provide an alternative assessment of the relationship between these concepts than that provided by MacIntyre, incorporating two important concepts that have not been explored in detail by the philosopher: democracy and sovereign. Assessments of the virtue ethic in contemporary theories of democracy have not been explored in detail, often simply emphasizing the theoretical incompatibility of these concepts. This leads to both various theoretical tensions and the resulting ethical issues in practical politics. The aim is to show that a thorough analysis of the theories of modern democracy and the sovereign concept can help to better understand the theoretical tensions between the virtue ethics and modern democracy. An analysis of Macintyre's theories of virtue ethics and politics reveals that the philosopher does not pay enough attention to the theoretical understanding of modern democracy and therefore does not fully appreciate its relationship to virtue ethics. The analysis of the concept of contemporary democracy in this paper indicates that MacIntyre also refers to similar problems, which suggests that an analysis of the concept of democracy is needed to understand the author's philosophy. The paper introduces the sovereign concept necessary to understand the theoretical basis of contemporary democracy in order to find an alternative way to re-evaluate the theoretical tension of modern democracy and virtue ethics. Analysis of the concept of sovereign shows that Rousseau's concept of sovereign as the general will can provide an alternative understanding of the moral and ethical basis of contemporary democracy. The idea of general will also allows to re-evaluate the key problems of virtue ethics in contemporary theories, raised by MacIntyre, such as the pursuit of the common good and the problem of a legitimate political authority.66 Despite the fact that modern theories of democracy and classical theories of virtue ethics seem incompatible at first sight, a detailed analysis of these theories, including the sovereign concept necessary for the modern concept of democracy, showed that virtue ethics and modern democracy can be explanatory or complementary aspects. In order to thoroughly evaluate virtue ethics, it is important to understand the theoretical political background in which virtue ethics are analyzed, as they are closely related to political sphere. Moreover, the concept of sovereign in the theories of contemporary democracy has a similar role and effect as the concept of virtue ethics in the classic theories. Classic virtue ethics (as described by Aristotle) are not possible (or even morally acceptable) in the fields of contemporary democratic theories; however, this study shows that generally, virtue ethics should not be dismissed from contemporary democratic theories. These findings suggest that it is necessary to treat democracy as a political regime in order to analyze its compatibility with virtue ethics.

Concept of Virtue in Contemporary Democratic Theory: an Alternative to A. MacIntyre. This paper examines the relationship between the theories of virtue ethics and the theories of contemporary democracy, as an alternative to the theories of Alasdair MacIntyre. The aim is to provide an alternative assessment of the relationship between these concepts than that provided by MacIntyre, incorporating two important concepts that have not been explored in detail by the philosopher: democracy and sovereign. Assessments of the virtue ethic in contemporary theories of democracy have not been explored in detail, often simply emphasizing the theoretical incompatibility of these concepts. This leads to both various theoretical tensions and the resulting ethical issues in practical politics. The aim is to show that a thorough analysis of the theories of modern democracy and the sovereign concept can help to better understand the theoretical tensions between the virtue ethics and modern democracy. An analysis of Macintyre's theories of virtue ethics and politics reveals that the philosopher does not pay enough attention to the theoretical understanding of modern democracy and therefore does not fully appreciate its relationship to virtue ethics. The analysis of the concept of contemporary democracy in this paper indicates that MacIntyre also refers to similar problems, which suggests that an analysis of the concept of democracy is needed to understand the author's philosophy. The paper introduces the sovereign concept necessary to understand the theoretical basis of contemporary democracy in order to find an alternative way to re-evaluate the theoretical tension of modern democracy and virtue ethics. Analysis of the concept of sovereign shows that Rousseau's concept of sovereign as the general will can provide an alternative understanding of the moral and ethical basis of contemporary democracy. The idea of general will also allows to re-evaluate the key problems of virtue ethics in contemporary theories, raised by MacIntyre, such as the pursuit of the common good and the problem of a legitimate political authority.66 Despite the fact that modern theories of democracy and classical theories of virtue ethics seem incompatible at first sight, a detailed analysis of these theories, including the sovereign concept necessary for the modern concept of democracy, showed that virtue ethics and modern democracy can be explanatory or complementary aspects. In order to thoroughly evaluate virtue ethics, it is important to understand the theoretical political background in which virtue ethics are analyzed, as they are closely related to political sphere. Moreover, the concept of sovereign in the theories of contemporary democracy has a similar role and effect as the concept of virtue ethics in the classic theories. Classic virtue ethics (as described by Aristotle) are not possible (or even morally acceptable) in the fields of contemporary democratic theories; however, this study shows that generally, virtue ethics should not be dismissed from contemporary democratic theories. These findings suggest that it is necessary to treat democracy as a political regime in order to analyze its compatibility with virtue ethics.

Concept of Virtue in Contemporary Democratic Theory: an Alternative to A. MacIntyre. This paper examines the relationship between the theories of virtue ethics and the theories of contemporary democracy, as an alternative to the theories of Alasdair MacIntyre. The aim is to provide an alternative assessment of the relationship between these concepts than that provided by MacIntyre, incorporating two important concepts that have not been explored in detail by the philosopher: democracy and sovereign. Assessments of the virtue ethic in contemporary theories of democracy have not been explored in detail, often simply emphasizing the theoretical incompatibility of these concepts. This leads to both various theoretical tensions and the resulting ethical issues in practical politics. The aim is to show that a thorough analysis of the theories of modern democracy and the sovereign concept can help to better understand the theoretical tensions between the virtue ethics and modern democracy. An analysis of Macintyre's theories of virtue ethics and politics reveals that the philosopher does not pay enough attention to the theoretical understanding of modern democracy and therefore does not fully appreciate its relationship to virtue ethics. The analysis of the concept of contemporary democracy in this paper indicates that MacIntyre also refers to similar problems, which suggests that an analysis of the concept of democracy is needed to understand the author's philosophy. The paper introduces the sovereign concept necessary to understand the theoretical basis of contemporary democracy in order to find an alternative way to re-evaluate the theoretical tension of modern democracy and virtue ethics. Analysis of the concept of sovereign shows that Rousseau's concept of sovereign as the general will can provide an alternative understanding of the moral and ethical basis of contemporary democracy. The idea of general will also allows to re-evaluate the key problems of virtue ethics in contemporary theories, raised by MacIntyre, such as the pursuit of the common good and the problem of a legitimate political authority.66 Despite the fact that modern theories of democracy and classical theories of virtue ethics seem incompatible at first sight, a detailed analysis of these theories, including the sovereign concept necessary for the modern concept of democracy, showed that virtue ethics and modern democracy can be explanatory or complementary aspects. In order to thoroughly evaluate virtue ethics, it is important to understand the theoretical political background in which virtue ethics are analyzed, as they are closely related to political sphere. Moreover, the concept of sovereign in the theories of contemporary democracy has a similar role and effect as the concept of virtue ethics in the classic theories. Classic virtue ethics (as described by Aristotle) are not possible (or even morally acceptable) in the fields of contemporary democratic theories; however, this study shows that generally, virtue ethics should not be dismissed from contemporary democratic theories. These findings suggest that it is necessary to treat democracy as a political regime in order to analyze its compatibility with virtue ethics.

Concept of Virtue in Contemporary Democratic Theory: an Alternative to A. MacIntyre. This paper examines the relationship between the theories of virtue ethics and the theories of contemporary democracy, as an alternative to the theories of Alasdair MacIntyre. The aim is to provide an alternative assessment of the relationship between these concepts than that provided by MacIntyre, incorporating two important concepts that have not been explored in detail by the philosopher: democracy and sovereign. Assessments of the virtue ethic in contemporary theories of democracy have not been explored in detail, often simply emphasizing the theoretical incompatibility of these concepts. This leads to both various theoretical tensions and the resulting ethical issues in practical politics. The aim is to show that a thorough analysis of the theories of modern democracy and the sovereign concept can help to better understand the theoretical tensions between the virtue ethics and modern democracy. An analysis of Macintyre's theories of virtue ethics and politics reveals that the philosopher does not pay enough attention to the theoretical understanding of modern democracy and therefore does not fully appreciate its relationship to virtue ethics. The analysis of the concept of contemporary democracy in this paper indicates that MacIntyre also refers to similar problems, which suggests that an analysis of the concept of democracy is needed to understand the author's philosophy. The paper introduces the sovereign concept necessary to understand the theoretical basis of contemporary democracy in order to find an alternative way to re-evaluate the theoretical tension of modern democracy and virtue ethics. Analysis of the concept of sovereign shows that Rousseau's concept of sovereign as the general will can provide an alternative understanding of the moral and ethical basis of contemporary democracy. The idea of general will also allows to re-evaluate the key problems of virtue ethics in contemporary theories, raised by MacIntyre, such as the pursuit of the common good and the problem of a legitimate political authority.66 Despite the fact that modern theories of democracy and classical theories of virtue ethics seem incompatible at first sight, a detailed analysis of these theories, including the sovereign concept necessary for the modern concept of democracy, showed that virtue ethics and modern democracy can be explanatory or complementary aspects. In order to thoroughly evaluate virtue ethics, it is important to understand the theoretical political background in which virtue ethics are analyzed, as they are closely related to political sphere. Moreover, the concept of sovereign in the theories of contemporary democracy has a similar role and effect as the concept of virtue ethics in the classic theories. Classic virtue ethics (as described by Aristotle) are not possible (or even morally acceptable) in the fields of contemporary democratic theories; however, this study shows that generally, virtue ethics should not be dismissed from contemporary democratic theories. These findings suggest that it is necessary to treat democracy as a political regime in order to analyze its compatibility with virtue ethics.

The article attempts to assess the relevancy of rational choice theories to analyze contemporary foreign policy decision making and implementation. The questions: which philosophical paradigms are supposed by contemporary world order and international system? Does rational choice theories are compatible with dominant approach to international relations? What guidelines and capabilities does rational diplomacy analysis encounter? The precondition states that contemporary international system involves more unipolar than multipolar features and context of realism and provide with the best background for analysis. The article describes the developments of world orders, assesses the organisation of international system, evaluates links between neorealism and rationalism, and attempts to envisage the capabilities of rational choice theories to analyse diplomacy.

The article attempts to assess the relevancy of rational choice theories to analyze contemporary foreign policy decision making and implementation. The questions: which philosophical paradigms are supposed by contemporary world order and international system? Does rational choice theories are compatible with dominant approach to international relations? What guidelines and capabilities does rational diplomacy analysis encounter? The precondition states that contemporary international system involves more unipolar than multipolar features and context of realism and provide with the best background for analysis. The article describes the developments of world orders, assesses the organisation of international system, evaluates links between neorealism and rationalism, and attempts to envisage the capabilities of rational choice theories to analyse diplomacy.

The article analyses different ways of interpreting and presenting social realities on contemporary Lithuanian thea-tre stage. While analysing Lithuanian performances of the last two decades one might state that the increasing number of works deal with the problems of contemporary social reality, new identities and sociocultural phenom-enons. However there is a substancial difference between performances produced during the first decade of the Independence and the ones produced during the second one. During the first decade Lithuanian theatre direc-tors tried to contemplate about emerging realities and social problems with the help of contemporary drama texts, whereas during the second decade the new modes of reflection of relevant societal topics began to take shape: per-sonal stories, unmediated presence of actors, deconstruction of canonic texts or images. With the help of two case studies – performance of Mark Ravenhill's shoping and Fucking(1999, OKT) and oedipus the king(2002, OKT) by Sophocles, both directed by Oskaras Koršunovas the analysis of different possibilities of reflecting contemporary re-alities onstage is performed. At the same time article raised more general questions about the notions and strategies of social / political theatre in post-soviet Lithuania.

The article analyses different ways of interpreting and presenting social realities on contemporary Lithuanian thea-tre stage. While analysing Lithuanian performances of the last two decades one might state that the increasing number of works deal with the problems of contemporary social reality, new identities and sociocultural phenom-enons. However there is a substancial difference between performances produced during the first decade of the Independence and the ones produced during the second one. During the first decade Lithuanian theatre direc-tors tried to contemplate about emerging realities and social problems with the help of contemporary drama texts, whereas during the second decade the new modes of reflection of relevant societal topics began to take shape: per-sonal stories, unmediated presence of actors, deconstruction of canonic texts or images. With the help of two case studies – performance of Mark Ravenhill's shoping and Fucking(1999, OKT) and oedipus the king(2002, OKT) by Sophocles, both directed by Oskaras Koršunovas the analysis of different possibilities of reflecting contemporary re-alities onstage is performed. At the same time article raised more general questions about the notions and strategies of social / political theatre in post-soviet Lithuania.

The article analyses different ways of interpreting and presenting social realities on contemporary Lithuanian thea-tre stage. While analysing Lithuanian performances of the last two decades one might state that the increasing number of works deal with the problems of contemporary social reality, new identities and sociocultural phenom-enons. However there is a substancial difference between performances produced during the first decade of the Independence and the ones produced during the second one. During the first decade Lithuanian theatre direc-tors tried to contemplate about emerging realities and social problems with the help of contemporary drama texts, whereas during the second decade the new modes of reflection of relevant societal topics began to take shape: per-sonal stories, unmediated presence of actors, deconstruction of canonic texts or images. With the help of two case studies – performance of Mark Ravenhill's shoping and Fucking(1999, OKT) and oedipus the king(2002, OKT) by Sophocles, both directed by Oskaras Koršunovas the analysis of different possibilities of reflecting contemporary re-alities onstage is performed. At the same time article raised more general questions about the notions and strategies of social / political theatre in post-soviet Lithuania.

Nowadays in Lithuania the quality of child care and de-institutionalization issues are hightly actualized. However, the latter remains just in discussion form, because there is a critical shortage of de-institutionalization promoting actions based on reasons and research. The final master research analyzes the needs of de-institutionalization of children in care in order to reveal how the adult's constructed guardianship system and decisions affects the children without parental care. The aim of thesis is to reveal the de-institutionalization interferences and opportunities. In order to get a good quality results in empirical studies the qualitative research methodology and semi-structured interview method was selected. Informants were selected through a selection criteria. Survey participants were selected from children, who live and lived in child care, and child care professionals. The total sample is 18 informants. The aim of the research - to investigate the transition to the child care system deinstucionalization problems and impact on children's social reality. Children's satisfaction with care (child care institutions, foster families, household foster care families) in the study is discussed. Child care highest valued is in foster families , household foster families, the lowest - in institutions. The results also had shown the need for high care system de-institutionalization systems. However, to reform this system is quite difficult for certain interference, such as a lack of political will, which encourages a lack of social services, poor and unequal distribution of resources between forms of care. The participants of the thesis refers to a myriad of recommendations , which could have modified the system - but it also shows, that the care system expectations and needs aren't heard of \"government \" because these expectations and the laws generally do not match. In the study analysis also revealed that children are poorly involved in the care process which affects them , not fully allowed in to needs of the child - adult guardianship system is designed not fully meet the expectations of children , particularly it can be said about child care institutions which children values very negatively. Institutional child care designed by adults has a negative impact in children social reality, leaving the unwanted consequences for further their lives. Turning to deinstucionalizuotos child care system , special attention should be given to children 's participation and foster care.

Nowadays in Lithuania the quality of child care and de-institutionalization issues are hightly actualized. However, the latter remains just in discussion form, because there is a critical shortage of de-institutionalization promoting actions based on reasons and research. The final master research analyzes the needs of de-institutionalization of children in care in order to reveal how the adult's constructed guardianship system and decisions affects the children without parental care. The aim of thesis is to reveal the de-institutionalization interferences and opportunities. In order to get a good quality results in empirical studies the qualitative research methodology and semi-structured interview method was selected. Informants were selected through a selection criteria. Survey participants were selected from children, who live and lived in child care, and child care professionals. The total sample is 18 informants. The aim of the research - to investigate the transition to the child care system deinstucionalization problems and impact on children's social reality. Children's satisfaction with care (child care institutions, foster families, household foster care families) in the study is discussed. Child care highest valued is in foster families , household foster families, the lowest - in institutions. The results also had shown the need for high care system de-institutionalization systems. However, to reform this system is quite difficult for certain interference, such as a lack of political will, which encourages a lack of social services, poor and unequal distribution of resources between forms of care. The participants of the thesis refers to a myriad of recommendations , which could have modified the system - but it also shows, that the care system expectations and needs aren't heard of \"government \" because these expectations and the laws generally do not match. In the study analysis also revealed that children are poorly involved in the care process which affects them , not fully allowed in to needs of the child - adult guardianship system is designed not fully meet the expectations of children , particularly it can be said about child care institutions which children values very negatively. Institutional child care designed by adults has a negative impact in children social reality, leaving the unwanted consequences for further their lives. Turning to deinstucionalizuotos child care system , special attention should be given to children 's participation and foster care.

Nowadays in Lithuania the quality of child care and de-institutionalization issues are hightly actualized. However, the latter remains just in discussion form, because there is a critical shortage of de-institutionalization promoting actions based on reasons and research. The final master research analyzes the needs of de-institutionalization of children in care in order to reveal how the adult's constructed guardianship system and decisions affects the children without parental care. The aim of thesis is to reveal the de-institutionalization interferences and opportunities. In order to get a good quality results in empirical studies the qualitative research methodology and semi-structured interview method was selected. Informants were selected through a selection criteria. Survey participants were selected from children, who live and lived in child care, and child care professionals. The total sample is 18 informants. The aim of the research - to investigate the transition to the child care system deinstucionalization problems and impact on children's social reality. Children's satisfaction with care (child care institutions, foster families, household foster care families) in the study is discussed. Child care highest valued is in foster families , household foster families, the lowest - in institutions. The results also had shown the need for high care system de-institutionalization systems. However, to reform this system is quite difficult for certain interference, such as a lack of political will, which encourages a lack of social services, poor and unequal distribution of resources between forms of care. The participants of the thesis refers to a myriad of recommendations , which could have modified the system - but it also shows, that the care system expectations and needs aren't heard of \"government \" because these expectations and the laws generally do not match. In the study analysis also revealed that children are poorly involved in the care process which affects them , not fully allowed in to needs of the child - adult guardianship system is designed not fully meet the expectations of children , particularly it can be said about child care institutions which children values very negatively. Institutional child care designed by adults has a negative impact in children social reality, leaving the unwanted consequences for further their lives. Turning to deinstucionalizuotos child care system , special attention should be given to children 's participation and foster care.