Suchergebnisse

A distinguishing feature of town-forming organization is a high socio-economic importance, and therefore very large number of persons, including the government, is interested in its functioning. The economic problems of financial recovery and enterprise restructuring can only be solved at the state level. However, the blind "infusion" of money to any town-forming organizations in a state of crisis is not a solution. The purpose of this work is to considerate the cases of state intervention during the anti-crisis restructuring of town-forming organization and assessment the suitability of such involvement. ; Отличительным свойством градообразующей организации является высокая социально-экономическая значимость, в связи с чем в ее функционировании заинтересовано очень большое количество лиц, в том числе государство. Экономические задачи финансового оздоровления и реструктуризации градообразующих предприятий могут быть решены лишь на государственном уровне. Однако слепое «вливание» средств в любую градообразующую организацию, находящуюся в кризисном состоянии, не является решением проблемы. Цель данной статьи – рассмотреть случаи необходимости государственного вмешательства в процесс антикризисной реструктуризации градообразующих организаций и оценить приемлемую степень такого вмешательства.

A distinguishing feature of town-forming organization is a high socio-economic importance, and therefore very large number of persons, including the government, is interested in its functioning. The economic problems of financial recovery and enterprise restructuring can only be solved at the state level. However, the blind "infusion" of money to any town-forming organizations in a state of crisis is not a solution. The purpose of this work is to considerate the cases of state intervention during the anti-crisis restructuring of town-forming organization and assessment the suitability of such involvement. ; Отличительным свойством градообразующей организации является высокая социально-экономическая значимость, в связи с чем в ее функционировании заинтересовано очень большое количество лиц, в том числе государство. Экономические задачи финансового оздоровления и реструктуризации градообразующих предприятий могут быть решены лишь на государственном уровне. Однако слепое «вливание» средств в любую градообразующую организацию, находящуюся в кризисном состоянии, не является решением проблемы. Цель данной статьи – рассмотреть случаи необходимости государственного вмешательства в процесс антикризисной реструктуризации градообразующих организаций и оценить приемлемую степень такого вмешательства.

Th e crisis in relations with Czechoslovakia, arose in 1968, was one of the most acute foreign policy problems for the Soviet Union and its Warsaw Pact allies. Th e author of the article, which is based on declassifi ed documents, including the ones of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, showed that the USSR authorities and their East European allies were seriously afraid that the reforms launched in Czechoslovakia would open the prospect of the departure from socialism and the subsequent withdrawal of the country from the Warsaw Pact. Th e anti-socialist and anti-Soviet forces that were openly op-erating there were of particular concern. Th e leaders of the USSR, especially L.I. Brezhnev, sought to resolve this acute situation through political compro-mises with Czechoslovak side and its fulfi llment of the commitments made during the multilateral meetings. Initially they avoided a military intervention in Czechoslovakia, which was insisted upon by the allies of the Soviet Union, the members of the ATS, i.e., Poland, GDR, Bulgaria, and Hungary. However, the Czechoslovak leaders, A. Dubček in the fi rst place, did not comply with the reached agreements (in particular, stoppping the anti-Soviet media campaign and personnel changes), although this could have prevented the entry of troops. By August 1968, the possibilities of getting out of the situation by political means had been exhausted. Not only the fi ve Warsaw Pact countries were responsible for the invasion, but also the leaders of Czechoslovakia. Th e USSR and the other ATS countries were guided by the motive of saving socialism in Czechoslovakia and its preservation as part of the Warsaw Pact when making the decision to send in troops. Th e ATS unity during the Cold War made it possible to ensure the balance of power with the NATO on the European continent. Th e theoretical justifi cation of the right to interfere in the aff airs of one or another country of the socialist commonwealth by other socialist countries to save socialism was given aft er the entry of troops. In the West, this policy will become known as the "Brezhnev Doctrine".

Раздел "Международное право" - рубрика "Вопросы теории" ; According to the Charter of the United Nations the U.N. Security Council bears the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. The Council, however, stays sometimes inactive because of controversy among its members. States may thus invoke insufficient efficacy of the S.C. as the basis for actions by the decision of other U.N. organs (Korea crisis 1950, Congo 1961), for collective or individual self-defense. States also try to justify the use of individual coercive measures referring to the necessity to enforce Security Council resolutions (military action in Afghanistan 2001, Iraq 2003). At present the possibility to act "on the advice" of the Security Council in the case of its inactivity or insufficient efficacy is alleged on the following grounds: 1. Authorization of the S.C. to use "all necessary means". 2. Recognition by the S.C. of the existence of a threat or breach of international peace and security. 3. Authorization of the S.C. to take action in self-defense. 4. Enforcement of earlier resolution of the S.C. 5. Other justifications. The present article considers the status of the above-mentioned justifications without the explicit authorization by the U.N. Security Council in the context of the principle of non-intervention into the domestic affairs of states. The study allows to make the following conclusions. Whenever the system of the collective security provided for by the U.N. Charter doesn't function, the Security Council carries out its enforcement capacity by authorizing individual states or international organizations to act. This enforcement activity doesn't constitute intervention into the domestic affairs of states only in so far as it is accomplished in accordance with the authorization of the Council and ceases as soon as the purpose of the sanction is achieved. Other justifications (for example, recognition by the S.C. of the existence of a threat or breach of international peace and security, breach of obligations provided for in the S.C. resolutions, reference to the right of individual and collective self-defense, threat by the severest consequences) constitute no basis for the unilateral enforcement of the rulings of resolutions and therefore break the principle of non-intervention into the domestic affairs of states as well as the prohibition to use force or the threat of force in international relations. Inactivity or insufficient efficacy of the U.N. Security Council cannot be viewed as an authorization to resort to unilateral military measures either.

Another crisis requires mobilization of all knowledge, including experience of the mistakes. The crisis of 2008 is the actual guidance for minimizing crisis consequences. Of course, the reasons for the current and the previous crisis are fundamentally different, and are mostly regional rather than global, by nature. But the consequences for both are the same – fall of living standards, the collapse of the banking system, reduction of economic diversification. That is why it becomes so important for government to make both a rational and effective anti-crisis plan. The global financial crisis of 2008, which is under our consideration, originated in the United States as a result of the mortgage crisis. The phenomenon was spreading rapidly in the rest of the world. In particular, Russia immediately took a number of measures to reduce the negative effects in the first months. Subsequently, all the activities have merged into a single set of measures called "Anti-crisis program of the Russian Federation" (2009) and "The main directions of anti-crisis measures of the Russian Federation for 2010". Programs had both positive and negative effects on the economic recovery. However, in total, they have helped Russia to overcome the crisis stage without catastrophic losses, which was even noted by the World Bank. The experience of some foreign countries is also subject to review because of their effectiveness and difference from the Russian one. It also complements the picture of the anti-crisis measures and makes it more solid and global. Tracing the history of the 2008 crisis, we can conclude that the state, fighting the crisis phenomena, was concerned with statistical indicators only, without regard for the lives of their citizens. In this scenario, the developed countries must learn to overcome the crisis with minimal state intervention, but a strong motivating effect. ; Очередной кризис требует мобилизации всех знаний, в том числе опыта совершенных ошибок. Кризис 2008 г. является наиболее актуальным руководством по минимизации последствий кризисных явлений. Конечно, причины нынешнего и предыдущего кризиса принципиально разные и носят преимущественно региональный, а не мировой, характер. Но последствия у обоих одни и те же – падение уровня жизни, крах банковской системы, снижение диверсификации экономики. Именно поэтому для правительства становится так важно составить рациональный и эффективный антикризисный план. Рассматриваемый нами мировой финансовый кризис 2008 г. берет свое начало в США как следствие ипотечного кризиса. Явление быстро распространяется на остальные страны мира. В частности, Россия в первые месяцы сразу же предпринимает ряд мер для сокращения отрицательных последствий. В последствии все мероприятия слились в единый комплекс мер под названием «Программа антикризисных мер Правительства Российской Федерации» (2009 г.) и «Основные направления антикризисных действий Правительства Российской Федерации на 2010 г.». Программы оказали как положительное, так и отрицательное влияние на восстановление экономики. Однако в общей сумме они помогли преодолеть России кризисный этап без катастрофических потерь, что было даже отмечено Мировым банком. Опыт некоторых зарубежных стран также является предметом рассмотрения в силу своей эффективности и отличности от российского. Он так же дополняет картину антикризисных мер и делает ее более цельной и глобальной. Прослеживая историю кризиса 2008 года, можно прийти к выводу, что государство, борясь с явлениями кризиса, было озабочено только статистическими показателями, без оглядки на жизнь своих граждан. При таком раскладе развитые страны должны научиться преодолевать кризисные ситуации с минимальным вмешательством государства, но сильным мотивирующим эффектом.

This article examines crisis developments in the banking system and contains a classification of banking crises. Banking crises have many common characteristics, but often their course is different. They can vary in nature spread of the crisis in the national economy, the depth and severity, the number of affected financial institutions, among other symptoms. The most dangerous and devastating condition is called systemic banking crisis, a crisis that affected the entire national banking system. The author used method of system analysis, method of comparison and clusterization method. We will analyze resolution strategies and specific anti-crisis tools used in Russia and abroad, and applicable to different conditions. Identification of the crisis is needed to develop and adopt strategies to overcome it. Banking crises can cause different and sometimes completely contradictory factors. Practice shows that there is no universal strategy for normalizing the situation in the banking sector, but in any case it is necessary to note the importance of state participation in the process of overcoming the banking crises. In the absence of government intervention banking crises have serious consequences for the economy. The form of state participation in the process of overcoming a banking crisis and the extent of state involvement in solving the problems of insolvency of banks can be different: the government may restrict the measures to promote and support organization of private capital, to prefer the formal financial support of some banks, to take the banks under state control (control) or eliminate part of banks. ; В статье исследуются кризисные явления в банковской системе, приводится классификация банковских кризисов. Банковские кризисы имеют много общих характеристик, но часто их протекание отличается. Они могут различаться по характеру распространения кризисных явлений в национальной экономике, по глубине и остроте, по числу затронутых финансовых институтов, ряду других признаков. Наиболее опасным и разрушительным состоянием является так называемый системный банковский кризис, то есть кризис, затронувший всю национальную банковскую систему. Использованы методы системного анализа, сравнения и кластеризации. Анализируются применяемые в России и за рубежом стратегии преодоления и конкретные антикризисные инструменты, приемлемые при различных состояниях. Идентификация наступившего кризиса необходима для разработки и принятия стратегии его преодоления. Банковские кризисы могут вызывать различные и порой полностью противоречащие друг другу факторы. Практика показывает, что не существует универсальной стратегии нормализации ситуации в банковском секторе, но в любом случае необходимо отметить важность участия государства в процессе преодоления банковских кризисов. При отсутствии государственного вмешательства банковские кризисы имеют серьезные последствия для экономики. Форма участия государства в процессе преодоления банковского кризиса и масштабы вовлечения государства в решение проблем неплатежеспособности банков могут быть различны: государство может ограничиться мерами по стимулированию и организации поддержки частного капитала; предпочесть официальную финансовую поддержку некоторых банков; взять банки под государственный контроль (управление) или ликвидировать часть банков.

Yemen is one of the most unstable countries in the Middle East. Periodically, civil wars break out in this Arab country. The first war occurred in the early of 60s of the 20th century. The outcome of this war largely depended on the position of Great Britain, which tried to maintain its influence in the south of the Arabian Peninsula. The purpose of this paper is to identify alternatives in British policy during the civil war in Yemen in its most acute phase in 1963-1964. The British ruling circles had two points of view on this civil war. On the one hand, the diplomatic corps of the United Kingdom insisted on the earliest recognition of the Yemen Arab Republic pointing at the success of the Republican army. On the other hand, the influential "Aden Group" which was formed among the conservatives, believed that London had to keep control over Aden at any cost, and therefore to support Yemenite royalists. The United Kingdom was committed to the practice of a "double play". The strong turn of the country's political leaders towards the position of the "Aden Group" was carried out at the expense of the more balanced view of the Foreign Office. The ongoing internal political crisis in Yemen is one of the results of this political turn. ; Йемен является одной из наиболее нестабильных стран Ближнего и Среднего Востока. Периодически в этой арабской стране вспыхивают гражданские войны. Первая такая война произошла в начале 1960-х гг. Исход этой войны во многом зависел от позиции Великобритании, пытавшейся сохранить свое влияние на юге Аравийского полуострова. Целью данной работы является выявление альтернатив в политике Великобритании в отношении гражданской войны в Йемене в момент ее наиболее острой фазы в 1963-1964 гг. В британских правящих кругах сложились две точки зрения на эту гражданскую войну. С одной стороны, дипломатический корпус Соединенного Королевства настаивал на скорейшем признании Йеменской Арабской Республики, указывая на успехи республиканской армии. С другой стороны, среди консерваторов сложилась влиятельная «Аденская группа», считавшая, что Лондону любой ценой нужно удержать под своим контролем Аден, а для этого поддерживать йеменских роялистов. Соединенное Королевство оказалось привержено практике «двойной игры». Сильный крен политического руководства страны в сторону позиции «Аденской группы» осуществлялся в ущерб более сбалансированного взгляда Форин оффис. Одним из результатов этого крена стал неутихающий до сих пор внутриполитический кризис в Йемене.

The article examines the trends that determine the inevitability of the current crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic on a global scale. It is described, based on the opinions of experts, the proposed ways out of the crisis, taking into account the timely intervention of the state and the support of socially unprotected segments of the population and business, especially those affected by the implementation of self-isolation regimes. ; В статье рассматриваются тенденции, определяющие неизбежность современного кризиса, обусловленного пандемией коронавируса в мировом масштабе. Описано, на основании мнений экспертов, предполагаемые пути выхода из кризиса, с учетом своевременного вмешательства государства для поддержки социально незащищенных слоев населения и бизнеса, особенно пострадавшего в результате реализации режимов самоизоляции.

The problem of NATO's crisis during the Suez crisis in 1956 (military intervention of Britain, France and Israel to prevent the strengthening of Egypt in the Suez Canal zone) is analyzed in the paper.The author examines the position of the leading NATO countries – Britain, France and the USA – in the conflict, circumstances of involvement of Israel in the war, influence of the Soviet Union's position and the Warsaw pact, and the possibility of using of nuclear weapons.Special attention is paid to the danger of disintegration within NATO. The author ascertains reasons for the negative attitude of the USA to the military operation in the Middle East and their refusal to join the regional alliance under British leadership («the Baghdad Pact»). The USA position in the Suez crisis was conditioned by fear that as a result of the war the Middle East will be engulfed by anti-Western protests and it'll be in the hands of the Soviet Union. Washington offered a peaceful resolution of the conflict, and London and Paris sought to involve the USA in this intervention. The United States were able to ensure that NATO had not played any significant role up to the highest point of the crisis. «Dialogue of deaf-mutes» during the crisis escalated in heavy quarrel between the United States, Britain and France during the war. President Eisenhower had unwittingly set NATO on the brink of collapse. However, all this was passing behind the scenes, and the public did not notice that during the Suez crisis, NATO experienced one of the worst crises of the Cold War. ; В статье анализируется проблема кризиса НАТО в ходе Суэцкого кризиса 1956 г. (военные действия Великобритании, Франции и Израиля против усиления роли Египта в зоне Суэцкого канала и угрозы контроля со стороны Египта над поставками нефти в Западную Европу).Автор рассматривает позицию в конфликте ведущих стран НАТО – Великобритании, Франции и США, обстоятельства вовлечения в войну Израиля, а также влияние позиции Советского Союза, Варшавского пакта и возможности применения атомного оружия.Особое внимание обращено на дезинтеграционную опасность внутри НАТО. Автор выявляет причины негативного отношения США к военной операции на Ближнем Востоке и их отказа от вступления в региональный альянс под британским руководством («Багдатский пакт»). Позиция США в Суэцком кризисе определялась боязнью, что в результате войны Ближний Восток будет охвачен антизападными протестами, дестабилизируется и окажется в руках Советского Союза. Вашингтон предлагал мирное разрешение конфликта, а Лондон и Париж стремились вовлечь США в интервенцию. Соединённым Штатам удалось добиться, чтобы НАТО как институт вплоть до высшей точки кризиса не играл какой-либо значимой роли. «Диалог глухонемых» во время кризиса вылился во время войны в тяжёлую размолвку между Соединёнными Штатами, с одной стороны, и Великобританией и Францией – с другой стороны. Президент Эйзенхауэр невольно поставил НАТО на грань распада. Однако всё это проходило за кулисами, и общественность не заметила, что во время Суэцкого кризиса НАТО пережила один из тяжелейших кризисов времён холодной войны.

The article examines the question of the influence of the military on the politics of Thailand, starting with the Siamese revolution in 1932. The reasons for the intervention of the military in the events in 2006 and 2014 are elucidated. The influence of the military on the political institutions of Thai democracy is analyzed. A discussion on the concept of a coup d'état is opened. It is concluded that under the pretext of countering threats to state security, the military manages to achieve political and economic power, but this creates conditions that give rise to political instability and social disorder.Key words: Military influence, military intervention, coup d'état, constitutional monarchy, political power, political crisis. ; В статье рассматривается вопрос о влиянии военных на политику Таиланда начиная с сиамской революции 1932 г. Выясняются причины вмешательства военных в события 2006 и 2014 гг. Анализируется влияние военных на политические институты тайской демократии. Раскрывается суть дискуссии о понятии «государственный переворот». Делается вывод о том, что под предлогом противодействия угрозам государственной безопасности военным удается достичь политической и экономической власти, но это создает условия, порождающие политическую нестабильность и социальный беспорядок.Ключевые слова: военное влияние, военное вмешательство, государственный переворот, конституционная монархия, политическая власть, политическая кризис.

In article based on a wide range of sources development of food matter in the Siberian cities in the conditions of war, the reasons of high cost and speculation, a measure of fight against it, creation by the cities of own production enterprises is considered. Article purpose - to research activities of the government power and bodies of the municipal government in the sphere of providing the population with essential goods in Siberia in 1914-1918. The author determined the high cost reasons: frustration of means of communication (lack of transportation of products to the cities); increase in a tax burden, speculation, military orders, intensive release of bank notes that depreciated ruble. In article measures for organization of provincial (district) food committees, city commissions, entering of regulation of the prices, a card system, import bans and commodity exportation, to implementation of independent purchases, truck farming, crops, requisitions and surplus-appropriation systems are researched. It is established that there was no debugged system of entering of dachshunds, and in view of their scantiness goods disappeared from the consumer market, interruptions in products began, the underground markets, speculation and abuses in the sphere of food developed. It is emphasized that the card system on prime necessities (sugar, flour) was ineffective. In the conclusion conclusions are drawn that the state intervention in economy, the constraining and prohibitive measures gave only temporary effect. In many cities cases of mass actions needy against high cost and interruptions in products, riots of warehouses, benches and shops were repeatedly observed. In 1915-1918 process of "turning" by entrepreneurs of trading activities and closing of the entities sharply amplified. The cities of Siberia weren't ready to fuel crisis. The situation in the potrebitelny market remained difficult and was stabilized only in 1919. Copyright © 2017 by Sochi State University. Copyright © 2017 by Academic Publishing House Researcher s.r.o.

The subject. An attempt is made to analyze the evolution of the relationship between the Russian Presidents and local self-government in modern Russia over the past 30 years.The methodology of the research is based on the application of the historical method and the method of comparative legal analysis of normative legal acts of the Russian Federation of different years.The purpose of the article is to confirm or dispute hypothesis that the President's relations with local self-government developed non-linearly and contradictory on the different stages.The main results, scope of application. The paper examines the dynamics of the relationship between the Russian Presidents and local self-government, determines the five stages of the development of such relations and their characteristic features, as well as the prospects for these relations after the adoption of amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation in 2020.Stage 1. The absence of specific regulatory legal provisions on the participation of the President in local self-government issues and the actual practice of their interaction (July 1991 – October 1993).Stage 2. Arbitrary or authoritarian President's participation in local self-government issues (October 1993 – August 1995). This stage is connected with the period of the constitutional crisis of 1993 and is characterized, first of all, by two decrees of the Russian President directly changing the provisions of the Law of the Russian Federation on Local Self-Government of 1991.Stage 3. Bringing the powers of the President in the field of local self-government in accordance with the Russian Constitution of 1993, the approval by the President of the main directions of state policy in the field of local self – government development in the Russian Federation, the creation of the Council for Local Self-Government under the President of the Russian Federation (August 1995 – August 2000).Stage 4. Strengthening the role of the President in the field of local self-government. The beginning of this stage is connected with the coming to power of the new Russian President (August 2000 – July 2020). So far, this is the longest stage in our chronology. This stage is characterized by additional regulation by the President of certain point issues in the field of organization and implementation of local self-government, directly provided for by federal law. Stage 5. The integration of local self-government bodies into a single system of public power and the receipt by the Russian President of hidden, virtually unlimited powers in the field of local self-government (from July 2020 to the present). The starting point of this stage was the adoption of amendments to the Russian Constitution in 2020.Conclusions. The interaction between the Russian President and local self-government developed in a zigzag pattern: from the complete absence of contacts to the direct intervention of the Russian President in the legal regulation of relations in the field of local self– government, violating and actually canceling the legislative regulation of these relations in 1993-1995. From bringing these relations into line with the Russian Constitution of 1993, which proclaimed the organizational independence of local self-government, to strengthening the role of the Russian President and regulating certain issues in the field of organization and implementation of local self-government. The expansion of the powers of the Russian President in connection with the amendments to the Russian Constitution in 2020 actually means an aside from the organizational independence of local self-government and the integration of local self-government bodies into a single system of public authorities. In this regard, the question arises: do the above amendments mean an actual return to the second stage of the development of relations between the Russian President and local selfgovernment in the period of 1993-1995, when the use of "hidden (implied)" powers of the President was allowed, and, consequently, theoretically unlimited participation of the Russian President in local self-government issues? ; На основе применения исторического метода и метода сравнительно-правового анализа нормативных правовых актов Российской Федерации разных лет сделана попытка исследования эволюции взаимоотношений Президента РФ и местного самоуправления в современной России за последние 30 лет. Определены пять этапов развития взаимоотношений Президента РФ и местного самоуправления, их характерные черты, а также перспективы после принятия поправок к Конституции РФ 2020 г. Сделаны выводы о том, что взаимодействие Президента РФ и местного самоуправления развивалось зигзагообразно. Расширение полномочий Президента РФ в связи с поправками к Конституции РФ 2020 г. фактически означает отход от организационной самостоятельности местного самоуправления и встраивание органов местного самоуправления в единую систему публичной власти.