Suchergebnisse

In this paper, we focus on terrorism through the criminal legislation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the existing scientific fund, professional literature, various organizations, institutions, political entities, there is not a sufficient degree of agreement to be able to form a court that there is, in general, a generally accepted definition of terrorism. On the other hand, given the various activities and actions, results, effects and consequences of terrorist organizations and terrorists, we must state that there is a very high degree of agreement, that terrorism is one of the biggest security and security threats today. The growing increase in terrorist actions and threats has led to the implementation of new legislative norms in order to better counter terrorism. Organized crime at the international level and terrorist activities increasingly require the connection of states, international organizations through Conventions, Resolutions or Laws. Terrorism acts ambivalently and as a threat to the stability of society, states and their development on a global level. The expansion of terrorism over time has surprised many organizations, institutions, whose goal is to preserve security, where the need for reforms has arisen. Through the laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina, we will see how the legislator has solved the issue of terrorism and what are the consequences for those who do not adhere to them.

Корупција представља једну од најважнијих тема међународне политике сузбијања криминалитета. Управо нас она упућује, заједно са савременим облицима коруптивног деловања, на потребу увођења одговорности правних лица за дела корупције. Дуго година владајућа максима societas delinquere non potest, која је одбацивала идеју о кривичној одговорности правних лица, у савременом кривичном законодавству је доведена у питање. О неопходности законског уређења проблематике одговорности правних лица за кривична дела говоре многобројни међународни документи које је наша земља ратификовала и на тај начин преузела обавезу имплементације норми међународног права. Овом приликом проблематизујемо питање које се односи на одговорност правних лица за кривична дела и кривичноправно сузбијање корупције. На овом месту размотрићемо да ли је потребно да се говори о кривичној одговорности правних лица, или је примереније терминолошки и са становишта теорије говорити о казненој одговорности правних лица. ; Corruption is considered a social problem not only in Serbia. This phenomenon is given more and more attention at the international level as well. This primarily means coordinated efforts in opposing this obstacle and threat to the development of every country. It is surprising how material-criminal legal norms were narrowly determined in the field of one of the most important topics of international and national policy of crime suppression. For decades, and particularly thanks to sensations of the last years, the practitioners, especially those in the field of judiciary and police, have been warning of corruption and the need of its suppression and limiting. The connection between corruption and organized crime has intensified even more the discussions on counter measures that could be incorporated into the existing laws and remove their weaknesses. Every country should undertake a number of measures and activities in the field of battle against corruption taking into account the international standards in this field. These measures may be of preventive or repressive character. This paper deals with criminal legal intervention that represents ultima ratio, i.e. the last resort that should not be used until all other means and manners to protect someone have been exhausted. Our legislator has responded in the meantime, removed the most important flaws that distort the picture about our criminal legal regulations and incriminated corruptive behaviour, taking into account at that the obligations undertaken based on international conventions. Very delicate field of the responsibility of legal persons for criminal act remains unregulated. In this paper we point out to the need and state the reasons, with parallel study of the achieved solutions in some countries and Anglo-Saxon and continental legal culture, why the issue of responsibilities of legal persons for acts of corruption and even more widely should be regulated by a separate law.

The article presents a critical overview of underlying ideas, social context, and original teachings of two "mediating ideologies" (social democracy and conservatism) and two mass "political phenomena" (nationalism and populism). Each of them constitutes a form of more or less effective political compromise, which ought to neutralize constant tensions and clashes between the leading modern ideologies of freedom and equality, i.e. liberalism and communism. However, the clash of ideologies which were prominent in the 19th and 20th centuries has lost much of its intensity today, although the social causes that gave rise to them have remained unchanged: social inequalities, abuse of freedom, and uneven distribution of social power. At the same time, the main social forces and political organizations that had been the symbols and striking forces of freedom and equality in the preceding decades - the political parties of the "left " and "right", including the never clearly defined "political center" - also lost their identity and power. Th e then political mortal enemies look and behave today almost exactly as they did then: in the ideological sense, "everyone wants everything" (allegedly representing/ defending the interests of "all citizens"); in the organizational sense, there is almost no difference between them; whereas the difference in the manner they behave when in power is almost negligible.

U savremenim društvima se smatra da visoko obrazovanje ima značajnu ulogu za ekonomski razvoj tako što obezbeđuje kvalifikovanu radnu snagu, ekonomsku konkurentnost, produktivnost, političku stabilnost i stvaranje demokratskog društva. Predmet rada je da se predstave i kritički ispitaju sociološka stanovišta koja pripadaju funkcionalističkoj i institucionalističkoj paradigmi koje na različite načine tumače značaj obrazovanja za razvoj društva. Prvi cilj je da se predstavi na koji način autori koji pripadaju ovim teorijskim pravcima opisuju ulogu obrazovanja u ekonomskom i političkom razvoju. Drugi cilj je da se ispita na koji način isti autori tumače značaj visokog obrazovanja za pojedince: za zaposlenje, napredovanje i životne šanse. Funkcionalistička paradigma smatra da je visoko obrazovanje neophodno za tehnološki, ekonomski i društveni napredak, jer priprema pojedince za rad u odgovarajućem segmentu kapitalističke ekonomije i povezana je sa shvatanjem progresa i pojmova: modernist, profesionalizacija i racionalizacija. Institucionalistička perspektiva takođe pokazuje da je obrazovni sistem strukturalno povezan sa nastankom moderne privrede i nacionalne države, da ima alokativnu funkciju i da na taj način utiče na životne šanse pojedinaca. Za razliku od funkcionalističke, institicionalistička perspektiva naglašava ideološku i legitimacijsku stranu ovih procesa i značaj pridaje političkim faktorima u odnosu na ekonomske faktore. Preispitivanjem i suočavanjem različitih teorijskih polazišta ukazuje se na kompleksan odnos obrazovanja i šireg društva. Stoga je potrebno kontinuirano ispitivati suprotstavljena stanovišta koja ovoj temi prilaze na različite načine. Jedino celovito i kritičko teorijsko promatranje ovih procesa može imati značajne implikacije za kreiranje obrazovnih politika, kao i sveobuhvatnijih reformi društva. ; In modern societies, higher education is considered to be playing a significant role in economic development by providing skilled labor, economic competitiveness, productivity, political stability and building a democratic society. The subject of this paper is to present and critically review sociological standpoints belonging to functionalist and institutionalist paradigm which interpret the importance of education for development of a society in a different way. The first objective is to present how authors belonging to these theoretical concepts describe the role of education in economic and political development. The second objective is to examine how these authors interpret the importance of higher education for individuals: for their employment, promotion and life chances. The functionalist paradigm holds that higher education is necessary for technological, economic and social progress, as it prepares individuals for work in the relevant segment of capitalist economy and is linked to understanding of progress and concepts of modernity, professionalization and rationalization. The institutionalist perspective also shows that education system is structurally linked to emergence of modern economy and the nation-state, that it has an allocative function and thus affects the life chances of individuals. Unlike the functionalist, the institutionalist perspective emphasizes the ideology and legitimacy of these processes and attaches importance to political rather than economic factors. By reviewing and confronting different theoretical starting points, a complex relationship between education and wider society is revealed. It is therefore necessary to continually examine the opposing viewpoints that approach this topic in a different way. Only a comprehensive and critical theoretical observation of these processes can have significant implications for creating educational policies and far-reaching societal reforms. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

The article analyses the evolution of the Slovak political party "Smer" (Direction) and its position in the party system of Slovak Republic. The article focuses on the shift of the party program from the "Centrist Populism" towards "Social Democracy." According to the first program documents the Party of "Smer" (Direction) was designed as pragmatic, non-ideological party. In the persistent conflict between authoritarianism vs. democracy "Smer" identified itself as the pro-democratic and pro-market force. Party policy before 2002 contained only few social democratic components; it was closer to the conservative or right-wing populist parties. After the parliamentary election 2002 and the failure of non-communist left "Smer" decided to become a member of the Socialist International (SI) and Party of European Socialists (PES). The process of the institutional approach to the international Social Democratic Party structures was accompanied by the substantial changes in the social and economic program of the party. The process was completed on the institutional level in May 2005, when Smer joined both SI and PES, and on the level of political program on the Party Congress in December 2005. In the process of so called "socialdemocratisation" of "Smer" the international factor played crucial role, especially the need to have an international partner in the European Parliament. "Smer" met the standards of the Social Democratic identity only in the social and economic affairs. The other five dimensions - environmental policy, participative democracy, cultural and human-rights dimension, supra-national dimension and the dimension of equality and freedom "Smer" met only partially or not at all, so these process remains unfinished. According to some political declarations "Smer" remains the populist party and the uncompromising critic of the right-wing government of Mikuláš Dzurinda, on the other side the official documents of the party anticipate only the moderate corrections of the economical and social reforms, ...

The article examines the positions of the Czech, Hungarian and Slovak social democratic political parties on the introduction of the permanent European Stability Mechanism as a means of addressing the economic and debt crisis in the EU. Using the categories of frames used by political parties in relation to the EU (utilitarian and cultural) introduced by Helbling et al., the political parties' representatives' speeches and written statements are analyzed. The analysis showed that all three of the parties use similar arguments and they tend to frame their opinions in both utilitarian and cultural terms with the category of "political efficiency" being the most frequent. While the most extensive debate about the issue was in Slovakia as the only Eurozone member of all three given countries, the Hungarian MSzP was able to conceive the topic in a broader context. The similarity of the positions of all three examined parties may indicate an ability of national political parties to constitute one of the key pillars in developing a supranational political system in the EU. ; The article examines the positions of the Czech, Hungarian and Slovak social democratic political parties on the introduction of the permanent European Stability Mechanism as a means of addressing the economic and debt crisis in the EU. Using the categories of frames used by political parties in relation to the EU (utilitarian and cultural) introduced by Helbling et al., the political parties' representatives' speeches and written statements are analyzed. The analysis showed that all three of the parties use similar arguments and they tend to frame their opinions in both utilitarian and cultural terms with the category of "political efficiency" being the most frequent. While the most extensive debate about the issue was in Slovakia as the only Eurozone member of all three given countries, the Hungarian MSzP was able to conceive the topic in a broader context. The similarity of the positions of all three examined parties may indicate an ability of ...

Током последњих неколико деценија били смо сведоци интензивних промена света у коме живимо. Иза доминантне слике технолошког прогреса, с једне, и непрестаног нивелисања политичких моћи, с друге стране, промене су се одвијале и на свим друштвеним нивоима, задирући у суштину темељних поставки културе модерног света. Разградња традиционалних оквира идентитета, релативизација система вредности и снажни импулси личне слободе били су врста улазнице у постмодерно стање духа, које је, тежећи ка помирењу, заправо до крајности продубило јаз између цивилизације као хумане креације и цивилизације као система per se, који умногоме почива на негирању универзалних вредности човека. Темат Хуманистичке науке пред изазовима постдисциплинарности и тржишта замишљен је као платформа за размену искустава међу еминентим научним радницима из различитих земаља. ; Over the last couple of decades the world we live in has been going through intensive change. Behind the dominant image of technological progress on the one hand, and the continuing redistribution of political power on the other, changes have been occurring on all social levels, hitting at the heart of the basic assumptions of modern culture. The deconstruction of traditional frameworks of identity, the relativization of value systems and powerful impulses of personal freedom have served as a kind of ticket to the postmodern condition which has, while aspiring to reconcile, led to a fundamental deepening of the rift between civilization as a humane creation and civilization as a system per se which largely rests on negating the universal value of humanity. ; Тема броја: Друштвене и хуманистичке науке пред изазовима пост-дисциплинарности и тржишта / ур. Александра Павићевић / Topic of the Issue: Social Sciences and the Humanities: Facing the Challenges of Postdisciplinarity and the Market (ed. Aleksandra Pavićević)

This paper examines the electoral results of two extreme right-wing parties, namely Národní Strana and Právo a Spravedlnost in the 2006 local elections. The basic method chosen is a comparative study of their electoral results at the level of those municipalities where they were present. Local results for the two political parties are also compared and contrasted with their previous performance in parliamentary elections. Additionally, a longer-term analysis of electoral support for Sdružení pro Republiku – Republikánská strana Československa and its successors present in the above elections will be investigated. The distribution of electoral support will be attributed to selected socioeconomic factors, number of young voters, education, nationality, and number of religious people in society. On this basis the presented text will try to show the interdependence of electoral behaviour.

The Lisbon Treaty has brought significant changes into the architecture of the European Union. The most important novelty, however, is the establishment of a full unity of the Union structure achieved by creating new and strengthening the existing elements. The new elements of this unity are the disappearance of the European Community, the 'independence' of the European Atomic Energy Community, constituting the European Union as a single entity and the introduction of EU values. At the same time, the Lisbon Treaty has strengthened the existing elements of the common institutional mechanisms, rules on amending the founding treaties and EU membership. However, constituting the Union as a single entity which has replaced and succeeded the European Communities has not abolished the EU elements of diversity. In the areas that differed, even before the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, from the community pillar, there remain significant differences in the nature and the scope of competences of the Union institutions. This mainly regards the common foreign and security policy, which now includes the defense policy, where the existing model of inter-state cooperation has been only slightly interfered with. In contrast, in the field of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters, which has become part of a larger Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, the inter-state model of cooperation has been abandoned in some of its most important elements. However, the implementation of some of the important elements of the supranational model has been postponed.

The Republic of Serbia has introduced special circumstances for the determination of sentence for hate crime in the Criminal Code amended in December 2012. If a criminal offence is committed through hate based on race or religion, national or ethnic affiliation, sex, sexual orientation or gender identity of another, the court shall consider any aggravating factors except when it is not stipulated as a feature of the criminal offence. However, the State still neglects to consider mitigating factors. Moreover, it does not pay sufficient attention to eliminating verbal expressions of hatred and discrimination that often precede crimes motivated by hate. The paper discusses the possibility of improving education and coordinated activities of the State, particularly of courts, prosecutors, police and local self-governments, to combat hate speech and hate crimes. The aim of the paper is to present mechanisms of improving institutional capacities to prevent these phenomena that have been implemented within the project "Implementation of Anti-Discrimination Policies in Serbia" financed by the European Union. The paper concludes that central to the success of this process are the education of state actors, and the development of a value system based on equality and acceptance of diversity.

The subject matter of the paper includes criminal legal (theoretical, normative and practical) issues of financial investigation as an increasingly important instrument of adequacy of the state response to property crime. A lot of issues have been analysed and particular attention has been paid to the following issues: the notion and assumptions of the adequacy of the state response to property crime; criminal and political reasons for the necessity of conducting a financial investigation, as well as the most important features of its standardization and practical realization (conditions, subject matter and objectives, as well as the basic principles of its implementation – urgency and timeliness of the procedure, exclusion of the possibility of invoking confidentiality of data, transfer of burden of proof to the suspect, confidentiality of the collected data, etc.) At the end of the paper, the authors' position regarding the adequacy of the analysed legal norms in terms of the desired degree of success in detecting, proving and confiscating property acquired through the commission of criminal offenses is presented. ; Предмет анализе у раду су кривичноправна (теоретска, нормативна и практича) питања финансијске истраге као све значајнијег инструмента адекватности државне реакције на криминалитет с имовинским обележјем. Међу немалим бројем анализираних питања посебна пажња је посвећена питањима која се тичу: појма и претпоставки адекватности државне реакције на криминалитет с имовинским обележјем; криминално-политичких разлога неопходности спровођења финансијске истраге као и најважнијих особености њеног нормирања и практичне реализације (услова, предмета и циља, као и основних начела њеног спровођења - хитност и благовременост поступања, искључење могућности позивања на тајност података, пребацивање терета доказивања на осумњиченог, поверљивост прикупљених података и др). На крају рада изнет је став аутора по питању адекватности анализираних законских норми за жељени степен успешности откривања, доказивања и одузимања имовине стечене вршењем кривичних дела.

The study focuses on spatial analysis of the general election results in Lower Silesia, Lodz and Lesser Poland voivodeships in a period between 2001 and 2015. Primary subjects of the analysis are political parties Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish People´s Party and Democratic Left Alliance, but particularly works also with the results of another parties (Self-Defence, League of Polish families, Modern). Standard electoral geography methodological methods, such as cartographic display of election results, correlation analysis and concentration of the election results measurement have been used on the local level and along with Polish and Czech literature review are included in the study. Main goal of the study was to find out if there are structural differences in terms of electoral support for the parties on both regional and voivodeship level. The analysis proved deeper context of the election results in the eastern regions along with a changing spatial structure of the Law and Justice support in the first decade of the 21st century and related deepening differences between voter bases of the Law and Justice and the Civic Platform- strongest parties in Poland. Findings of the analysis might be useful for upcoming research of the analysis of the electoral support in terms of regional differences.

The aim of this work is to shed light on the relations between the principles, those which present the basis of dominant theories of global justice, and states without a clear legitimity basis and in a process of democratization. A premise is that a global society does not have an absolute responsibility for the results achieved in overcoming internal injustices by the aforementioned states. Non-transparency of global conditions, necessary for the development of the mentioned processes, hinders the states in a process of development of long lasting stability basis. Therefore, those states are captured in a condition of permanent incompleteness. Moreover, here we highlight a position of an individual. The individual is defined as a potential subject of global processes, as well as a member of certain political communities. This definition includes their political capacity to achieve self-defined demand for justice. Considering Serbia's positioning within the frame of debates about global justice, 5th of October 2000 has been defined as a crucial moment. .

The overall progress of society, as well as socially damaging phenomena which society confronts in an institutional manner, is increasing and complicating the police apparatus. However, in the context of dealing with activities aimed at gathering information and evidence related to criminal offenses, including offenses in the sphere of organized crime and corruption, and research trends of property acquired with those works, takes special attention to the role of the Criminal Investigation Department, or its organizational units specialized in the fight against organized crime, or other specialized bodies. The interactions of various factors within the police service and outside, which find the origin of activity in the same mission, are a potential source of disagreement, and it emphasizes the characteristics of the police profession, and the associated subculture. This paper analyzes the general characteristics of the police profession that can have repercussions on the efficiency of financial investigations and the necessary conditions that favor their success, and processes in which police officers involved in financial investigations are exposed to, in order to improve efficiency. Also, the paper identifies other circumstances, at the strategic and operational level, which can significantly affect the results achieved in the investigation process. Good cooperation among the subjects of criminal and financial investigations, starting financial investigations immediately after getting information about the crime and the assets obtained, and specialization of investigative subjects are only basic elements needed for success in financial investigations. Besides these, it is possible to identify a number of objective or subjective factors, which may affect the success of the implementation of financial investigations, which are mentioned in the paper. Special attention, especially in the context of societies with underdeveloped institutions and the questionable rule of law, deserves the will factor. Aforementioned factor emerges as a key element that can significantly affect the success of the research team, and indeed the expected results. It is therefore desirable that the general interest, presented in the normative framework, is consistent with the prevailing beliefs of research subjects, i.e. it is essential that these entities have a high degree of belief in the purpose and validity of what they do. Otherwise, the results will be absent, and the regulatory framework will appear as an empty form, without meaning and content.

Борба против корупције спада у најважније задатке сваког друштва и државе, због чега се предузимају бројне активности усмерене у правцу адекватне превенције и сузбијања корупције. Најзначајније активности посвећене су изградњи свеобухватног нормативног оквира у борби против корупције, дефинисању корупције, инкриминацији коурптивних дела, успостављању специјализованих органа за борбу против корупције и изградњи оперативних и техничких капацитета тих органа у циљу успешне борбе против корупције. Мада појам корупције још увек није на јединствен начин дефинисан, корупција се може одредити као злоупотреба овлашћења ради личнекористи. Имајући у виду чињеницу да корупција води осиромашењу друштва и државе и губитку поверења грађана у демократске институције, Република Србија је донела нови Закон о организацији и надлежности државних органа у сузбијању организованог криминала, тероризма и корупције, којим су прописана коруптивна кривична дела и предвиђена је специјализација државних органа ради кривичног гоњења и суђења за та кривична дела. Такође, овим законом прописано је увођење финансијске форензике, службеника за везу са Тужилаштвом за организовани криминал и посебним одељењима за сузбијање корупције и формирање ударних група при надлежним тужилаштивма, а све у циљу успешног истраживања и доказивања коруптивних кривичних дела. У раду су представљени резултати рада Посебног одељења за сузбијање корупције при Вишем јавном тужилаштву у Београду у првој години рада, односно анализирана су: коруптивна кривична дела која су процесуирана, практична имплементација нових законских одредаба којима се унапређује истраживање и доказивање коруптивних кривичних дела и број судски окончаних поступака. Посебно је указано на одређене недостатке у законским решењима који отежавају ефикасну борбу против корупције. ; The fight against corruption is the overriding task of every society and state because of which many activities are undertaken that are directed towards adequate prevention and suppression of corruption. The most important activities are dedicated to building comprehensive normative framework in the suppression of corruption, through defining corruption, incrimination of the corruption offenses, establishment of specialized state bodies for the suppression of corruption and defining operational and technical capacities of these bodies in order to successfully fight against corruption. Although the concept of corruption has not yet been uniquely defined, corruption can be defined as abuse of power for private gain. Bearing in mind the fact that corruption leads to impoverishment of the society and state and loss of citizens` confidence in democratic institutions, the Republic of Serbia adopted the new Law on Organisation and Jurisdiction of Government Authorities in the Suppression of Organised Crime, Terrorism and Corruption that prescribes corruptive criminal offenses and foresees specialization of state bodies in order to prosecute and try such criminal offenses. Also, the law provides for the establishment of financial forensics units, connecting officials within the Prosecutor`s Office for Organised Crime and the Special Department of the Public Prosecutor`s Offices for the Suppression of Corruption and establishment of task forces within mentioned Public Prosecutor`s Offices, in order to successfully investigate and prove corruptive criminal offenses. Since more than one year has passed from the beginning of the application of this law, we will present the work results of the Special Department for the Suppression of Corruption within the Higher Public Prosecution Office in Belgrade. Therefore, in this paper we will analyse: corruptive criminal offenses prosecuted during the first year; practical implementation of the new legal provisions which improve investigation and proving of corruptive criminal offenses and the number of court-terminated proceedings. Special attention will be paid to cooperation between specialized bodies for the suppression of corruption. In addition to the practical application analysis of the Law on Organisation and Jurisdiction of Government Authorities in the Suppression of Organised Crime, Terrorism and Corruption focusing on the example of the Special Department for the Suppression of Corruption in Belgrade, we will point out certain deficiencies in the legal provisions that make it difficult to efficiently fight against corruption.