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Introduction -- Discourse and media -- Methodology -- Frequency analysis of lexis in the PTC and STC -- Concordance analysis on words directly referencing terrorism in the PTC and the STC -- Contrasting the social contexts of China and the UK -- Conclusions

by Chu Yiu Wai, Stephen. ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1993. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 316-336). ; Acknowledgments --- p.ii ; Chapter Chapter One --- "Introduction: The Politics of an ""Other"" Critical Discourse" --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter Two --- "Interpretation, Textuality, Paradox: Towards an ""Other"" Reading Position" --- p.25 ; Chapter Chapter Three --- De/Formation of the Hermeneutical Framework in Chinese-Western Comparative Discourse --- p.76 ; Chapter Chapter Four --- Reading Feminist Reading and a Critique of Chinese Critical Discourse --- p.129 ; Chapter Chapter Five --- The Problem of Reading in Contemporary Chinese Critics: Three Exemplary Positions --- p.170 ; Chapter i. --- James J.Y. Liu --- p.172 ; Chapter ii. --- Stephen Owen --- p.208 ; Chapter iii. --- Wai-lim Yip --- p.227 ; Chapter Chapter Six --- "An ""Other"" Conclusion: Towards an Oppositional Reading in the (Post)Colonial Context" --- p.257 ; Select Bibliography --- p.316 ; Glossary --- p.337

于一个国家而言,民众抗争不仅是一个政府治理和治安问题,也是一个战略沟通问题。本研究即选取社会沟通的视角研究当代中国的社会抗争,旨在了解当代中国逐渐开放的抗争话语的演变、产生条件及其深刻意义。 ; 于定量与定性相结合的研究方法,本文分析了1990至2010年间中国政治社会精英关于民众抗争的话语。研究发现在抗争数量和规模不断增长的同时,抗争的话语环境发生了显著变化并向日趋宽松的方向发展。中国的政治领导人正逐步正视民众抗争,官方话语也开始同情抗争者。从对抗争的报道来看,以往严密的媒体审查制度逐渐放宽,重大事件的详细报道得以频见于报端。与此同时,越来越多的人士加入到抗争的公开讨论中,社会抗争成为激烈的社会争论的焦点。 ; 于以上分析,本文认为政治领导人的话语转变可以被理解为执政当局在一党执政和官民矛盾日益激化的特定条件下为促进政策实施和维持政权合法性而采取的手段,知识分子越来越直言不讳地提出批评意见则源于"话语机会结构的扩展。结合这些见解与已有文献表明,当代中国公民抗争和公共话语似乎彼此促进,形成了一个自我强化的循环。 ; 研究意义而言,本研究首先探讨了"话语机会这一概念的价值及其局限性,继而指出民众抗争,精英话语和政权演变之间存在重要的联系。本文发现,只要能够触动社会精英阶层并激起他们的回应,即使是非持续性的,非跨区域性的公民抗争也会带来抗争政治参与空间隐性但却显著的扩展,以及政治话语实践的转变。因此,虽然抗争者没有直接挑战共产党政权,但他们的行动已经从某种程度上促进了中国的政权演变。 ; For the state, popular protest is not merely a problem of governance and policing, but also an issue of strategic communication. Investigating protest in contemporary China from a communicative and elite-centered perspective, this dissertation shows that in parallel to the constantly growing number and scale of protests, the communicative environment of citizen resistance over the last two decades was significantly transformed and liberalized. Based on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of political discourse between 1990 and 2010, the study seeks to understand the evolution, conditions, and significance of this widening discursive opening. ; The research reveals that the Chinese political leadership gradually addressed the problem of popular protest in the open and shifted its discourse towards more protester-sympathizing assessments. Moreover, tight censorship was gradually lifted and detailed accounts of major protest events emerged in the news media. In parallel to these developments, the topic became accessible to a growing circle of speakers and eventually emerged at the center of a lively and increasingly critical public debate. ; Based on this assessment, the present study argues that the political leadership's discourse can be rendered intelligible as a policy endeavor and a regime-legitimating instrument under the particular conditions of one-party ...

There has been a misconception that there was no political party in Hong Kong before the 1980s, and that the Hong Kong people cared less about political reforms before the 1990s. This misconception is reinforced by various discourses such as the "lifeboat" theory, the "administrative absorption" theory, and the national characteristic of the Chinese people. Through a historical study of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association in the early postwar period, we come to a clear picture of the history of political development in Hong Kong. First, Hong Kong people were not indifferent to politics, although constitutional reforms made little progress before the 1980s. Second, early form of political party did exist before the 1980s. ; The Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association were more than pressure groups but could be defined as political parties to pursue political, economic and social reforms in Hong Kong. Serving as the bridge between the Government and the people, they were particularly interested in such social issues as the urban development, housing, medicare, economy, education, crime, and hawking. Although the two parties often took a critical stance towards the Government, the Government used them to communicate with the people and to balance of interest of different political forces. The historical role of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association is largely forgotten and little-studied. This is the first academic treatment of these two earliest political parties in postwar Hong Kong. It aims to give a better understanding of the intricate relationship between the Colonial Government and the staff in London, the nature of colonial politics in early postwar Hong Kong, and the legacy of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association in today's Hong Kong. ...

1898年,中國第一所精神病院「惠愛醫院」(John G Kerr Refuge)建立。「惠愛醫院」所代表的「傳教精神醫療」在30年代以後式微,本土西醫學家集體登上歷史舞臺。前者標志著現代精神醫療機構在中國落地生根;而後者則推動了精神衛生事業在中國的專業化與現代化。結合話語分析和歷史分析的方法,利用《博醫會報》、《中華醫學雜志》、《中華健康雜志》以及歷史檔案,本文梳理了從1898年到1966年間,有關精神健康與疾病專業話語的近代變遷,選取了「傳教精神醫療」和「本土精神醫療專業化與現代化」兩個話語形成個案。我們所要回答的核心問題是西醫傳教士和中國本土精神醫學家是如何主動建構和挪用道德、政治與科學話語,與彼時語境相串連,以爭奪精神醫療專業話語的「管轄權」的。1898年前後,爲了回應來自西醫傳教團體對精神醫療機構在華合法性的質疑,執掌「惠愛醫院」的傳教士采用「道德治療」理念,將在地精神醫療實踐「道德化」,從而建構起一套「道德話語」。「道德話語」體現了西醫傳教士所踐行的「牧師式權力」。而後,隨著中國民族主義的興起和本土西醫團體的建立,新興的本土西醫學家受政治語境的影響。他們先後從歐美和蘇聯借鑒精神醫療的醫學成果,建構精神疾病的「病理化」話語。在面向公衆時,他們將精神健康的意義與民族主義語境相串連,以「道德常識」話語推動精神衛生事業在中國的專業化與現代化。「道德常識」話語是本土西醫學家踐行「啓蒙式權力」的結果。由此,本文提出「多元話語管轄權」的概念。這一概念旨在說明在精神醫療專業化過程中,精神醫療的範式轉換需要多元話語支持下的合法性證明。爲了建構或强化自身對精神醫療任務的專業「管轄權」,精神醫療的各專業主體挪用多元話語資源與醫療社會語境相串連,以生成對精神疾病與健康的意義闡釋。這一概念提醒我們在這個精神醫療被生物醫學話語主導的時代,精神健康與疾病話語的形成自有其不可忽視的道德面向和權力運作機制。 ; 關鍵詞:精神健康;精神疾病;專業話語;傳教精神醫療;專業管轄權 ; In 1898, the first mental hospital, John G. Kerr Refuge, was established in China. After missionary psychiatry retreated in 1930s, Chinese medical professionals started to rise to power. Missionary psychiatry signals the birth of psychiatric institutions whereas the latter heralds the professionalization and modernization of Chinese psychiatry. With an integrated use of discourse and historical analysis, this study analyzes the data from Chinese Missionary Medical Journal, Chinese Medical Journal, Chinese Health Journal and other historical archives and sketches out the modern metamorphosis of discourse on mental health and illnesses by focusing on two cases of psychiatric discursive formation. The critical puzzle is how the different professional subjects construct and appropriate moral, political and scientific discourse in claiming jurisdiction on expertise of mental health and illnesses at those moments. Around 1898, the founder of John G. Kerr Refuge and his successor have constructed a set of moral discourse. They communicated it within the missionary community to respond to the challenge on the necessity of running mental hospital in China. Moral discourse was interwoven within ...

「何謂社運成果」是過去一段時間社運研究的主要範圍。回顧文獻,關於「社運成果」(Movement outcome)的討論都圍繞政府對運動的政策回應。然而,本研究則針對政府對運動的論述回應,從政策回應(Policy responsiveness)及論述回應(Discursive responsiveness)兩個維度,探討分析社運成果的其他可能性。尤其是,本研究會著重探討「論述挪用」(Discursive appropriation)的操作及對社運成果的影響。 ; 所謂論述挪用,即政府選擇性地取用社運認知框架(Movement frame)作為政策認知框架(Policy frame),局部地回應社運團體及抗爭者的政策訴求,藉此表示已經作出政策回應,同時把社運團體及抗爭者依賴的認知框架收為己用。 ; 本研究以「高官問責制」及保育政策為個案,嘗試整理論述挪用的產生因素和機制。本研究提出論述機會結構(Discursive opportunity structure)及關鍵突發事件(Critical incident)作為主要的背景因素,促使社運認知框架及媒介認知框架(Media frame)產生互動及不同能動者的論述角逐,構成可供政府挪用的民意。最後,政府選擇了合用的論述,制定政策或作出政策轉變,並指為對社運團體及公眾作出了回應。 ; 本研究的結果給現時關於社運成果的文獻一個重要提示:如果加入論述回應去分析社運成果,實在不能排除,在論述挪用的操作下,某個特定時刻的社運成果,其實難以持續。更甚者,當本來的社運論述已經被政府收為己用,除非有新一波關鍵突發事件出現,否則,在缺乏論述資源下,社運團體關注的議程往往難以再獲得社會關注,再次推展運動。 ; 關鍵字:社運成果、認知框架、公共論述、論述機會結構、高官問責制、古蹟保育 ; "To what extent a social movement is successful" is the question that the current social movement research focuses on asking. While the conventional discussion of "movement outcome" emphasizes on the government's response in terms of the policy change, this research aims at enriching the discussion by looking into the government's discursive responsiveness as the additional dimension to analyze movement outcome. In particular, it focuses on the conceptual possibility of "discursive appropriation". It means that the government appropriated the movement frame for the initiatives of policy that seemed to be made in response to the social movement. ; With Hong Kong as the research context, the Accountability System for Principal Officials and the policies of heritage conservation were the case studies of the research. To look into the mechanism of discursive appropriation, the research identified discursive opportunity structure and critical incidents as the contextual factors for the discursive contest. Then the circulation of movement frame and media frame constituted as the major part of public opinion. Finally, the bias and limitation of the media and the challengers enabled the government to selectively appropriate certain part of the public discourse for ...

胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件,作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體,尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻,中美關係發揮顯著作用。 ; 本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國,並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件,說明政府在建構新聞語霸權,且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題,媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。 ; 這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係,是突顯社會的政治背景,導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件,形成一個變贏的和平競賽,以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。 ; 胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點,說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重,雙羸 ,和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。 ; Hu Jin Tao's U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world's two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil. ; This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu's U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration. ; The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu's state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a ...