Suchergebnisse

There are varied institutional forms (formal and informal) in which electoral (political) subjects take part in elections. Elections for assemblies show that the actions of such subjects are differently motivated, and also that their approach during conflict or cooperation in the realization of their wishes is different. Thus conflict situations, »election scandals«, occur sporadically. Such conflicts are an expression and a result of contradictory desires and actions of the participants. The significance and effect of an electoral conflict is conditioned and determined by the (political) significance of the elections themselves, not only in the sense that they are formally one of the basic constitutive elements of the political system, but first and foremost because they are the form in which citizens are active in politics. Following the procedure in election the author has tried to reveal the basic actors in electoral conflicts, the content of their conflict and the form it takes. In the author's opinion it is wrong to pass an a priori judgement of the character and value of electoral »cases« (negative judgements have usually been passed), the foundation of the conflict and the character and orientation of the persons involved, who do not seek for affirmation of their political value in the strength of arguments and objective achievement. We can understand and solve the ambivalent character of such conflicts, and the political behavior of their participants, only after studying the case. There will be a smaller number of »cases« and electoral conflicts, and they will be less complicated, the more consistently we free ourselves from varied formal-legal and political restraints, and the more society takes on the characteristics of self-managing and democratic socialism. Conflicts of this type are not the result of democracy. They are the result of its insufficient development or presence, thus making it subject to misunderstanding, searching and abuse.

U ovome broju časopisa Etnološka tribina objavljujemo temat koji problematizira turizam – njegove aktere, politike i procese – kako one koji oblikuju i usmjeravaju turizam tako i one koje turizam stvara i pokreće. Radovi u tematu bave se različitim vizijama i strategijama turističkog razvoja (Antonio Miguel Nogués-Pedregal, Raúl Travé-Molero i Daniel Carmona-Zubiri); primjenom načela stvaranja doživljaja u suvremenim muzejskim postavima (Daniela Angelina Jelinčić i Matea Senkić); vezom tradicijske prehrane, okusa i nostalgije u istarskim agroturizmima (Tanja Kocković Zaborski); oblikovanjem memorijalnih mjesta bitki na Soči u Prvom svjetskom ratu i posjetima tim lokalitetima u međuratnom razdoblju (Petra Kavrečič); okolišnim, društvenim i političko-ekonomskim procesima koji utječu na baštinu i turizam na Zlarinu i u Trenti (Peter Simonič); životom Danice Brössler u Dubrovniku kao primjerom turističkih aktivnosti pojedinaca (Tihana Petrović Leš). ; The thematic section of this year's issue of Etnološka tribina problematises tourism and its actors, politics and processes – both those which shape and direct tourism, and those which are created and sparked by tourism. The articles deal with different visions and strategies of tourist development (Antonio Miguel Nogués-Pedregal, Raúl Travé-Molero and Daniel Carmona-Zubiri); the application of the principles of experience creation in contemporary museum displays (Daniela Angelina Jelinčić and Matea Senkić); the relationships between traditional food, tastes and nostalgia in Istrian agrotourism (Tanja Kocković Zaborski); the construction of the memorial sites of the Soča front in WWI and visits to those sites in the interwar period (Petra Kavrečič); environmental, social and political-economic processes which influence heritage and tourism on Zlarin Island and in the Trenta Valley (Peter Simonič); and the life of Danica Brössler in Dubrovnik as an example of an individual's tourist activities (Tihana Petrović Leš).

Polarizacijski procesi započeti u Hrvatskoj 1950-ih rezultirali su nejednakim društveno-ekonomskim razvojem i prostornim prerazmještajem stanovništva, te koncentracijom stanovništva, radnih mjesta i stanova u gradskim naseljima. Obalni gradovi kao polovi i nositelji društveno-gospodarskog razvoja u svojim regijama postaju žarišta koncentracije stanovništva, a otoci i zaleđe prostori populacijskoga pražnjenja i starenja. Intenzivno doseljavanje pozitivno se odrazilo na demografski razvitak većih obalnih gradova, pa oni postaju nositelji bioreprodukcije i sve do posljednjega međupopisnoga razdoblja (1991.-2001.) bilježe dinamičan populacijski rast. Političke i gospodarske promjene te posljedice rata produbile su i ubrzale ionako nepovoljne demografske procese, što se ogleda u ukupnoj depopulaciji te pogoršanju struktura stanovništva obalnih jadranskih gradova. Smanjenje rodnosti, starenje stanovništva te promjene životnih vrijednosti i novi životni stil dovode do transformacije obitelji i promjena u veličini kućanstava i odnosa među članovima. Opća je tendencija postupno smanjivanje broja višečlanih kućanstava i neprestani rast udjela dvočlanih i samačkih kućanstava. ; Polarisation processes, which began in Croatia in the 1950's, resulted in disparate socio-economic development, in an uneven spatial distribution of the population, and in a concentration of people, jobs and housing in urban settlements. Coastal cities, as hubs and agents of socio-economic development, in their regions became focal points for the concentration of the population, while islands and hinterland areas suffered depopulation and demographic ageing. Intense in-migration had a positive influence on the demographic development of coastal cities. They became hotbeds of bioreproduction and up to the most recent intercensus period (1991–2001) displayed dynamic population growth. However political and economic changes in this recent period, together with the effects of the war, deepened and accelerated increasingly unfavourable demographic processes, which were reflected in an overall reduction of the population of coastal Adriatic cities, as well as in a deterioration of its structure. Decreasing fertility, demographic ageing and changes in life values brought about a transformation of the family, and hence changes in the size of households and in the relations among family members. The general trend today involves a gradual reduction in the number of household members, and a continuous increase in the number of two and one-member households.

U ovom radu, u razmatranju povijesnog razvoja stanovništva u zapadnoeuropskim zemljama u razdoblju nakon sredine 1960-ih godina, težište je izlaganja na temi "druga demografska tranzicija." Analizirat ćemo demografska i socio-demografska obilježja toga razdoblja, sličnosti i razlike s etapom prethodne demografske tranzicije te podudarnost "druge demografske tranzicije" s posttranzicijskom etapom u razvoju stanovništva. Nastojat ćemo odgovoriti na temeljno pitanje koje se u tim razmatranjima postavlja: može li se na osnovi empirijske i znanstvene analize "druga demografska tranzicija" smatrati "posebnom, novom etapom u razvoju stanovništva" ili je ona samo drugo ime za posttranzicijsku etapu kao etapu nakon prethodne ("prve") demografske tranzicije. U novim razvojnim uvjetima i uz nove ekonomskosocijalne, tehničko-tehnološke, vrijednosne, kulturološke i socio-psihološke čimbenike, "druga demografska tranzicija" predstavlja kontinuitet u odnosu na ustanovljen trend smanjivanja nataliteta/fertiliteta u prethodnoj demografskoj tranzicij i, koji je u novim uvjetima života i rada te djelovanju novih, napose vrijednosnih čimbenika relevantnih za postindustrijsko i postmodernizacijsko društvo, usmjeren na postignuće generacijski ispodzamjenskog nataliteta/fertiliteta. ; The second demographic transition came about in European demographic literature as a topic in 1986. The authors thereof were Dutch demographers Dirk van de Kaa and Ron Lesthaeghe. Starting from the demographic-historical conceptualisation of the theory of demographic transition, it may be concluded that following the fi rst demographic transition, the stage the authors call the second demographic transition occured in the development of the population. This is however only another name for the post-transitional stage, whereby this term includes the continuity of demographic trends, while the term the second demographic transition explains the discontinuity between the periods of the fi rst and the second demographic transition. Van de Kaa (1987) emphasises that due to the impact of essential specifi c factors, essential diff erences emerged between these two transitions. During the second demographic transition, they were caused by secularisation and individualisation processes, and new factors linked with them (new value orientation; socio-psychological and other factors). They caused a decline of marriages; an increase in the number of cohabitations and other forms of life partnerships; an increase in the number of children born out of wedlock; an increase in the number of divorces; etc., which have become acceptable in the perception of the young generation. On the contrary, having children and the number of children have become a matt er of partners' free choice, as their primary goal is to achieve self-fulfi lment at personal level. It has all exercised an impact on a further fertility reduction, which started in the middle phase, and became intensifi ed in the late phase of the fi rst transition. Essential diff erences between the fi rst and the second transition, which the authors mention in the paper, have however arisen from the understandable fact that each period bear their own specifi c historical context and specifi c features of social diff erentiation. The authors point out that essential diff erences between the two transitions have further arisen from the main postulates they are based upon. The fi nal stage of the fi rst transition was based on balance (zero level) between low birth and death rates, and on stationary population. In the second demographic transition, birth and fertility rates tended to be reduced to the sub-replacement level, or, according to Lesthaeghe, to the sustainable sub-replacement fertility level, which, along with life prolongation, intensifi ed population aging, which demanded the so-called replacement migration as a compensation for the decrease in workforce. Starting from the thesis that the second demographic transition was a new stage in European demographic history, separated from the fi rst transition, the authors emphasised that there was no continuity in fertility reduction between the two transitions, as in the second transition, this trend was oriented towards the permanent and sustainable sub-replacement fertility level. However, many other demographers, such as R. Cliquet and D. Coleman, hold that between the two transitions, there was a continuity in demographic trends, in particular fertility reduction, which leaned on the low fertility level already achieved in the fi nal stage of the fi rst demographic transition. Our research has led to the identical conclusion, as it commenced from the fact that fertility reduction started in the middle phase of the fi rst transition and became intensifi ed in the late phase thereof; hence, fertility reduction in the second demographic transition continued to the balance of low levels of these rates, already achieved in the fi rst transition. The turn that occurred in the fi rst decade of the 21st century indicated to the possibility of the emergence of new factors in new social circumstances, which might infl uence the growth of birth/fertility rates. According to the available data, the total fertility rate in most of Western European countries grew and approximated the replacement level, yet did not exceed it. A longer period of studying this complex phenomenon is hence rate decrease to the sub-replacement level was irreversible and permanently sustainable in highly-developed countries.

Hrvatska je 2002. godine provela radikalnu reformu mirovinskog sustava privatizacijom dijela javnog sustava, takozvani II. stup definiranih doprinosa, te uvođenjem i III. dobrovoljnog stupa. Reforma je provedena po modelu Svjetske banke slično kao i u drugim tranzicijskim zemljama. Za razliku od drugih tranzicijskih zemalja, hrvatski je sustav preživio krizu i u njemu nisu poduzimane značajnije dodatne reforme. U tekstu se tematizira korist i potreba provođenja evaluacija ovako opsežnih reformi kao razvoj politike utemeljene na dokazima. U tom kontekstu, analiziraju se mirovinske reforme u zemljama višegradske skupine (Poljska, Slovačka i Mađarska) gdje je pod utjecajem krize ukinuto obvezno članstvo u II. stupu. Glede politike mirovinskih reformi, u ovim zemljama na djelu je proces konvergencije. Rasprave o privatizaciji mirovinskog sustava sežu u prvu polovicu 1990-ih, a uvođenjem II. stupa govorilo se o razvoju tržišta kapitala, poticanju gospodarskog razvoja, novog zapošljavanja te većih mirovina. Premda je bilo političkih planova o privremenom zaustavljanju uplata u II. stup, on je preživio krizu. Suočena s manjim mirovinama iz I. i II. stupa za dobrovoljne drugostupaše od mirovina iz I. stupa vlada je dala dodatak dragovoljnim drugostupašima koji se vraćaju u I. stup. Reformom 2018. znatan dio dodatka imaju i obvezni drugostupaši. Analiza javnog diskursa govori da su glavne dnevne novine dio medijske kampanje obveznih mirovinskih fondova (OMF), zapravo društava za upravljanje mirovinskim fondovima, i u njima nema mjesta za drugačije mišljenje o II. stupu. U tekstu se analiziraju operativni troškovi društava za upravljanje OMF-ima, dominanta ulaganja u države obveznice čime se povećava javni dug te, imajući u vidu javne podatke, tranzicijski trošak. Zaključno se vrednuju dometi mirovinske reforme s nalazima evaluacije koji ukazuju na neodrživost II. stupa te njegovu reformu kao u spomenutim tranzicijskim zemljama. ; In 2002 Croatia implemented a radical pension system reform through privatization of a part of the public system, the so-called second pillar of defined contributions and the introduction of the third voluntary pillar. The reform was implemented according to the World Bank model, similarly as in other countries in transition. Unlike other countries in transition, the Croatian system survived the crisis and no other significant additional reform was undertaken in it. The text analyses the use and need of conducting an evaluation of such comprehensive reforms as a policy development based on evidence. In that context, the paper examines pension reforms in the Visegrád Group countries (Poland, Slovakia and Hungary) where the mandatory participation in the second pillar was cancelled due to the crisis. With regard to pension reform policies, these countries are undergoing a convergence process. Discussions about the pension system privatization date back to the first part of the 1990s, and the introduction of the mandatory second pillar opened debates about the capital market development, stimulation of economic growth, new employment and larger pensions. Although there were some political plans to temporarily halt payments to the second pillar, it survived the crisis. Faced with the pensions from the first and second pillars for voluntary second tier participants that were smaller than the pensions from the first pillar only, the government gave an increase to the second tier participants returning to the first pillar. The 2018 reform provided a considerable part of the increase for the mandatory second tier participants. The public discourse analysis shows that main daily newspapers serve as a part of the media campaign of the mandatory pension funds, actually pension fund management companies, and there is no place for different opinions about the second pillar in them. The paper analyses the operative costs of pension fund management companies, dominant investments in government bonds which increases public debt and, bearing in mind publicly available data, the costs of transition. Finally, pension reform aims are assessed against evaluation findings that point to the unsustainable second pillar and its reform similar to the reforms in aforementioned countries.

Procesi financijske intermedijacije imali su važnu ulogu u transformaciji zemalja CEE-a u tržišne ekonomije. Intervencije države u mobiliziranju i alociranju financijskih resursa prepoznate su kao efikasan i brz put k razvijanju financijskih sustava. Stoga su nositelji ekonomske politike usmjerili svoje napore k osiguranju bazičnih zakonodavnih okvira i potrebne infrastrukture, kao i dizajniranju i implementiranju primjerenih strukturnih reformi. Uz navedeno, razvoj sustava potaknut je i adekvatnim institucijskim okvirom. Institucijskom promjenom može se smatrati proces koji dovodi do rasta institucija i njihovog kvalitativnog razvoja. U početku tranzicijskog procesa, gospodarstva CEE-a i institucije bili su značajno određeni tradicijom i nasljeđem bankocentričnog sustava, kao i izostankom ostalih financijskih institucija i tržišta, a ujedno je razvoj institucija dosegnuo različite razine napretka. Razvoj financijskih tržišta i institucijskih investitora kao alternative klasičnom i dominirajućem bankovnom financiranju, u zemljama CEE-a u velikoj mjeri bio je potaknut strukturnim reformama od kojih se posebno ističu privatizacija i uvođenje mirovinskog sustava kapitalizirane štednje, jačanje supervizorskih struktura i različitih modaliteta fiskalne konsolidacije. Cilj rada je ukazati na važnost odabira i implementiranja strukturnih reformi koje pridonose razvoju financijskog sustava i napretku ekonomija CEE-a. ; The processes of financial intermediation had an important role in the transformation of CEE countries into a market economy. Government interventions in mobilizing and allocating financial resources are recognized as an efficient and fast way for developing financial systems. Policy makers have the highest responsibility since they need to ensure not only basic legislative and institutional frameworks, but also need to design and implement adequate structural reforms. All this should be accompanied by an incentive institutional framework. Institutional changes can be regarded as a process that leads to the growth of institutions and their qualitative development. In the beginning of the transition process, economies and institutions were largely determined by the tradition and heritage with the development of institutions reaching different levels of progress. The development of financial markets and institutional investors, as alternatives of classical and prevailing bank financing in CEE countries, have largely been driven by structural reforms, of which the most important are:privatization and pension reform and the introduction of the pension system funded savings, a government bond issue in the domestic market, strengthening supervisory structures and tax reform. The aim of this paper is to point out to the importance of planning and implementing structural reforms which contribute to the development of the financial sector and the progress of the CEE countries.

Stupanje na snagu Ugovora iz Lisabona 2009. godine označilo je veliki iskorak u procesu dublje integracije u okviru Europske unije. Potpuno ukidanje kontrole na granicama između država članica, koje su ovu domenu dugo ljubomorno čuvale za sebe, predstavljalo je najveće iskušenje u kompliciranom procesu prenošenja nadležnosti u području politike migracije i azila na nadnacionalnu razinu. Činjenica da je sve veći broj državljana tzv. trećih država, u potrazi za boljim životom ili bježeći od rata, pristizao na teritorij Unije, zavrijedila je pozornost donositelja odluka da počnu pripremati teren za uspostavljanje jedinstvenog sustava reguliranja pitanja migracije i azila. U ovom radu bit će prikazan razvoj politike azila kao jedne od važnih sektorskih politika Europske unije. Cilj je prikazati kako je Europska unija kao sui generis politički sustav, uspijevala znatan dio ovlasti u ovom području prebaciti u domenu rada svojih institucija i s kojom je uspješnošću to postizala. Rad je podijeljen na četiri cjeline. U prvom dijelu analizira se politika azila kao sektorska politika u institucionalnom i zakonodavnom sustavu EU, dok se u drugom dijelu opisuje povijesni razvoj ove politike. Treći dio predstavlja kratki osvrt na europsku migracijsku krizu, dok četvrti dio sadrži zaključna razmatranja autora. ; Coming into force in 2009, the Treaty of Lisbon was a great step in the process of deeper integration within the European Union itself. The complete abolition of control at the borders between the member states, which had up to then been keeping a jealous watch over this domain, represented the biggest temptation during the complicated process of the transfer of authority in the field of migration politics and asylum to supranational level. The fact is that the constantly increasing number of the so-called "third country nationals," arriving to the EU territory in search of a better life or running away from war, proved to be worth of the attention of decision-makers, and gave them impetus to start preparing the ground for establishing a unique regulation system for migration and asylum matters. In this paper, the development of the asylum policy will be described as one of the important sectoral policies of the EU. The aim is to show how the EU as a sui generis political system was able to transfer significant amount of authority in this field into the domain of its institutions' work and how successful it was. The paper is divided into four major units. The first unit is related to asylum policy as a sectoral policy inside the institutional and legislative system of the EU. In the second unit we describe specific historical development of this policy. The third unit is reserved for a brief review of the European migration crisis, and the fourth part contains concluding considerations of the authors.

U radu se prikazuju neke od temeljnih koncepcija lokalne samouprave koje su se iskristalizirale u literaturi. Prikazuju se koncepcija političke i upravne decentralizacije, marksistička koncepcija komune te pristupi razvijeni u okviru nekih meðunarodnih asocijacija, prvenstveno koncept razvoja zajednice i načelo supsidijarnosti. U nastavku se analizira sadržaj prava na lokalnu samoupravu i njegova zaštita u pravnom sustavu Republike Hrvatske. Poseban naglasak stavljen je na uređenje raspuštanja lokalnih predstavničkih tijela. Nadalje, u radu se kritički analizira uređenje sustava lokalne samouprave u Republici Hrvatskoj. Pri tome se razlikuju dvije faze. Prva, koja je velikom dijelom počivala na koncepciji upravne decentralizacije, dominirala je uređenjem lokalne samouprave u prvih deset godina samostalnosti. Političkim, ustavnim i zakonskim promjenama u razdoblju 2000.–2001., formalno je započela druga faza uređenja lokalne samouprave u Republici Hrvatskoj utemeljena na koncepciji političke decentralizacije. ; The article presents some of the fundamental concepts of local self-government which have crystallized in literature. The concepts of political and administrative decentralisation, the Marxist concept of the commune and the approaches developed within the framework of some international associations, primarily the concept of the development of the community and the principle of subsidiarity are presented. The content of the right to local self-government and its protection in the legal system of the Republic of Croatia, regulation of local self-government and particularly regulation of the dissolution of local representative bodies are analysed. There are two phases of the regulation of local self-government. The first one, mostly based on the concept of administrative decentralisation, dominated the local self-government regulation for the first ten years of its independence. In that phase, the local government did not sufficiently develop its democratic potential, which was the consequence of a number of factors. Among others, the legal framework which regarded local units as instruments of central government, high level of centralisation, undeveloped democratic environment, inadequate territorial division, etc. By political, constitutional and legal changes in the period of 2000/1, the second phase of the local self-government regulation in Croatia formally started. The basic approach to local self-government is dominated by the concept of political decentralisation. Although legal solutions provide for the development of local potentials, there remains the question of the direction of further development of local self-government in the Republic of Croatia. The experience so far has shown that there is still not enough attention paid to the development of local institutions. There are still numerous problems, while there is not enough political will to lead systematically an active decentralisation policy. The policy of enlarging and strengthening of local units is not clear enough. In the end, it is pointed out that along with the basic provisions which regulate local self-government, it is also necessary to use other mechanisms in order to build a modern system of local self-government prepared for European integration.

The theoretical part of the paper consists of an analysis of different approaches and models for evaluating the quality of practice in early childhood education (ECE) institutions. The particularity of evaluating the quality of planning and documenting the educational process and monitoring children's achievements was emphasized. The empirical part of the paper presents the results of research conducted in institutions of early childhood education in the Herzegovina-Neretva County (B&H). Taking into account the territorial, cultural and legislative characteristics of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a model for (self) evaluation of planning and documenting the quality of the educational process and monitoring the development of children in early childhood education has been defined. The model can serve as a starting point for further research on improving the quality of planning and documenting educational processes and monitoring children's achievements, as well as improving the quality of other aspects and areas within preschool institutions. ; Teorijski dio rada sastoji se od analize različitih pristupa i modela vrednovanja kvalitete prakse u ustanovama ranoga i predškolskoga odgoja i obrazovanja, s naglaskom na specifičnosti vrednovanja kvalitete planiranja i dokumentiranja odgojno-obrazovnoga procesa i praćenja dječjih postignuća. U empirijskom dijelu rada predstavljeni su rezultati istraživanja provedenoga u ustanovama ranoga i predškolskoga odgoja i obrazovanja na području Hercegovačko-neretvanske županije (BiH). Uz uvažavanje teritorijalnih, kulturoloških i zakonodavnih specifičnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, definiran je model za (samo)vrednovanje kvalitete planiranja i dokumentiranja odgojno-obrazovnoga procesa i praćenja razvoja djece u ustanovama ranoga i predškolskoga odgoja i obrazovanja. Model može poslužiti kao polazna točka za daljnja istraživanja u području unaprjeđenja kvalitete planiranja i dokumentiranja odgojno-obrazovnoga procesa i praćenja postignuća djece, kao i kvalitete prakse drugih aspekata i ...

Procesi financijske intermedijacije imali su važnu ulogu u transformaciji zemalja CEE-a u tržišne ekonomije. Intervencije države u mobiliziranju i alociranju financijskih resursa prepoznate su kao efikasan i brz put k razvijanju financijskih sustava. Stoga su nositelji ekonomske politike usmjerili svoje napore k osiguranju bazičnih zakonodavnih okvira i potrebne infrastrukture, kao i dizajniranju i implementiranju primjerenih strukturnih reformi. Uz navedeno, razvoj sustava potaknut je i adekvatnim institucijskim okvirom. Institucijskom promjenom može se smatrati proces koji dovodi do rasta institucija i njihovog kvalitativnog razvoja. U početku tranzicijskog procesa, gospodarstva CEE-a i institucije bili su značajno određeni tradicijom i nasljeđem bankocentričnog sustava, kao i izostankom ostalih financijskih institucija i tržišta, a ujedno je razvoj institucija dosegnuo različite razine napretka. Razvoj financijskih tržišta i institucijskih investitora kao alternative klasičnom i dominirajućem bankovnom financiranju, u zemljama CEE-a u velikoj mjeri bio je potaknut strukturnim reformama od kojih se posebno ističu privatizacija i uvođenje mirovinskog sustava kapitalizirane štednje, jačanje supervizorskih struktura i različitih modaliteta fiskalne konsolidacije. Cilj rada je ukazati na važnost odabira i implementiranja strukturnih reformi koje pridonose razvoju financijskog sustava i napretku ekonomija CEE-a. ; The processes of financial intermediation had an important role in the transformation of CEE countries into a market economy. Government interventions in mobilizing and allocating financial resources are recognized as an efficient and fast way for developing financial systems. Policy makers have the highest responsibility since they need to ensure not only basic legislative and institutional frameworks, but also need to design and implement adequate structural reforms. All this should be accompanied by an incentive institutional framework. Institutional changes can be regarded as a process that leads to ...

Among the many factors that determine the development of a political democracy, political culture should be stressed. Research by Almond and Verba, and later similar research in Yugoslavia, show that there exists a rather strong connection between political culture and the stability of a democratic political system. As large and ever larger groups of people have access to television, this mass medium plays more and more prominent role in shaping political culture. When the population attains (as in many societies now) a certain basic level of education, the majority of programmes can be understood by everybody. With this, there is lessening of the discrimination as to the political information, at least in principle. Television is an especially potent medium for introducing people into subject areas for which they have shown little or no interest previously. In spite of selective processes, a good measure of such material reaches the viewer and causes changes in his mind. People, in short, become conscious of political processes, which means enhancing of political culture. After the advent of TV, the political process has been transformed into real life, that can be seen, heard and almost touched. With this, the politician and politics itself loses their mystique and moves into the area of the secular things. The politician's image on the TV screen in not only physically diminished, but also psychologically deflated: now everybody can measure and criticize him by use of common yardsticks. In that way ordinary citizens gain certain strength, of the psychological nature, that becomes a part of their new political culture. Furthermore, television acts as an integrator and affirmer of small, isolated opposition groups. This is especially important for political systems in which political life has been integrated around two or three great political parties, and everything outside, remains unnoticed and ineffective. When such a small political group gets a portion of TV time (as it must, because it il »news« by definition), it immediately draws the support of all similar element in society and by that the chance to influence the broader political process. Naturally, television does not have only positive effects on political culture and political process. We not forget that television, with rare exceptions, is under direct and strong monopolistic control of varied political and other elites. The television viewer is to a large extent a victim of manipulation. Furthermore, there are some authors that consider television detrimental for political action, because it purportedly passivizes the public. But our conclusion is still on the positive side. The suppression of news and information in general, cannot go too far except in countries that are cut off the rest of the world in a seal-tight fashion. If people get information and that during long periods, (throughout years and decades), they cannot but form their attitudes, and become readier for political action, »spectoritis« or not. The whole problem of television influence on viewer should be always discussed in a broad time perspective, and not, as in some of the current research, in an artificially isolated moment. And so, to conclude, television does build the basic psycho-cultural prerequisites for better political participation, and by that, for a more democratic world.

Cilj je rada proučiti na koji je način pristupanje Hrvatske Europskoj uniji utjecalo na LGBT pokret. Budući da zemlje Srednje i Istočne Europe, nakon raspada komunizma i tijekom procesa europeizacije, dijele slične karakteristike po pitanju razvoja LGBT pokreta, ovaj rad analizira dvije hipoteze oblikovane kroz studiju slučaja Poljske: (1) proces europskih integracija zemalja u postsocijalističkoj Europi unaprjeđuje formalni zakonski status LGBT osoba i podiže vidljivost LGBT aktivističkih mreža i (2) nakon pristupanja Europskoj uniji jačaju dotad potisnuti konzervativni pokreti protiv LGBT zajednice. Rad prati razvoj LGBT pokreta kroz tri vremenske faze. Prva faza obuhvaća period od osamostaljenja Hrvatske, pa sve do 2000. godine kad u Hrvatskoj počinje proces europeizacije. Druga faza obuhvaća period od početka procesa europeizacije do pristupanja Hrvatske Europskoj uniji, a treća se faza odnosi na period nakon ulaska zemlje u EU. Unutar svake faze proučavaju se sastavnice modela političkog procesa, struktura političkih prilika, aktivističke mreže i diskurzivno uokviravanje tema važnih za LGBT pokret. Analizom je utvrđeno da je tijekom procesa pristupanja Europskoj uniji u Hrvatskoj unaprijeđen pravni položaj homoseksualnih osoba te je pojačana njihova vidljivost u društvu. To se očituje u osnivanju civilnih udruga, organiziranju povorki ponosa, donošenju Zakona o istospolnim zajednicama i uvođenju antidiskriminacijskih normi u zakonodavstvo. Diskurzivnom analizom 328 članaka došlo se do rezultata da je u devedesetima na snazi razdoblje šutnje o homoseksualnosti. U periodu europeizacije i onom nakon pristupanja Hrvatske Europskoj uniji, diskurzivne se ideje kreću unutar triju okvira: društvene prihvaćenosti, europeizacije i pitanja drugog reda. Iako je period nakon ulaska Hrvatske u EU nedovoljno dug da bi se sa sigurnošću potvrdila druga hipoteza, referendum o ustavnoj definiciji braka i lobiranje protiv izglasavanja Zakona o životnom partnerstvu osoba istog spola dobri su pokazatelji da se konzervativni pokret protiv LGBT zajednice u Hrvatskoj konsolidirao. ; This paper examines how Croatia's path towards joining the European Union affected the LGBT movement. Due to Central and Eastern European countries sharing similar characteristics regarding the development of the LGBT movement after the abandonment of communism and during the Europeanization process, this paper follows two hypotheses formed through a case study of Poland: (1) the process of European integration in post-socialist Europe promotes the formal legal status of LGBT people and improves the visibility of the LGBT activist network (2) since the country's accession to the EU the formerly repressed conservative movements against the LGBT community have become stronger. The paper examines the development of the LGBT movement over three time periods. The first period covers the time between Croatia gaining independence and starting its Europeanization process in 2000; the second period lies between the start of the Europeanization process and Croatia's accession to the EU; the third phase covers the time after the accession. For every phase the following parts of the political process model are examined: the political opportunity structure, the activist network and the discursive framing of topics important for the LGBT movement. Analysis confirms that the implementation of the requirements for becoming a member country improved the legal status of LGBT people and increased their visibility during that time. This manifested primarily as the founding of various associations, organizing pride parades, passing the Same-Sex Union Act and introducing sexual orientation anti-discrimination norms. A discourse analysis of 328 articles unveiled the 90's silence on homosexuality and revealed that in the next two phases discursive ideas have been present in three key areas: social acceptance, Europeanization and the "less important question". Even though the period after Croatia's accession is not long enough to definitively confirm the second hypothesis, the referendum on the constitutional definition of marriage and the lobbying for rejecting the Same-Sex Life Partnership Act are good indicators that the conservative movement against the LGBT community in Croatia consolidated its position.

Odnos društva i prostora karakteriziran je dinamikom načina života, vrijednosti, normi i običaja koji pokreću razvojne procese. U taj odnos kulture i prirode, čovjek unosi društvene vrijednosti kojima djeluje na prirodne resurse. Stoga, socio-prostorna analiza uključuje različite aspekte: ekološki, ambijentalni, ekonomski, socijalni, kulturni, a odgovornost za različite procese kojima se prostor transformira može se pripisati različitim socijalnim akterima, među kojima lokalna zajednica ima posebnu ulogu. Suvremene planerske prakse, na temelju koncepata komunikativnog planiranja, sve više naglašavaju primjerenost pristupa "odozdo" i važnost uključivanja lokalne zajednice u sve faze planiranja i implementacije prostornih strategija. Pri tome treba naglasiti konsenzus oko dvije vrijednosti: ekološke i socijalne održivosti. Na njima se, posljedično, oblikuju i kriteriji djelovanja. Ekološka održivost odnosi se na zaštitu cjeline života i životnih uvjeta. Socijalna održivost odnosi se na uvođenje participativnog procesa, postizanje uravnotežene zajednice, socijalne kohezije i zajednice koja je pravedna, raznovrsna, povezana i demokratična. Ovim se nastoji osigurati razvoj koji bi bio ekološki održiv i socijalno nekonfliktan. Analiza socio-prostornog razvoja Sjeverozapadne Hrvatske obuhvatila je pet županija:. Na prvoj razini analizirani su prostorni planovi pet županija s ciljem da se utvrdi u kojoj mjeri uključuju dimenzije socijalne i ekološke održivosti. Na drugoj strani razmatrani su rezultati dva istraživanja stavova lokalnog stanovništva u pogledu participacije u zajednici i stavova o okolišu i rizicima. Rezultati su pokazali da je koncept ekološke održivosti prihvaćen od strane lokalnog stanovništva i uključen u plansku dokumentaciju. S druge strane, koncept socijalne održivosti nije uključen u županijske planove. Lokalna javnost kao partner, participacija, informiranje i jačanje lokalne demokracije nije implementirana u prostorne planove. Anketna istraživanja pokazala su da su ekološke vrijednosti visoko su izražene i čine dobru vrijednosnu osnovu razvoja. U pogledu praksi socijalne održivosti, oko 30% lokalnih stanovnika ovog prostora, u svakodnevnom životu sudjeluje u participativnom procesu. Rezultati upućuju na potrebu da se usklade normativna razina i svakodnevne prakse. Ideju o lokalnoj javnosti kao partneru u planiranju potrebno je afirmirati i na normativnoj razini, kroz prostorne planove, kako bi se ojačale demokratske procedure i stvorio okvir za efikasnije djelovanje civilnog sektora koji već i sada djeluje u lokalnim zajednicama. ; The relationship between society and space is characterized by lifestyle dynamics, values, norms and habits that drive development processes. In such interactions between culture and nature, people bring social values by which they affect natural resources. Therefore, socio-spatial analyses include different aspects: ecological, ambient, economic, social, cultural, while responsibility for the different processes that transform space can be associated with different social actors. Among them, the local community has a special role. Contemporary planning practices based on communicative planning concepts, more than ever, emphasize the relevance of the bottom-up approach as well as the importance of including local community in every phase of planning and implementing spatial strategies. To this end, it should be stressed that there is a consensus on two values: ecological as well as social sustainability, which in turn, also shape criteria for acting. Ecological sustainability refers to protecting conditions for life and life as a whole. Social sustainability refers to implementing participation, achieving balanced community, social cohesion and a just, diverse, connected and democratic community. In this way, we should try to ensure ecologically sustainable and socially unambiguous development. The analysis of socio-spatial development in North-west Croatia includes five counties. In the first stage, spatial planning documents are analysed in order to answer the extent to which they include dimensions of social and ecological sustainability. At the next stage, results of the two surveys are discussed regarding locals' attitudes about community participation as well as environmental attitudes. The results show that the concept of ecological sustainability is incorporated within planning documentation, and well-accepted by residents. On the other hand, the sociological sustainability concept is not included in the official planning documentation. The ideas of partnering with local community, and participating, informing and strengthening local democracy are not implemented in the spatial planning documents. Surveys have shown that high levels of ecological sustainability are a positive basis for development. Regarding social sustainability practices, approximately 30% of respondents have experience in participation processes in the local community. These results suggest a need to harmonise normative acts with life practices in the field of participation. The idea of the local public as partner in the planning procedures should be affirmed also at the normative level throughout spatial planning documents, in an attempt to improve democratic procedures and ensure the institutional framework for civil society actions that are already present in the local community.

Niz promjena na svjetskoj razini utječe na energetski sektor; posebice elektroenergetski. Ciljevi modernih država mijenjaju se zbog želje građana za boljom kvalitetom okoliša, postizanjem energetske sigurnosti i poštenije cijene energije uz sprečavanje posljedica klimatskih promjena i umanjivanje njihovih efekata. Globalni pomak za postizanje tih ciljeva očituje se povećanjem investicijskih napora, prihvaćanjem klimatskih sporazuma kroz nacionalne politike te razvojem različitih tehnologija (solarni sustavi, vjetroelektrane, električna vozila, sustavi baterija, pametne mreža, blockchain itd.),. Iako pojedini akteri još uvijek nisu prepoznali potencijal zelenog razvoja sve veći broj građana, organizacija i energetskih tvrtki uključuje se aktivno kroz energetsku tranziciju. Inovacije koje nosi zeleni razvoj posebice su zanimljive jer privlače aktere s različitom poslovnom pozadinom. Kako bi energetska tranzicija dobila dovoljan zamah sve više organizacija je uključeno u inovativno dizanje kapitala za projekte zelene energije kao što su platforme za grupno financiranje. Osim toga vidljiv je pomak pri oslobađanju kapitala manjih energetskih tvrtki koje iznajmljuju opremu za energetska postrojenja od strane građana ili koriste druge inovativne poslovne modele kako bi povećale udio obnovljivih izvora energije u energetskom portfelju te uključile građane u poslovanje. Lokalne vlasti sve više prepoznaju i prihvaćaju volju građana za poštenijim energetskim sustavom pri čemu preuzimaju aktivnu ulogu u borbi protiv klimatskih promjena i u energetskoj tranziciji. Razvoj novih koncepata zelenog razvoja omogućuje razvijanje povjerenja između energetskih tvrtki i krajnjih korisnika. ; A number of world-wide changes affect the energy sector; especially electric sector. The goals of modern states are changing due to the increasing desire of citizens to improve the quality of the environment, disere to achieve energy security and will to get a more honest price of energy, as well as preventing the consequences of climate change and mitigate their effects. Global progress towards achieving these goals is reflected in: increased investment efforts, the adoption of climate agreements through national policies and the development of various technologies (solar systems, wind power plants, electric vehicles, battery systems, smart grids, blockchain etc.). Although some actors have not yet recognized the potential of green development, an increasing number of citizens, organizations and energy companies are actively involved and linked through the energy transition. Green development is full of invoative process and it includes actors with different business background. In order for the energy transition to gain momentum, more and more organizations are involved in the alternative funding of green energy projects such as crowdfunding platforms. In addition, there is a visible shift in the capital raising of smaller energy companies that rent equipment from citizens for power plants or use other innovative business models to increase the share of renewable energy sources in their energy portfolio and involve citizens in process. Local authorities increasingly recognize and accept the need for more honest energy system by taking on an active role in combating climate change and energy transition. The development of new concepts of green development enables building of trust between energy companies and end users.

Prethodna su istraživanja pokazala da hrvatska politika mentalnog zdravlja nije politički prioritet, da joj nedostaje interdisciplinarnosti, međusektorske suradnje i holističkog pristupa. Slijedeći pretpostavku da je jedan od glavnih razloga za takvo polazište niska razina korištenja znanja pri stvaranju politike mentalnog zdravlja, ova studija pokušala je ispitati ulogu ekspertize i prijenosa znanja u razvoju hrvatske politike mentalnog zdravlja. Istraživanje je provedeno metodom snowball u proljeće 2018., obuhvatilo je 124 sudionika, stručnjaka iz različitih ustanova koje se bave mentalnim zdravljem. Za potrebe ove studije razvijen je upitnik "Razvoj hrvatske politike mentalnog zdravlja". Prikupljeni kvalitativni i kvantitativni podatci pokazali su da stručnjaci iz sektora mentalnog zdravlja kreiranje politike u svome polju opisuju kao nekvalitetno i u ovisnosti o visokim vladinim tijelima kojima upravlja politička elita nezainteresirana za mentalno zdravlje. Podatci također pokazuju da stručnjaci iz područja mentalnog zdravlja o poboljšanju politike mentalnog zdravlja razmišljaju u skladu s međunarodnim smjernicama. Pa ipak, sebe rijetko smatraju aktivnim činiteljima u procesu kreiranja politike. To nas vodi zaključku da stručnjaci trebaju podršku za umrežavanje, udruživanje radi zagovaranja i bolje međusektorske odnose kako bi utjecali na političku volju. ; Previous research shows that Croatian mental health policy is not a political priority, that it lacks interdisciplinarity, intersectoral collaboration and a holistic approach. Following the assumption that one of the main reasons for this position is the low level of knowledge in mental health policy-making, this study was set to examine the role of expertise and knowledge translation in Croatian mental health policy development. The study was conducted during spring 2018 and has included 124 participants, professionals from different institutions dealing with mental health, using the snowball method. The questionnaire "Development of Croatian Mental Health Policy" was developed for the purpose of this study. The gathered qualitative and quantitative data shows that professionals in the mental health sector describe policymaking in the field as being of poor quality and highly dependent on top governmental bodies that are run by the political elite uninterested in mental health. The data also proves that mental health professionals in Croatia think about the improvement of mental health policy in line with international guidelines. Still, they rarely consider themselves an active force in policy-making. That leads us to the conclusion that experts and professionals need support to form networks, advocacy coalitions and better inter-sectoral relationships in order to influence the political will.