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The paper is an attempt to outline a coherent methodological framework fostering a more sociologically informed perspective on the problem of corruption risk as it is typical of the functioning of state institutions in Poland. The approach is based upon the concept of a 'corruption event' which combines agential dispositions to take part in corrupt exchanges as well as their structural and systemic determinants. In this way, assuming the theory of social becoming as a starting point, the postulated methodology investigates the problem of corruption from the theoretical perspective of sociologies aiming to provide a holistic and synthetic ontology whose objective is to overcome the dichotomy between agency and structure.

The main objective of the article is to show that the temporary symbiosis between centres of political power and organized crime leads to the development of permanent, corrupt and opaque networks. Focusing on the countries of the Western Balkans, the author points to the reasons for the development of organized crime in the region and then to the conditions created in the post-conflict period that resulted in the failure of effective attempts to stop organized crime and the corruption that facilitates it in the these countries. The article also points out that the creation of symbiotic relationships between political elites and organized crime groups leads to a 'state capture.' The unresolved problems of corruption and organized crime, in turn, have a direct impact on these countries' EU-integration processes.

Artykuł stanowi próbę nakreślania metodologii umożliwiającej socjologiczną konceptualizacją problemu ryzyka korupcji w instytucjach państwowych Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej. Proponowane podejście skupia się na pojęciu "zdarzenia korupcyjnego", terminu łączącego w sobie podmiotowe predyspozycje do udziału w korupcyjnych wymianach wraz z ich systemowymi oraz strukturalnymi uwarunkowaniami. Dzięki obraniu teorii stawania się społeczeństwa, dokonano wglądu w zagadnienie korupcji z perspektywy tych teorii socjologicznych, które postulują ontologię rzeczywistości społecznej umożliwiającą przezwyciężenie dychotomii: podmiotowość – struktura społeczna. ; The paper is an attempt to outline a coherent methodological framework fostering a more sociologically informed perspective on the problem of corruption risk as it is typical of the functioning of state institutions in Poland. The approach is based upon the concept of a 'corruption event' which combines agential dispositions to take part in corrupt exchanges as well as their structural and systemic determinants. In this way, assuming the theory of social becoming as a starting point, the postulated methodology investigates the problem of corruption from the theoretical perspective of sociologies aiming to provide a holistic and synthetic ontology whose objective is to overcome the dichotomy between agency and structure.

Most of the previous revolutions in the post-Soviet sphere were concentrated around two dimensions: reluctance to challenge abuses of power and the will to redirect the external trajectory. The Armenian Velvet Revolution marked the change of the axiology of revolution. Civil disobedience was only focused on the corrupt political system based on clientelism and patronage. It was not addressing any issues related to the international situation. In statements, activists avoided references to foreign policy and change of geopolitical direction. The purpose of the paper is to identify convergent and separate features characterizing the Velvet Revolution in comparison with breakthroughs classified as revolutions in the post-Soviet space after 1989. The research question is how the Armenian Velvet Revolution's features stand out from previous revolutionary changes of power in the post-Soviet space, and to what extent they are convergent. The theoretical framework is based on multi-dimensional academic reflection on the factors characterizing particular revolutionary waves in post-Soviet space. Using comparatively the rich achievements of study on the Autumn of Nations, Color Revolutions, and Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity, this essay aims to inscribe the unique and modular factors characterizing the Armenian Velvet Revolution into a broader spectrum of theoretical and practical considerations on political breakthroughs in post-Soviet space.

Political corruption is a multidimensional phenomenon, concerning political authorities at all possible levels. It is defined as the abuse of power by political entities in order to obtain personal benefits in the form of greater power or wealth. It shows that the subject of political corruption is not only material benefits but also the mechanisms of increasing the influence or special treatment. The character of political corruption results in the public interest in it, enhanced by the public character of the individuals it refers to. It is also influenced by the processual character of the phenomenon itself, but first of all by the specific attractive nature of corruption in social awareness. The article presents the findings of research concerning opinions on political corruption. Its goal is to study the relationships between the respondents' opinions on political authorities' honesty and the determinants of corrupt phenomena. The main research question is: Is there any relationship between the person's opinion on political authorities' honesty and the person's perception of political corruption? The hypothesis related to the question assumes there is a connection between the perception of political authorities' honesty and the evaluation of components of political corruption. The research is part of a research project carried out by the IPSO ORDO Academic Foundation on the perception of the corruption phenomenon in the public domain.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The article is the second in the series devoted to the career and political activity of Milo Djukanović. While the first part describes the politician's youth, his rise to power and the implementation of the goal of bringing Montenegro to state independence from Serbia, the next part reveals the backstage of the politician's fame, his business ties and not always favorably received activities for the state. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The turning point in Djukanović's career was the year 1997. The boldness he achieved in opposing Milošević at that time showed that he has no equal. Djukanović, the architect of Montenegro, led her to freedom, distancing her politically and economically from Serbia. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: Multiple prime minister, president of Montenegro. By setting limits in relations with Russia, preventing Serbia from interfering with the country's affairs, he would ensure that Montenegro joined NATO in 2017 and entered the path of advanced negotiations with the EU. Accused by the opposition of electoral fraud, authoritarian governments, exerting pressure, mafia connections, called an opponent of the Church will be the president until 2023. RESEARCH RESULTS: Regardless of what Djukanović is accused of, his previous contributions to the Montenegrin nation and state obscure the image of a corrupt politician. The fact that Djukanović and his party (DPS) failed for the first time in the last parliamentary elections does not mean that the Era of Djukanovic is over. The time of a clash has come in which another, younger generation has come, including Alexa Bečić or Dritan Abazović. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The political earthquake, new rapprochement with Serbia, the dizzying pace of personnel changes do not bode well. They can have a negative impact on the country's internal security, negotiations with the EU and the fight against the coronavirus pandemic. ; CEL NAUKOWY: Artykuł stanowi drugi z cyklu, poświęcony karierze i działalności politycznej Milo Djukanovića. O ile w pierwszej części opisane zostały lata młodości polityka, jego dojście do władzy i realizacja celu, jakim było doprowadzenie Czarnogóry do niezależności państwowej od Serbii, tak kolejna część odsłania kulisy sławy polityka, jego powiązania biznesowe i nie zawsze przychylnie odbieraną działalność na rzecz państwa. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Przełomowym momentem w karierze Milo Djukanovića był rok 1997. Śmiałość, na jaką wówczas się zdobył, sprzeciwiając Miloševićovi, pokazała, że nie ma sobie równych. Djukanović, architekt Czarnogóry poprowadził ją ku wolności, politycznie i gospodarczo dystansując od Serbii. PROCES WYWODU: Milo Djukanović, wielokrotny premier, prezydent Czarnogóry znany z ciętej riposty, skrupulatny, inteligentny, zyskał przydomek "Milošević w garniturze od Armaniego". Stawiający granice w relacjach z Rosją, nie dopuszczający do ingerencji Serbii w sprawy państwa, dopilnował by Czarnogóra, w 2017 roku znalazła się w NATO i weszła na drogę zaawansowanych negocjacji akcesyjnych z UE. Oskarżany przez opozycję o oszustwa wyborcze, autorytarne rządy, wywieranie nacisków, mafijne powiązania, nazywany faszystą, przeciwnikiem Cerkwii sprawować będzie funkcje głowy państwa do 2023 roku. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Bez względu na to, co zarzuca się Djukanovićovi, jego wcześniejsze zasługi położone dla narodu i państwowości Czarnogóry, przysłaniają obraz skorumpowanego polityka. Fakt, że Djukanović i jego partia (DPS), w trakcie ostatnich wyborów parlamentarnych, po raz pierwszy od trzydziestu lat ponieśli klęskę, nie oznacza, że skończyła się "Era Djukanovića". Nastał czas starcia, w którym do głosu, tym razem doszło kolejne już, młodsze pokolenie, w osobach m.in. Aleksy Bečića, czy Dritana Abazovića. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Polityczne trzęsienie ziemi, nowe "zbliżenie z Serbią", zawrotne tempo zmian personalnych, nieporównywalne do żadnego z państw, które przeszły transformację polityczną i gospodarczą po upadku komunizmu w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej nie wróżą niczego dobrego. Mogą negatywnie odbić się na bezpieczeństwie wewnętrznym państwa, negocjacjach z UE i walce z pandemią.