Suchergebnisse

Demokracije su u opasnosti da će ih zadaviti populistički demagozi, koji se postavljaju kao jedini i istinski vođe "naroda", i koji zanemarujući ustavnu "strukturu slobode", parlamentarnu supremaciju, kontrolu sudova i, nadasve, ustavna ograničenja dovode u izravnu vezu s odlučivanjem biračkog tijela. Referendumi se sve više koriste za donošenje određenih odluka koje ne mogu proći u parlamentu. Tvrdi se da ne smije postojati nikakva prepreka vlasti naroda. Ovaj je fenomen najpoznatiji liberalni časopis The Economist obilježio novom riječju referendumanijom u kojoj se referendum izravno povezuje s manijom. U okolnostima kada televizija i Internet pokazuje svu bijedu brojnih skupština i to ne samo u novim već i u zrelim demokracijama taj je fenomen dobio punu simpatiju šire javnosti. Nakon što je u Velikoj Britaniji toj matici svih parlamenata referendum o Brexitu iskorišten kao instrument političke borbe što je dovelo do tekućeg "pretapanja" visoko cijenjenog britanskog političkog sistema izgleda da se ispunilo najgore moguće proročanstvo o napredovanju populističkih snaga u velikom broju europskih država. Republika Hrvatska je već dugo izložena takvim ugrozama od strane političkih grupa koje se ekstremno protive politici Vlade, počam od katoličkih konzervativaca a odnedavno i sindikalista. Zahvaljujući neadekvatnoj regulaciji refrerenduma o građanskim inicijativama gdje se ne govori o nikakvom kvorumu već se odluka donosi većinom onih koji glasuju mogućnosti manipulacije su ogromne. U postojećim okolnostima trajne konfuzije, brojni političari koji su već izjavili svoju namjeru da će ukoliko budu izabrani za Predsjednika Republike takav referendum koristiti radi uklanjanja svih kontrola i provjera koje postoje između šefa države i "naroda". Imajući u vidu krizu demokracije i smatrajući takve prijetnje sasvim ozbiljnim autor naglašava potrebu da se jednim međustranačkim dogovorom stvore uvjeti kojima bi se referendum uz odgovarajuću regulaciju uklopio u deemokreatski sistem ustavne demokracije. ; Democracies are at risk to be strangled by the populist demagogues, posturing as the only and true leaders of 'the people', while disregarding constitutional "structure of liberty", meaning that, the parliamentary supremacy, judicial review and, above all, the constitutional limits to the very direct decision making by the voters' constituencies. Referenda are being used ever more, often to push certain decision, which could not pass the parliament. The claim is that there must not be any limits to the power of the people. That phenomenon the most esteemed liberal magazine "The Economist" nicknamed coining the word "referendumania", apparently combining 'a mania' with 'referenda'. It has been received with a lot of sympathy by the general public, in circumstances when the television and the Internet shows all the misery of the numerous assemblies, not only in a new but also in the mature democracies. After the referendum on the Brexit has been used as an instrument of the political struggle in the mother of parliaments, Great Britain, which lead to the ongoing "melting down" of the highly valued British political system, it seems that the worst of prophecies are realized by advancing populist forces in a number of Euroepan states. Republic of Croatia has been for a long time exposed to such treats, by the political groups extremely opposed to governmental policies, first by the Catholic conservatives and most recently by the trade unionists. Due to the very inadequate regulation of the referenda on civil initiatives, whereas the decision is to be made by a majority of those who vote, without any quorum being provided, the posibilites of manipulation are enormous. In the lasting confusion, a number of politicians has already proclaimed their intention, if elected the president of the Republic, to use such a referendum in order to remove all the checks and balances between the chief of state and "the people". Taking such treats very seriously in the existing crisis of democracy, the author emphasizes hi plead for an interparty agreement which would enable the referendum to be properly regulated and thus incorporated into the system of a democratic constitutional democracy.

Demokracija označava pluralistički oblik upravljanja u kojemu se odluke donose izravnim ili neizravnim putem, većinom glasova. Članak se bavi analizom suodnosa demokratičnosti društva i stupnja demokratičnosti u upravljanju lokalnom baptističkom crkvom Saveza baptističkih crkava u Republici Hrvatskoj, koja je strukturno temeljena na kongregacijskome modelu upravljanja. ; Democracy is a pluralist form of government where the decisions are made directly or indirectly through the majority of votes. This article deals with analyzing the correlation between the level of democracy in society and the level of democracy in managing local Baptist churches in the Baptist Union in Croatia, which is structurally based on a congregational model of management.

Educational policy in Croatia is facing serious problems due to disagreement on introduction of sex education in the national curriculum. This article combines two perspectives in defining the theoretically and practically relevant issues of implementing the sex education curriculum. From the 'top down perspective' it observes stakeholders' arguments which are not in accordance on 'what to do' (they are not in 'practical accordance'). Later on, from the 'bottom up perspective', the author observes how practical value judgments depend on silent (unspoken) theoretical (concepts of knowledge and of what it means to be human) and practical premises (derived from normative sources). This article defines the frame of the open question of contemporary philosophy on logical procedures of fair and rational resolution of different viewpoints. When faced with practical disagreement, the author argues that the communication ethics of argumentation should consist of discussion topics on theoretical premises: can question postulates of the opposing side – their truthfulness, sincerity and desirability. While exploring differences in attitudes, this article by default analyzes tacit premises of those who implement the compulsory national curriculum on sex education. The basic assumption for problem resolution related to implementation of the sex education curriculum is in reaching an understanding about theoretical premises, and not in proving one's own attitudes and ideas of how to actualize the plan. Understanding theoretical premises provides a way to establish common ground as a basis and starting point for discussion. Although existing solutions indicate general possibility for compulsory national sex education curriculum in multicultural democracy, in this case common ground is not reached. ; Neslaganje oko uvođenja kurikuluma spolnog odgoja u Hrvatskoj predstavlja ozbiljan problem obrazovne politike. Rad kombinira dvije perspektive u definiciji teorijski i praktički relevantnog pitanja uvođenja spolnog odgoja. Iz 'ptičje perspektive' promatra argumentaciju aktera koji se ne slažu 'što treba činiti' (nisu u 'praktičnoj slozi'). Nakon toga iz 'žablje perspektive' promatra kako praktični, vrijednosni sud, ovisi o prešutnim teorijskim (antropološkim pretpostavkama i naravi znanja) i praktičnim premisama (izvedenima iz normativnih izvora). Ovaj rad definira okvir otvorenog pitanja suvremene filozofije o logici postupka ravnopravnog i racionalnog razrješenja razlike stavova tvrdeći da komunikacijska etika argumentacije u slučaju praktičnog neslaganja treba prenijeti predmet rasprave na teorijske premise: pravo preispitivanja pretpostavke suprotne strane – njezine istinitosti, iskrenosti i poželjnosti. Proučavajući razlike u stavovima u članku se analiziraju zadane prešutne premise strane koja uvodi obavezni kurikulum. Pretpostavka razrješenja problema uvođenja spolnog odgoja je u unaprjeđenju međusobnog razumijevanja teorijskih premisa, a ne u dokazu svog stava i ostvarenju nauma. Razumijevanje teorijskih premisa omogućava uspostavu točke razumijevanja kao temelja i polazišta rasprave. Točka razumijevanja nije postignuta pa iako postojeća predložena rješenja ukazuju na načelnu mogućnost uvođenja obaveznog kurikuluma spolnog odgoja u višekulturnoj demokraciji, to nije ostvareno u ovom slučaju.

Članak razmatra tri relevantna principa demokracije, inherentna suvremenom društvu: modernost, politika priznanja i sekularizam. Glavno pitanje kojim se bavi je održivost ovih principa kao temelja za zasnivanje kozmopolitske demokracije i utjecaja na daljnju demokratizaciju ljudskog svijeta. Članak (i) istražuje vezu između modernizacije i demokracije kroz perspektivu višestruke moderne kao mogućnosti za proširenje demokracije na nedemokratsko područje svijeta, (ii) analizira politiku priznanja kao temelj za kulturnu koegzistenciju i politički pluralizam, (iii) razmatra problem a) kako ideja sekularizma ugrožava (prijeti) ideju religioznosti i obratno te čine li to uopće; b) koliko je sekularizam sekularan te je li uopće (problem privatne i javne sfere); c) može li sekularizam ostati temeljni princip (kozmopolitske) demokracije. ; This paper reflects on three relevant principles of democracy which are inherent to the contemporary society. These principles are modernity, the politics of recognition, and secularism. The main question is concerned with the sustainability of these principles as the grounds for the foundation of cosmopolitan democracy, and further influence on the democratization of the human world. This paper (i) examines a relationship between modernization and democracy through the perspective of multiple modernities as a possibility for the extension of democracy over the non-democratic parts of the world; (ii) analyzes politics of recognition as a grounds for cultural coexistence and political pluralism and (iii) reflects on the issue of a) how the idea of secularism if/how the idea of secularism treats the idea of religiousness and vice versa, b) how much is secularism secular (the issue of public versus private sphere), and c) can secularism remain to be the basic principle of (cosmopolitan) democracy. ; Cet article examine trois principes pertinents de la démocratie, inhérents à la société actuelle : modernité, politique de reconnaissance et sécularisme. La principale question qu'il pose est celle du maintien de ces principes en tant que fondements pour l'établissement d'une société démocratique et de leur influence sur la démocratisation du monde humain. Cet article (i) étudie la relation entre la modernisation et la démocratie à partir de la perspective des multiples modernités comme possibilité d'étendre la démocratie dans les parties non-démocratiques du monde, (ii) analyse les politiques de reconnaissance comme fondement pour la coexistence culturelle et le pluralisme politique et (iii) réfléchit sur la question de savoir : a) si/comment l'idée du sécularisme traite de l'idée de la religiosité et inversement ; b) dans quelle mesure le sécularisme est séculaire (problème de la sphère publique vs. la sphère privée) ; c) si le sécularisme peut encore rester le principe de base de la démocratie (cosmopolite). ; Dieser Artikel reflektiert über drei relevante Demokratieprinzipien, inhärent der Gesellschaft von heutzutage: modernität, Politik der Anerkennung und Säkularismus. Die Hauptfrage, mit der es sich befasst, ist die Nachhaltigkeit dieser Prinzipien als Grundlage für die Gründung der kosmopolitischen Demokratie und für den Einfluss der weiteren Demokratisierung der menschenwelt. Aus der Perspektive der multiplen modernitäten untersucht der Artikel (i) die Beziehung zwischen der modernisierung und Demokratie als eine möglichkeit für die Ausbreitung der Demokratie auf die nicht demokratischen Gebiete der Welt, (ii) analysiert die Politik der Anerkennung als Fundament für die kulturelle Koexistenz und politischen Pluralismus, (iii) erwägt die Frage a) ob/wie die Idee des Säkularismus die Idee der Religiosität behandelt und umgekehrt; b) ob/inwieweit der Säkularismus säkular ist (das Thema der öffentlichen Sphäre vs. Privatsphäre); c) ob der Säkularismus als Grundprinzip der (kosmopolitischen) Demokratie verbleiben kann.

Gospodarske i društvene krize prilika su za protestne stranke da dignu svoj glas i da se izbore za nove pozicije na političkoj sceni. Mnogi analitičari smatraju da su stranke radikalne desnice dobile zamah upravo na protestima građana protiv globalizacije, ekonomske deprivacije i utjecaja gospodarske krize. Pomnijim proučavanjem radikalizacije politike vidi se da pojednostavljivanje te teze nema naročito čvrsto uporište. U nedostatku jasnih metodologija politolozi i drugi društveni znanstvenici pokušavaju uobličiti teorije zasnovane na empirijskim istraživanjima. Jedan je od čestih teorijskih okvira odnos populističkih stranaka prema socioekonomskom stanju u zemlji. Prema toj tezi, u vremenu globalne krize postotak glasača za radikalne političke opcije raste, većinom iz protesta, a ne antisustavnosti. Ovo izlaganje prati i stanje u Srednjoj Europi, odnosno rezultate ovogodišnjih izbora u Mađarskoj, Latviji i Slovačkoj kao zemljama sa snažnom radikalnom desnicom. Na primjerima tih zemalja nastoji se utvrditi može li se socioekonomska teorija aplicirati ili se radi o većim izazovima liberalnoj demokraciji s krajnjeg desnog pola. ; Economic and social crises provide an opportunity for protest parties to raise their voices and to win new positions in the political arena. Many analysts deem that the parties of the radical Right gained momentum exactly with the protests by citizens against globalisation, economic deprivation and the impact of the economic crisis. A more detailed study of the radicalisation of politics reveals that the simplification of this thesis does not have a particularly strong justification. In the absence of clear methodologies, political scientists and other social scientists seek to formulate theories based on empirical research. One of the frequent theoretical frameworks is the attitude of populist parties toward the socio-economic situation in the country. According to this thesis, in the period of a global crisis, the percentage of voters of radical political options increases, mostly out of protest, and not as an anti-systemic phenomenon. This paper also examines the situation in Central Europe, as well as the outcomes of this year's elections in Hungary, Latvia and Slovakia as countries with a strong radical Right. By analysing the cases of these countries, the author seeks to establish whether the socio-economic theory can be applied, or whether these countries are facing greater challenges to liberal democracy posed by the far-right pole.

U Hrvatskoj su nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata za prehranu i opskrbu ratnih zarobljenika i osoba osuđenih na lišenje slobode s prisilnim radom uvedeni i korišteni novčani bonovi. Za prehranu i opskrbu osuđenica u Zavodu za prisilni rad Požega bonovi su uvedeni najvjerojatnije 1946. (izdanje: Zavod za prisilni rad Požega), bonovi za prehranu i opskrbu osuđenika na prisilnom radu u Fužinama uvedeni su najvjerojatnije 1950. (izdanje: Narodna Republika Hrvatska Uprava osuđeničke radne snage "Hidroelektra" Fužine), a bonovi za prehranu i opskrbu osuđenika na prisilnom radu u Sisku uvedeni su najvjerojatnije 1951. (izdanje: Uprava osuđeničke radne snage Sisak-Predgrađe). Zatvorski/logorski bonovi u Hrvatskoj 1945.-1951. malo su poznati, iako su zanimljiv prilog poznavanju represivnoga sustava, a i novčarske povijesti u razdoblju "narodne demokracije" u Jugoslaviji. ; After the Second World War money coupons were introduced and used in Croatia for the food and supplies of war prisoners and persons deprived of freedom with forced labour. Coupons for the food and supplies of women prisoners in the Forced Labour Institution in Požega were probably introduced in 1946 (issued by the Požega Institution for Forced Labour), coupons for the food and supplies of prisoners sentenced to forced labour in Fužine were probably introduced in 1950 (issued by the People's Republic of Croatia, "Hidroelektra" Fužine Administration for Prisoners' Labour), and coupons for the food and supplies of prisoners sentenced to forced labour in Sisak were probably introduced in 1951 (issued by the Sisak-Predgrađe Administration for Prisoners' Labour). The prison/camp coupons in Croatia from 1945-1951 are not well known although they are an interesting aspect of knowledge about the repression system and monetary history in the period of the "peoples' democracy" in Yugoslavia.

Hrvatska i Slovačka imale su tijekom 1990-ih državnike s autoritarnim tendencijama vladanja. To je na različite načine bilo povezano i s institucijom predsjednika države te je 1999., odnosno 2000. ustavnim promjenama koje su se ticale i te institucije uspostavljen parlamentarni sustav s izravno izabranim predsjednikom. U ovom radu pokušava se utvrditi je li to utjecalo na funkcioniranje sustava vlasti i konsolidaciju demokracije. S obzirom na to da su promjene trebale spriječiti pojavu novih autoritarnih državnika, pretpostavka je da su one trebale pozitivno utjecati na demokratsku konsolidaciju. S druge strane, uvođenje parlamentarnoga sustava s izravno izabranim predsjednikom stvara opasnost da će ustavno slab predsjednik pozivom na svoju veliku legitimnost, dobivenu na izravnim izborima, nastojati zadobiti ovlasti koje mu ne pripadaju. Sustav će zbog toga imati obilježja defektne demokracije, a neće se pretvoriti u konsolidiranu liberalnu demokraciju. Usporedbom ustava i političke prakse pokušava se dobiti odgovor na to. ; In the 1990s, Croatia and Slovakia had statesmen with authoritarian tendencies. This was in many ways associated with the institution of the president and the 1999 and 2000 constitutional reforms, which were connected with this institution, established a parliamentary system with a directly elected president in those countries. This paper tries to determine if that affected the functioning of the system of government and the consolidation of democracy. Given that those changes were meant to prevent the emergence of new authoritarian statesmen, premise is that they should have had a positive impact on democratic consolidation. On the other hand, the introduction of a parliamentary system with a directly elected president created a risk that a constitutionally weak president, by calling on his great legitimacy acquired by direct vote, would strive to get powers that do not belong to him. The system would therefore receive the characteristics of a defective democracy and would not turn into a consolidated liberal democracy. By comparing constitutions and political practice we try to get an answer to this question.

Uključivanje javnosti u proces izrade propisa vrlo je važno i aktualno pitanje‎ upravne znanosti i prakse. Usprkos rastućem i sve rafiniranijem znanstvenom‎ interesu za temu participacije, kompleksno pitanje njezine djelotvornosti još‎ uvijek zaokuplja pažnju istraživača. Postojeća istraživanja prepoznaju potrebu‎ za uvažavanjem perspektiva uključenih aktera u procesu participacije te‎ ukazuju na postojanje različitih percepcija djelotvornosti participacije. Jedan‎ od najčešće korištenih instrumenata upravne participacije su savjetovanja s‎ javnošću. U Hrvatskoj su savjetovanja sa zainteresiranom javnošću (e-savjetovanja‎ od 2013.) relativno nov instrument participacije javnosti u donošenju‎ propisa i politika, koji nije šire analiziran. Svrha je ovog rada istražiti stavove‎ dviju kategorija aktera uključenih u proces e-savjetovanja – upravnih službenika‎ i zainteresirane javnosti (sudionika) – kako bi se odgovorilo na temeljno‎ istraživačko pitanje o razlici u percepciji djelotvornosti e-savjetovanja. Nalazi‎ istraživanja, prikupljeni metodama upitnika i intervjua, sugeriraju da se stavovi‎ službenika i sudionika značajno razlikuju u ocjeni razine utjecaja javnosti i‎ u detekciji glavnih problema provedbe e-savjetovanja, a umjereno u identificiranju‎ ciljeva e-savjetovanja.‎ ; Citizens' involvement in the regulatory process has become a very prominent‎ issue in administrative science and practice. Despite growing and more refined‎ interest in the topic, the complex issue of public participation effectiveness‎ still preoccupies scholars. The existing research generally recognizes the‎ desirability to recognize the perspectives of different actors involved in the‎ participatory process. It also points at the existence of various actors' perceptions‎ with regard to participation effectiveness. Public consultations represent‎ a common instrument of administrative participation. In Croatia, public‎ consultations (e-consultations since 2013) represent a rather novel instrument‎ for involving the public in the regulatory process, which has not undergone‎ wide scientific analysis. The purpose of this paper is to explore the attitudes‎ of two main categories of actors involved in e-consultations – civil servants‎ and interested public (participants) – in order to answer the research question‎ regarding the existence of different perceptions of e-consultations effectiveness.‎ Research findings, obtained by means of questionnaires and interviews,‎ suggest that civil servants' and participants' attitudes significantly differ in the‎ evaluation of public influence as well as in the detection of the main problems‎ related to e-consultations implementation, while the perceptions of the main‎ purposes of e-consultations vary only moderately.‎

It is with good reason that decisionism stresses the crucial importance of decisions in the political process. But it is necessary to evaluate critically its dramatic pretension (from Schmitt to Agamben), according to which the normality of life is juxtaposed with the pathos of the state of exception & crisis. This erases not only every distinction between normality & the state of exception, but even between democracy & dictatorship. The proper framework from which an explanation of decisionism & its dramatizing forms can be derived is the modern age as a whole. The birth of decisionism from the crisis of tradition & commonality can be observed already in the beginning of modernity: with Machiavelli & Hobbes. We find the peak of dramatisation in Schmitt's decisionism, in the use of political theology for the dramatization of politics as drama of the subject which obtains his self-willed freedom through a secularist disempowerment of God. The other strand of political philosophy advocates the political priority of discussion & discourse, as opposed to the priority of decision. The author is interested in forms of discourse which revolve in a Habermasian or Rawlsian way around the concept of deliberative democracy. The theories of deliberative democracy are mostly characterized by the following postulates: demand for equality & inclusion, for non-coercion & communicativeness, oriented towards mutual understanding. The author points out that these demands reflect too great expectations, which cannot be fulfilled by discourse & discussion (expectations of consensus & rationality, underestimating of pre-discursive assumptions). In the final section, the author concludes that both decisionism & theory of discourse resulted from the modern-age loss of tradition & commonality. Decision & discussion could be perceived as feuding brothers, although they are doing their best to negate their kinship. A mediation of opposition is possible insofar as the feuding brothers recognize the fact that they are related. Unification at least protects them from the danger of irrationalism & excessive expectation of rationalism. Adapted from the source document.

The article provides basic information on the course of life and theoretical work of contemporary French political thinker Claude Lefort (1924-20 10). Particular emphasis is put on the contents and importance of Lefort's theoretical trilogy on Stalinist totalitarianism, which consists of the following books: Elements of a Critique of Bureaucracy (1971), One Man Too Many. Reflections on "The Gulag Archipelago"(1976), and Democratic Invention (1981). These works contain an original and profound understanding of such a type of order as a modern social formation. Such research shows that true insight into the political and into democracy is possible only on the basis of thorough investigation and understanding of totalitarianism. Adapted from the source document.

The texts focuses on constitutionalisation of democracy in the European Union and the phenomenon of democratic deficit through the failed Constitution for Europe and, thereafter, the Lisbon Treaty, which takes over the definition of democracy as the foundation of the European Union. In this context, the author also looks into the contribution of political scientist Zvonko Posavec, who was one of the first in Croatia to advocate the need for constitutionalisation of the European Union as a project of finalising the process of European integration. While writing about the need for constitutional foundation of the European Union, Posavec simultaneously reflects on representative democracy as the form of democracy on which the European Union is predominantly founded. Beside a valorisation of Posavec's works on democracy in the European Union, this paper deals with the problem of the democratic deficit in the European Union which is manifest in the lack of democratic legitimacy of EU institutions, with the sole exception of the European Parliament. The author finds, however, that the main deficit of the European Union is not the democratic process, but political alienation. He perceives the latter as alienation of citizens from the EU as a derivative community, non-transparent and distanced from the basic interests of the citizens and the media interest in politics. Although the European Union declaratively relies on basic democratic values, in practice democracy is experienced primarily through a democratic deficit contrasted by a more obvious bureaucratic surfeit of the European political construction. The author asserts that the Lisbon Treaty was a step towards founding the EU on democratic principles inasmuch as it introduced elements of participative democracy, although it did not accept proposals for introduction of direct democracy in the EU. Finally, the author puts forward some ideas which might reduce the degree of political alienation of citizens in relation to the European Union; this requires giving greater authority to the European Parliament, abolishing the monopoly of the legislative initiative of the European Commission, incorporating the Council of the European Union into the European Parliament as the second House, i.e. the European Senate, and consequently implementing the mechanism of consulting the citizens regarding the legislative initiatives of the EU. The author concludes that the democratic deficit and political alienation cannot be overcome in the European Union without overcoming the democratic deficits and concrete forms of political alienation in the member states which the European Union consists. Adapted from the source document.