Suchergebnisse

The Republic of Serbia is a state overburdened with complex issues regarding its political transformation. These problems are a consequence of the dynamic changes which have occurred over the last 30 years. It should be remembered that Serbia underwent a transformation from an authoritarian to a democratic state in a relatively short period of time. Unfortunately, these dynamic political, economic, and social modifications coincided with serious systemic changes and this had an adverse impact on Serbian democracy. The political problems which directly influence the process of democratization are becoming more and more visible over time. One such problem is undoubtedly the fact that state power is in the hands of one political party: the Serbian Progressive Party. For states going through a transformation, such a concentration of power could have negative effects on the quality of democracy. This article evaluates the non-democratic trends in Serbia which stem from the strengthening of the Serbian Progressive Party, especially on the level of state power. The article also suggests that this development might lead to Serbia being categorized as a country which has become stuck in the so-called grey zone of democratization.

Türkiyede demokrasi algısı özgür oy verme ve referandumlar üzerine yoğunlaşmıştır. Egemenliğin kullanım biçimlerinden biri olan doğrudan demokrasi geleneğinde halk istediği düşünceye özgürce oy verme hakkına sahiptir. Demokratikleşme eğilimde olan ülkeler gibi Türkiye'de demokrasi, siyasi tarihimiz için önemli bir konumda olmuştur. Demokrasinin gereği olarak yapılan seçimler ve referandumlar bu sürecin Türkiye'de nasıl yol aldığının göstergesi haline gelmiştir. İşte bu çalışmada demokrasinin önemli bir gereği olan siyasete, halkın doğrudan katılımını sağlayan referandumlar incelenmiştir. Halka doğrudan yetki veren bu kurum, demokrasi çatısı altında çoğu zaman onay kurumu olarak görülmüştür. Bu görüş doğrultusunda referandumun hukuki sınırları çizilmiş ve halk da bu sınırlar doğrultusunda karar vermişlerdir. Bu tezin amacı referandumların demokratik değerini ve Türkiye'nin demokratikleşme sürecinde bu kuruma verdiği anlam çerçevesinde yapılan oylamalardan çıkan sonuçların sosyolojik zeminde ne anlam ifade ettiğini ortaya koymaktır. 1961, 1982 yıllarında yapılan referandumların plebisite dönüştüğü ortaya çıkmıştır. 1987, 1988, 2007 ve 2010 referandumları ise kurucu referandumlar halinde, anayasal düzenlemeler için yapılmıştır. Her ne kadar demokratik kültürde yer almasına karşın Türk siyasi hayatında aktif olması düşünülen halk, pasif kalmış, zorunlu olarak onay merciinde kalmıştır. Türkiye'de referandum karşılaştığı sorunlara rağmen demokratik kültür içerisinde uygulanmasının gerekli olduğu sonucuna varılmıştır. Çalışma 3 ana bölümden oluşmuştur. İlk bölümde demokrasi tanımı ve çeşitleri üzerine teorik bir çerçeve çizilmiştir. İkinci bölümde ise demokrasinin gereği olarak referandum kavramı üzerine bilgi verilmiştir. Üçüncü bölümde ise Türkiye'de referandum uygulamaları üzerinde durulmuştur. Çalışmada genellikle literatür taraması yapılarak teorik bir analiz ortaya koyulmuş ve sayısal verilerle bu analizler desteklenmiştir. Anahtar kelimeler: Demokrasi, Referandum (halkoylaması), Darbeler ; The perception of democracy in Turkey has focused on voting freely and referendums. In the tradition of direct democracy, which is one way of using sovereignty, the society has the right to vote any view that they favor. Just as in the countries that tend to democratize, in Turkey, democracy has always had a crucial role in our political history. Elections and referendums, which are conducted as a prerequisite of democracy, have been indicators to illustrate the procedure in Turkey. Therefore in this study, referendums which lead a society to participate in an important requirement of democracy ?the politics? have been examined. This foundation, which gives the society authorization directly, has been regarded as consent establishment under the roof of democracy. In this respect, the boundaries of referendum are determined in the law, and so the society makes its choices. The aim of this study comes up with some ideas showing democratic value of referendums and what the results of voting right after referendums mean sociologically in the democratization process of Turkey. With this purpose, the problems that democracy has come across during the political history have been examined. Referendums, which include both positive and negative characteristics, function as approval mechanism at the end of constitution construction on the application of Turkey. Here, this function is emphasized in terms of democracy and it is also discussed that in Turkey more importance should be given to referendums and their place in the application at the end of the process. The study consisted of three main parts. In the first one, the definition and types of democracy has been given theoretically. In the second part, conception of referendum has been dealt with as a necessity of democracy. On the third part, the referendum applications in Turkey have been discussed. Generally, in this study, the literature is reviewed and a theoretic analysis has been put forward together with the supports of quantitative data. Key Words: Democracy, Referendum, Insurrection

*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens' protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation's approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.

*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens' protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation's approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.

Türkiye'de demokrasinin bütün kurum ve alt yapılarıyla birlikte yerleşmiş olduğunu söylemek güçtür. Demokratik kurum ve yapıların oluşmasında yasal çerçevenin önemli ölçüde tamamlanmış olmasına rağmen, demokrasinin pekişmesinin önünde siyasal kültüründen kaynaklanan toplumsal engeller söz konusudur. Güçlü bir demokrasiye sahip olunması ve demokratik kurumların kurulabilmesi için ilk ve en önemli gereklilik uygun bir siyasal kültürün varlığıdır. Elitler ve kitlelerce demokratik değerlerin içselleştirilmesi, siyasal kültürle doğrudan ilgilidir. Siyasal kültür birden ortaya çıkmadığı gibi kısa sürede değişime veya dönüşüme de uğramaz. Türk demokrasisi, siyasal kültüründeki eksiklikler nedeniyle kurumsallaşıp gelişmemektedir. Türkiye'de demokrasinin gelişebilmesi bir siyasal kültür ortamına ihtiyaç vardır. Siyasal kültür ortamı; toplumsal hoşgörü, karşılıklı güven, bireysel özgürlükler, adalet ve eşitlik, ortak hedefe yönelik olarak birlikte hareket etme ve siyasal etkinlik duygusu unsurlarından oluşmalıdır. Türkiye'de kültürel ve toplumsal boyutta demokrasinin pekişmesinin önünde güven, hoşgörü eksikliği, siyasal seçkincilik duygusu zayıf bir sivil toplumun varlığı gibi engeller, bu çalışmanın temel düşüncesini oluşturmaktadır. ; It is difficult to say the Turkish democracy located along with all institutions and infrastructures of democracy. Although the legal framework in the formation of institutions and structures of democracy had substantially completed, there are social barriers due to political culture in front of the compaction of democracy. The first and the most important necessity of having a strong democracy and establishment of democratic institutions is the existance pf a prooer democratic culture. İnternelization of a democratic culture by the elites and the masses is directly related to political culture. Political culture cannot change or get transformed abruptly as it has not come into being all of a sudden. The Turkish democracy can not develop and institutionalize because of deficencies of Turkish political culture. There is a political culture environment for development of Turkish democracy. The political culture environment ought to consists the constituent of social tolerance, mutual trust, individual freedom, justice and equality, common movement progress to common goal and the sensation of political activity. The main purpose of this study is to determine the barriers of compaction of Turkish democracy on the social and culturel basis. These barriers are lack of the tolarence and confidence, political pre-eminence sensation and the existence of not strong a civil society.

Nowosad Inetta, Społeczno-kulturowe uwarunkowania demokratyzacji edukacji na Tajwanie [Social and cultural preconditions for the process of democratization in Taiwanese education]. Kultura – Społeczeństwo – Edukacja nr 2(14) 2018, Poznań 2018, pp. 137–154, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-0422. DOI 10.14746/kse.2018.14.12. The article focuses on changes introduced in Taiwan's education since 1949, which reflect the social changes taking place in this country. Special attention is drawn to the origin and the course of two particularly important processes, i.e. democratisation and taiwanisation, which have radically changed the face of education, revealing Taiwan's 'balancing' between the East and the West. While depicting their essence, also complex links with Taiwan's policies towards China and its orientation onto economic growth were taken into account. ; Nowosad Inetta, Społeczno-kulturowe uwarunkowania demokratyzacji edukacji na Tajwanie [Social and cultural preconditions for the process of democratization in Taiwanese education]. Kultura – Społeczeństwo – Edukacja nr 2(14) 2018, Poznań 2018, pp. 137–154, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-0422. DOI 10.14746/kse.2018.14.12. The article focuses on changes introduced in Taiwan's education since 1949, which reflect the social changes taking place in this country. Special attention is drawn to the origin and the course of two particularly important processes, i.e. democratisation and taiwanisation, which have radically changed the face of education, revealing Taiwan's 'balancing' between the East and the West. While depicting their essence, also complex links with Taiwan's policies towards China and its orientation onto economic growth were taken into account.

Bu çalışma, Türkiye'nin demokratik gelişimini farklı bir pencereden tartışarak "çıkış güvenceleri" özelinde açıklamayı hedeflemektedir. İlk bölümde demokrasi teorisi ve sivil asker ilişkileri teorileri üzerinde durulmuş, demokratik sistem koruyuculuk ve seçkinci demokrasi modelleri özelinde tartışılmıştır. Demokratik bir sistemde vesayetin temini ise çıkış güvenceleri bağlamında ele alınmıştır. Çalışmanın ikinci bölümünde Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda "devlet nasıl kurtulur" sorusuna cevaben hayata geçen "pasif modernleşme" girişimleri ve demokrasi deneyimi özetlenmeye çalışılmıştır. Cumhuriyete miras kalan paternalist seçkinci anlayışın ortaya çıkması merkez-çevre ikilemi ile aydın, ordu ve bürokrasiden oluşan "koruyucu entelijansiya" özelinde tartışılarak ordunun siyasetteki ağırlığına vurgu yapılmıştır. Üçüncü bölümde Türkiye'nin 1950'lerle başlayan çok partili demokrasi hayatına değinilmiş, ordunun "koruyucu bir sıfatla" sisteme müdahalede bulunup vesayeti temin etmesi, darbe sonrasında elde edilen "çıkış güvenceleriyle" açıklanmaya çalışılmıştır. Türkiye'nin son dönemde "çıkış güvencelerinin" bertarafına dönük demokrasi hamleleri de yine bu bölümde ele alınmıştır. Çalışmanın sonucunda Türkiye'nin kendine özgü bir sivil-asker modeline sahip olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Osmanlı modernleşmesinde aktif rol alan aydın, bürokrasi ve ordu üçlüsü sivil asker ilişkilerine yeni bir boyut katmıştır. Ordu, cumhuriyetin kurucu unsuru olarak, koruyucu bir kimlikle sistemdeki vesayetçi ağırlığını devam ettirmiştir. Atatürk ve İnönü dönemlerinde "subjektif kontrol" modeline dayanan bu yaklaşım, 1960 darbesiyle yeni bir boyut kazanarak orduyu "muhafız tipi" bir yapıya büründürmüştür. Bundaki en önemli unsur ise darbelerin arkasından yapılan anayasa değişikliklerinde yer verilen "çıkış güvenceleridir". Söz konusu güvenceler askeri vesayetin teminini sağlamış, Türkiye'nin demokratik gelişiminde olumsuz bir rol oynayarak demokrasinin pekişmesine engel olmuştur. ; This study aims to examine the development of Turkey's democratic development from a different perspective in terms of "exit guaranties". In the first part, democracy and civil-military theories have been focused and the democratic system was discussed with regards to the guardianship and elitist model of democracy. The supply of tutelage in a democratic system is analyzed in the context of "exit guaranties". In the second part of the study, "passive modernization" efforts and experience of democracy have been summarized against searhing for answer the question of "how to survive the state?" in the Ottoman Empire. Emergence of the elitist paternalistic concept inhereted to Turkish Rebuplic were discussed with regards to the center-periphery dichotomy consisting of army and bureaucracy so called "protective intelligentsia". In the third section, multiparty system started from 1950's in Turkey has been mentioned, army's "protective capacity" and the tutelage of the availability of intervention in the system, obtained after military coups with "exit guaranties" were explained. At the end of the study, the unique model of civil-military relations of Turkey has been identified. Active roles of intellectuals, bureacracy and army trio in the modernization of Ottoman have added a new dimension to civil-military relations. Army as a constituent element of the Turkish Republic has continued its protective tutelage guardianship effect. In the eras of Atatürk and İnönü, this approach based on the "subjective control model" with the 1960 military coup, gained a new dimension to the "guard type" structure. The most important reason of all these mentioned circumstances is the "exit guaranties" enacted in the constitutions after military coups. These guaranties have led to the providing of military tutelage and hindered the consolidation of democracy by playing negative role in Turkey's democratic develepment.

In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connected with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has been no empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliament of People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoral constituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate were conducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constituency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in Bydgoszcz Province. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tend to be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and phenomena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in local conditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constituencies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local constituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based on primary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorism to describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems; political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that political competition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington's theory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitative perspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatory one. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is about local politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refers to the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to: continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carnival of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989; political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; political will of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the political system; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual nature of facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reality; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections in Chojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behavior in Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural and ethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots on their political choices. Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlights not only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergence on local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fight between candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of Polish United Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, author stresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members of PUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989 election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles in the northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election. The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary, bibliography, index and appendix. The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989. The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elections to the Sejm and the Senate. The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local communists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change. The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence from both sides of the political conflict. The fifth chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm and the Senate. The sixth chapter shows election campaign. The seventh one shows election results. The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens in Chojnice constituency. In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Chojnice town, and Chojnice country. As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged after empirical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People's Republic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power and authority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selected as democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudes in Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and the tradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest support for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groups called Krajniacy and Borowiacy. ; Monografia powstała ona w wyniku analizy procesu wyborczego tzw. przełomu politycznego związanego z wyborami czerwcowymi 1989 r. Jest to studium zdarzeń i zjawisk z tamtego okresu, z okręgu wyborczego nr 14 Chojnice, który to okręg do Sejmu PRL obejmował w wyborach kontaktowych całą północną część województwa bydgoskiego i był jednym ze 108 takich okręgów w Polsce. W książce przedstawiono zarówno genezę decyzji politycznych stojących za wyborem przedterminowych wyborów w 1989 r. przez reżim komunistyczny, jak i między innymi proces wyłaniania liderów na listy wyborcze. Zaprezentowano postawy polityczne, kontekst społeczno-polityczny, stanowisko lokalnych struktur Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej i jej działaczy wobec perspektywy głębokich przemian politycznych, które zapowiadały wybory czerwcowe, jak i też zaprezentowano reakcje powyborcze chojnickich komunistów. Dokonano także analizy porównawczej, według podstawowej jednostki jaką była gmina, ukazując zróżnicowanie postaw również w odniesieniu do przynależności etnograficznej wyborców w okręgu wyborczym nr 14. Analizie poddano także wybory do Senatu, koncentrując się na przebiegu kampanii, kandydatach oraz wynikach z terenu północnej części województwa bydgoskiego. Całość studium jest wynikiem analizy materiałów źródłowych - tj. dokumentów Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej, Rady Państwa oraz Komitetu Miejskiego PZPR w Chojnicach i Komitetu Gminnego PZPR w Chojnicach oraz relacji i wspomnień.

Türkiye'de demokratikleşme sürecinde 12 Eylül 1980 Askeri Müdahalesi ve Kırşehir Basını isimli çalışmamda ilk olarak demokrasi, demokratikleşme, ihtilal gibi kavramların anlaşılması gerektiği düşüncesindeyim. Demokrasi, vatandaşların, devlet politikasını şekillendirmede eşit hakka sahip olduğu bir yönetim biçimidir. Cumhuriyet halkın egemenliğine dayanan bir sistem, demokrasi ise cumhuriyetin uygulanış şekillerinden biridir. Demokrasiye uygun bir şekilde yaşama biçimine ise demokratikleşme denilmektedir. İhtilal, Bir ülkenin siyasal, sosyal ve ekonomik yapısını veya yönetim düzenini değiştirmek amacıyla kanunlara uymaksızın kuvvet kullanarak köklü bir değişiklik için yapılan militarist bir hareketidir. Ülkemizde yaşanan askeri müdahalelerin gerekçeleri; ülke bütünlüğünü korumak, millî birlik ve beraberliği sağlamak, muhtemel bir iç savaşı ve kardeş kavgasını önlemek, devlet otoritesini ve varlığını yeniden tesis etmek ve demokratik düzenin işlemesine mani olan sebepleri ortadan kaldırmak olarak gösterilmiştir. Geçmişte çeşitli sebeplerle yaşanılanlar da göstermiştir ki demokrasinin işlemesi ve yürütülmesi için çalışan parlamento kapatılarak demokrasi ve demokratikleşme sağlanamaz. Müdahaleyi yapanların her türlü karar ve tasarruflarından dolayı haklarında cezaî, malî veya hukukî sorumluluk iddiası ileri sürülemez ve bu maksatla herhangi bir yargı merciye başvurulamazlığı sağlayan anayasa maddesi 2010 referandumu sonrası değiştirilmiş ve o dönemle ilgili yargılama 13 Eylül 2010 tarihinde başlamıştır. Şu da bir gerçektir ki hiçbir askeri müdahale ülkeyi rahata, huzura götürememiştir. Müdahale sonrası; ister sağ, ister sol kesimden olsun -Türkiye?nin yarınları, umutları belki de gelecekleri olan büyük çoğunluğu gençlerden oluşan ülkesini milletini seven- birçok insanın mağduriyetine herkes tanık olmuştur. 12 Eylül ülkenin geçmiş birikimini, deneyimini belki de en önemlisi yarınını ortadan kaldırmıştır. Türkiye, 27 Mayıs 1960,12 Mart 1971 ve 12 Eylül 1980?leri yaşayarak, demokrasisi çeşitli sebeplerle askıya alınarak bugünlere gelmiştir. Eğitim seviyesi yükseltilerek ülkenin varlığı ve birliği için çalışan sivil toplum kuruluşlarının daha da yaygınlaşması, temel haklarını bilen vatandaşların yetişmesi ve demokrasinin birlikte yaşama anlayışı olduğunun anlaşılması olarak kabul edilmesi rahat, mutlu, huzurlu ama kesintiye uğramayacak demokratik yarınların göstergesi olacaktır. Evrensel değerler bağlamında amaç birlik ve beraberlik içinde daha güzel, daha mutlu yarınlara ulaşmaktır. Anahtar Sözcükler: Demokrasi, Demokratikleşme, Askeri Müdahaleler ve Basın. ; In my study that named `September 12th, 1980 Military Intervention and the Kırşehir Press in the process of democratization in Turkey?, firstly it should be understood the terms such as democracy, democratization and revolution. Democracy is a form of government that all citizens have equal rights in shaping government policy. Republic is the system that based on the sovereignty of the people, democracy is on the other hand one of the forms of implementation of the republic. Living in accordance with democracy called as `democratization?. The revolution is a wide public movement for a radical change by using force in order to change a country?s political, social and economic structure or layout of the managament. The reasons for military intervention in our country are shown as to protect the integrity of the country, to ensure national unity and solidarity, to prevent a possible civil war and fratricidal quarrel, to re-establish the existence of state authority and to eliminate the raesons that prevent functioning of the democratic system. The events about past for various reasons have shown that by closing the parlament which functioning and executing for democracy, it is not possible to achieve democracy and democratization. Because of their all kind of decisions and possessions for the people who interfere it is not asserted the claim of criminal, financial and legal responsibility and for this purpose it may not be applied any judicial authority. The constitutional court were changed after the 2010 referandum and the trial about that period began 13th September 2010. But this is also a fact that no military intervention take the country to peace and comfort. After the intervention, whether right or left part supporter, many people were lost especially and vast majority of them youngs who are Turkey?s tomorrows, prospects and perhaps the future and this fact has witnessed by many people. September 12th eliminated the country? s past knowledge, experience and perhaps most importantly its future. Turkey has survived until today by living May 27th 1960, March 12th 1971, September 12th 1980 and by suspending its democracy for various reasons. It will be the indicator of comfortable, happy, peaceful but uninterrupted democratic future as the expansion of non-governmental organizations that are working for their country?s existense and cooperation by taking into account or even increasing the level of education,the growth of citizens who know their fundemantal rights and adoption of democracy as the understanding of living together. In the context of üniversal values the aim is to achieve happier and more beautiful future living unity and solidarity. Key words: Democracy, Democratization, military Interventions and Press

Dünyada, tarihi çok eskilere dayanan yerel yönetimlerin, Türk idare kültürüne girmesi Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun son dönemlerine rastlamaktadır. Yerel yönetimler, bir geçiş sürecinden çok, zorunlu sebeplerden dolayı oluşturulmuş yeni yapılanmalardan biri olarak Osmanlı idari sistemine dahil edilmiştir. Yerel yönetimlerin belediye şeklinde örgütlenmesi ise 1800'lü yılların ilk yarısına denk gelmektedir. Tanzimat ile ortaya çıkan yerel yönetimlerde, özerkçi eğilimlerin olduğu sıklıkla dile getirilmektedir. Bu doğrultuda ilk belediye teşkilatı 1855 yılında İstanbul'da kurulmuştur. Söz konusu yapılanmadan sonra büyükşehir belediye örgütlenmesinin yönetim sistemine dahil edilmesi için 129 yıl gibi bir süre geçmiştir. Bu süreçte bir İmparatorluk yıkılıp yerine Cumhuriyet temelli bir devlet kurulmuştur. Cumhuriyet döneminde, güçlü yerel yönetimlerin oluşturulması için gösterilen çabalar yetersiz kalmıştır. Bu durumun ekonomik, sosyal, politik birçok sebebi bulunmaktadır. Bu nedenle, hem kuramsal hem de uygulama boyutuyla yerel yönetimlerin irdelenmesi gerekmektedir. Yerel yönetim sisteminde bir çeşit yapılanma olan ve çalışmanın ana temasını oluşturan büyükşehir belediyeleri, 1984 yılında kurulmuştur. Bu tarihten yola çıkarak öncesi ve sonrasıyla büyükşehir belediyelerinin geçirmiş olduğu evrim, farklı başlıklar altında incelenmiştir. İnceleme yapılırken, hem teorik düzlemde hem de uygulamalı olarak belirlenen büyükşehir belediyelerinde demokrasi ve etkinlik boyutlarıyla bir analiz gerçekleştirilmiştir. Çalışma ile genel olarak, büyükşehir belediyelerinin etkinliğinin ve demokratiklik açısından mevcut durumunun ortaya konulması ve daha etkin ve demokratik büyükşehir belediyelerinin oluşturulması için öneriler geliştirilmesi amaçlanmıştır. ; Before addressing the formation process of metropolitan municipalities, formation of local governments needs to be considered. Early adoption of local governments by Turkish administrative culture goes back to the final years of Ottoman Empire. Local governments have been created as one of new administrative structures due to necessities rather than a transition process in Ottoman history. Early municipal forms of local government organizations go back to first decades of 1800s. It is often mentioned that autonomists trends existed at local administrations during Tanzimat era. In this direction, the first municipal organization was established in 1855 in Istanbul. After the mentioned settlement, it took 129 years for metropolitan municipal organization's getting involved in administrative system. . During this period, a collapsed empire has been replaced by a republic-based state. In republic period efforts were insufficient to develop strong local governments. There are several economic, social and political reasons of this failure. Therefore, local authorities should be discussed with both theoretical and practical dimensions. Metropolitan municipalities which is a kind of settlement in administrative system and constitute the main theme of this study, was established in 1984. Based on prior to this date, evolution of metropolitan municipalities has been examined under the different headings with before and after. During the examination; metropolitan municipalities have been analysed in theoretical and practical ways with democracy and efficiency dimensions. In this study it is aimed the determining of metropolitan municipalities' current situation about efficiency and democratization and offering suggestions for constituting more effective and democratic metropolitan municipalities. Before addressing the formation process of metropolitan municipalities, formation of local governments needs to be considered. Early adoption of local governments by Turkish administrative culture goes back to the final years of Ottoman Empire. Local governments have been created as one of new administrative structures due to necessities rather than a transition process in Ottoman history. Early municipal forms of local government organizations go back to first decades of 1800s. It is often mentioned that autonomists trends existed at local administrations during Tanzimat era. In this direction, the first municipal organization was established in 1855 in Istanbul. After the mentioned settlement, it took 129 years for metropolitan municipal organization's getting involved in administrative system. . During this period, a collapsed empire has been replaced by a republic-based state. In republic period efforts were insufficient to develop strong local governments. There are several economic, social and political reasons of this failure. Therefore, local authorities should be discussed with both theoretical and practical dimensions. Metropolitan municipalities which is a kind of settlement in administrative system and constitute the main theme of this study, was established in 1984. Based on prior to this date, evolution of metropolitan municipalities has been examined under the different headings with before and after. During the examination; metropolitan municipalities have been analysed in theoretical and practical ways with democracy and efficiency dimensions. In this study it is aimed the determining of metropolitan municipalities' current situation about efficiency and democratization and offering suggestions for constituting more effective and democratic metropolitan municipalities.

Unia Europejska dopiero w 2007 r. zaproponowała wobec regionu Azji Centralnej strategię, w której odniesiono się do różnych problemów, w tym deficytu demokracji i łamania praw człowieka. Istotnym ograniczeniem działań UE jest występowanie w cieniu USA oraz brak ambicji by także rozwijać współpracę w innych obszarach jak bezpieczeństwo czy zwiększenie europejskich inwestycji. Kolejnym problemem jest po zakończeniu jedynej strategii brak nakreślenia priorytetów, które umożliwiłoby UE na odgrywanie większej roli w Azji Centralnej. ; European Union after years of relatively small activity, in 2007 offered a strategy to Central Asia. In that strategy were addressed many issues, including democratic deficit or human rights violations. EU in its activity is overshadowed by the US and has small capacity for pursuing its own policy to the Central Asia. Another problem is a fact that after accomplishing EU strategy to Central Asia there are no new initiatives which will contribute for more visible European activity in that region.

Unia Europejska dopiero w 2007 r. zaproponowała wobec regionu Azji Centralnej strategię, w której odniesiono się do różnych problemów, w tym deficytu demokracji i łamania praw człowieka. Istotnym ograniczeniem działań UE jest występowanie w cieniu USA oraz brak ambicji by także rozwijać współpracę w innych obszarach jak bezpieczeństwo czy zwiększenie europejskich inwestycji. Kolejnym problemem jest po zakończeniu jedynej strategii brak nakreślenia priorytetów, które umożliwiłoby UE na odgrywanie większej roli w Azji Centralnej. ; European Union after years of relatively small activity, in 2007 offered a strategy to Central Asia. In that strategy were addressed many issues, including democratic deficit or human rights violations. EU in its activity is overshadowed by the US and has small capacity for pursuing its own policy to the Central Asia. Another problem is a fact that after accomplishing EU strategy to Central Asia there are no new initiatives which will contribute for more visible European activity in that region.

Dünyada demokrasi adına gerçekleşen sistem değişikliği akımına paralel ülkemizde de parlamenter sistemden başkanlık sistemine 2017 Anayasa değişikliği ile geçildi. Bu sistem değişikliğini yorumlamak adına çalışmamızda ülkemizle benzer şekilde, Batı Avrupa'dan etkilenerek parlamenter sistemi tercih eden ve değişim talepleri karşısında parlamenter sistemden başkanlık sistemine geçen ülkeler ve bu ülkelerde başkanlık sistemi tercihinin demokraside 3. Dalga hareketi mi yoksa demokraside ters bir dalga hareketi mi yarattığına değineceğiz. Demokratik dalga analizlerini Freedom House raporları dâhilinde değerlendireceğiz. Türkiye'de 2017'de yaşanan sistem değişikliği taleplerinin geçmişi ve yeni sisteme yöneltilen olumlu-olumsuz eleştirelere çalışmamızda yer vereceğiz. Türkiye ile benzer şekilde parlamenter yönetimden, başkanlık sistemine geçen Burundi, Afganistan, Nijerya ve Sudan ülkelerinde meydana gelen demokratik dalgalara değineceğiz. Freedom House raporları dâhilinde tercih edilen bu yeni sistemler, Samuel Huntington'un değindiği üzere demokrasiyi geliştiren üçüncü bir demokrasi dalgası mı yoksa demokrasiyi baltalayan üçüncü bir ters dalga mı gerçekleşmiştir? Çalışmamızda Freedom House Raporlarının son dört yıllık verilerini inceledik ve raporlardan başkanlık sistemli demokrasilerde yaşanan demokratik kırılmaların daha çok ve yoğun olduğu, ek olarak ülkemizde de sistem değişikliğinin demokraside kırılmalara ve anti-demokratik eğilimlere yol açtığı sonucuna ulaştık. ; Our country passed the presidential system from the parliamentary system to 2017 with the change of the mainstream, parallel to the current system change in the name of democracy in the world. We will touch upon in order to interpret the choice of the presidential system the third wave movement in democracy or an opposite wave movement in democracy in this system change that the countries passed from the parliamentary system to the presidential system like our country. We will evaluate the democratic fluctuation analyzes within the Freedom House reports. History of system changes in demand experienced in Turkey in 2017, and directed the new system will give our work the positive and negative critics in the democracy. We will look at the democratic fluctuations that took place in the countries of Burundi, Afghanistan, Nigeria and Sudan in the same way as our country. These new systems preferred will be comed true as the third wave of democracy or democracy that undermines democracy as Samuel Huntington points out by Freedom House reports? In our study, we examined the data of the last four years of the Freedom House Reports and we have reached the conclusion from reports that presidential system democracies are more and more intense democratic breakdowns, and in our country, system change leads to democracies and anti-democratic tendencies

Halkın taleplerinin yönetime iletilmesinde çok önemli araçlardan birisi olan sivil toplum kurulusları, özellikle 1980 sonrasında, katılımı artırmaya ve demokrasinin tabana inmesine yönelik çalısmalara da öncülük etmislerdir. Bu baglamda yerel yönetimlerin demokratiklesmesinin gerekliligi anlasılmıs, güçlü bir yerel demokrasinin ulusal düzeyde de güçlü bir demokrasiyi doguracagı inancıyla, yerel yönetimleri demokratiklestirme çabaları hız kazanmıstır. Sivil toplum kurulusları bu çabaların en önemli aktörlerinden birisi olarak ön plana çıkmıstır. Sivil toplum kuruluslarının bu yöndeki çabalarını ortaya koymayı amaçlayan bu çalısma, yerel yönetim yerel demokrasi iliskisi tartısmasını ve sivil toplum kavramını ele almakta, 1980 sonrası Dünya'da ve Türkiye'deki gelismelere deginerek, Türkiye için kısa bir degerlendirme yapmaktadır. ; Civil society organizations that have been one of the very important instruments of the public's demands' transfered to the administrations –especially after 1980- have guided to upgrade the participation and the works that the democracy's coming down to the substructures . In this context the necessity of local governments' democratization's has been understood, with the belief of a powerful local democracy's giving birth to a powerful democracy in also the national level the efforts of democratization of local governments have gained speed and civil society organizations have been come into prominence as one of the most important actors of these efforts. This article which aims to show the contributions of civil society organization's in this direction explains the debates of the relationships of local government and local democracy, the concept of civil society , with mentioning the developments in Turkey and in the World after 1980, makes a brief evaluation for Turkey