Suchergebnisse

Out of several countries in the coup-stricken African Sahel slated to hold elections this year, Senegal looked like the only one that might escape the threat of voter suppression, rigging, or other corrupt practices.But this is no more the case as a sudden turn of events last week plunged the West African nation into an unprecedented constitutional crisis, which pundits argue could lead anywhere at this point, from an uneasy elite pact to a total state collapse. On February 3, the eve of the official presidential campaign, Senegal's President Macky Sall announced a postponement of the election, citing dispute over the candidate list. His decision to postpone came weeks after a controversy erupted over the exclusion of opposition candidates from the ballot. The opposition Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS), whose candidate Karim Wade was among those excluded by the Constitutional Council from running in the election for possessing a dual French-Senegalese citizenship, had earlier filed a formal request to postpone the vote. Also excluded is the opposition PASTEF's popular leader Ousmane Sonko, who opposed Sall in 2019 and has been behind bars since last year for immoral behavior and plotting an insurrection. His candidacy in the 2024 election was rejected last month by the Constitutional Council in a move critics say was targeted at eliminating the most potent obstacle to Sall's preferred candidate, Prime Minister Amadou Ba, running and winning the forthcoming elections. Bassirou Diomaye Faye, Sonko's substitute candidate, is also in jail on charges of contempt of court, defamation, and acts likely to compromise public peace.OutrageNever before has Senegal postponed a presidential election. Ordinary Senegalese are shocked by the strange turn of events in part due to the sense of security created by Sall's decision in July last year not to run for a third term."I feel sad for Senegal, a beautiful and peaceful country always considered as an example of democracy and for the Senegalese people who fought in 2011 in the name of democracy so that the current President Macky Sall could be elected," Awa Diouf, a Senegalese activist, told RS. Sall has repeated his stance not to run for a third term, but the opposition doesn't believe him, accusing Sall of premeditated plans to cling to power or to force his preferred candidate on the people. After the decision, protests resurfaced in the country's capital Dakar reminiscent of scenes of deadly clashes with police that were once a fixture of life from 2021 to 2023. One leading opposition politician was arrested in the renewed disturbance on Feb. 4, as police fired tear gas to disperse angry protesters amidst a growing crackdown which has seen a private television station, Walf TV, suspended for 'inciting violence' and internet cut. The crisis continued into last week at the country's parliament where a bill seeking to fix a new date for the elections and extend Sall's tenure led to a row with some opposition MPs forcibly removed by police clad in riot gear. At the end of proceedings, the parliament, which is dominated by the ruling coalition, Benno Bokk Yakaar (which includes President Sall's Alliance for the Republic party) voted for a 10-month extension of the election until December 15. Sall's term was originally meant to lapse in early April. In response, activists are once again mobilizing for new protests and many fear for more violent crackdowns.A diplomatic solutionThese developments, which occurred on the heels of U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken's tour of the region last month, have attracted widespread condemnation. The West African bloc, ECOWAS, whose credibility has taken a beating over its handling of a string of coups in the region, failed to condemn the postponement.In sharp contrast, a statement by the U.S. State Department was more decisive in describing the poll's postponement as a move that runs "contrary to Senegal's strong democratic tradition," while also calling the National Assembly's vote illegitimate, "given the conditions under which it took place." The U.S. also condemned the attacks on press freedom and the severing of internet communications in the country. "The U.S. is a strong all round partner with Senegal and is the leading provider of development assistance valued at $238 million per year," Dr. Joseph Siegle of the Africa Center for Strategic Studies noted to RS. Besides the significant economic ties and trade, it is in the area of regional security that Senegal is most important for the United States. As one of the most stable democracies in Africa and a model for religious and ethnic tolerance, Senegal has been a longtime partner of the U.S. in promoting peace and security in Africa. "[Senegal's] importance has become even more outsized in the wake of recent coups and military regimes in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger and Guinea," Afolabi Adekaiyaoja, a research analyst with the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD-West Africa) explained. Although an outlier in the region's anti-democratic trends, this does not mean Senegal's democracy has been free of turmoil. For instance, out of four Presidents that have governed Senegal since it gained independence from France in 1960, only two have taken office in peaceful transfers of power — the first of which occurred in 2000. In 2012, Sall was only elected following a period of widespread protests against his predecessor Abdoulaye Wade's attempt to undemocratically cling to power. After 12 years at the helm of the country, critics now accuse Sall of the same crimes as Wade's, which include eroding the country's democratic credentials through a pattern of jailing political opponents under spurious charges and bending Senegal's justice system to his will. What is most significant, however, is that even in the midst of chaos "the struggle of the Senegalese people always takes place within the framework of institutions as much as peaceful and unarmed resistance," activist Louise M. Faye told RS. The hope is that today's disagreements won't be litigated in a coup like Senegal's Sahelian neighbors.By and large, experts believe what is likely is an uneasy pact within the elite, which has been brought about as a result of rising opposition to conventional politics. "The US [needs to start] talking directly to all of the relevant Senegalese actors as well as ECOWAS to navigate a stable, constitutionally-based, democratic outcome," Siegle explained. The Biden administration's playbook for the continent, U.S. Strategy Toward Sub-Saharan Africa, mandates Washington to "stem the recent tide of authoritarianism and military takeovers by working with allies and partners in the region to respond to democratic backsliding and human rights abuses."While doing this, however, Washington needs to be mindful that recent anti-French sentiment has played into Russia's plans to expand its influence in the region. "While that does not necessarily mean direct anti-American perceptions, it will also need to ensure it can retain backchannels to the different factions if it wants to diplomatically intervene. Washington's important role will be to maintain pressure on Dakar to ensure a fair and transparent review process, or national dialogue as President Sall has put it, ahead of the elections," Adekaiyaoja added.

The services sector is composed of a diverse range of services, including retail and business services, education, and health, among others. Some services are used as inputs in production, while others have direct impacts on human capital development. In the Philippines, the services sector accounts for 60 percent of gross domestic product and almost 57 percent of employment. Across regions and subsectors, however, the contribution of services varies. Using a simple shift-share technique, this study examines the patterns at the regional and subsector level and decomposes the changes into three factors: national share (growth effect), industry mix (sectoral effect), and regional shift (competitive effect). Focusing on changes in employment, the shift-share decomposition reveals that the overall growth of the economy from 2012 to 2018 had a positive impact in all sectors and regions. However, some industries showed negative sectoral effects, namely, accommodation and food service activities; arts, entertainment, and recreation; and education. Industry-specific factors in education services were quite strong that the economy's dynamism failed to offset the industry mix effect. It was the only sector that registered lower total employment during the period. In terms of the regional shift effects, 109 out of the total 204 regional service industries (53%) displayed locational disadvantages. Shift-share is a purely descriptive tool, and further analysis must be done to explain the factors that influence sectoral changes and a region's economic potential and constraints. As services are critical for production, human capital development, and, more broadly, in the enhancement of the quality of life, understanding the drivers or inhibitors of services growth and addressing the locational weaknesses in the relevant service industries will be useful in promoting growth in the region and a more balanced economic development for the country.

Treball Final de Màster Universitari en Cooperació al Desenvolupament (Pla de 2015) (A distància). Codi: SRP531. Curs acadèmic: 2019-2020 ; Partiendo del abordaje conceptual sobre el desarrollo que aporta Bosier (2005) entendido como un proceso endógeno que comprende la capacidad de transformación del sistema socioeconómico, pero además la habilidad de los grupos humanos para reaccionar frente a los desafíos externos, de promover aprendizajes sociales y sobre todo innovar localmente, este trabajo presenta los detalles de un programa diseñado con el fin de dar cumplimiento a las macro estrategias de desarrollo nacionales, así como a los bien conocidos Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS). El Banco de iniciativas de participación ciudadana para el fortalecimiento de la democracia participativa -BIP- se configura como una estrategia del Ministerio del Interior de Colombia para identificar las organizaciones sociales, comunales y comunitarias que propenden hacia el desarrollo social y político de Colombia, reconocer sus iniciativas y proyectos para orientar la asignación democrática y participativa de estímulos financieros. En este sentido, el ejercicio de patrocinar con recursos económicos la ejecución de iniciativas de participación ciudadana se convierte en instrumento útil tanto para dar cumplimiento Plan Nacional de Desarrollo del gobierno colombiano, como para aportar al logro de los objetivos 10, 11 y 16 de los ODS enfocados en reducir las desigualdades, lograr que las ciudades y los asentamientos humanos sean inclusivos y sostenibles, y que se fortalezca la participación de los países en desarrollo en las instituciones de gobernanza mundial. Reconociendo la heterogeneidad socio-económica y política que caracteriza a las organizaciones sociales de base en el territorio colombiano, y buscando sinergias efectivas entre el Estado y la sociedad civil, se identificó en este caso que la teoría de gobernanza local resulta ser un modelo de participación y concurrencia multinivel y multiactor con el potencial para generar impactos duraderos con posterioridad a la implementación de las iniciativas en mención. Sin embargo, esto requerirá organizaciones sólidas, resilientes e innovadoras para integrar escenarios colaborativos que impulsen no solo el crecimiento sino también el desarrollo endógeno de las comunidades. Para ello, la Corporación Red Constructores de Paz, en adelante CRCP, como organización sin ánimo de lucro que ha consolidado un nombre alrededor de procesos juveniles de incidencia local y participación comunitaria en el Departamento de Cundinamarca, firmó un Convenio de Asociación (F-127) con el Ministerio del Interior con el fin de aunar esfuerzos para fortalecer las organizaciones sociales de base colombianas en varios frentes: con capacitación en formulación y ejecución de iniciativas, financiación de iniciativas y la generación de espacios para intercambiar experiencias entre pares. En este contexto, mi labor como Coordinadora Técnica en el grupo Gerencia de Proyectos de la CRCP bajo la supervisión directa del Gerente, consistió principalmente en brindar las herramientas técnicas, metodológicas y pedagógicas pertinentes para alcanzar cada una de las metas trazadas con el Banco de Iniciativas BIP. Los productos a mi cargo variaban a medida que avanzábamos en la ejecución de la estrategia, abarcando desde la construcción de los términos de referencia de la primera convocatoria BIP, aporte al diseño de materiales pedagógicos para el componente de formación, consolidación de informes de gestión e incluso apoyo logístico en la realización del Encuentro Nacional de Iniciativas Participativas. En síntesis, esta experiencia ha representado para mí el escenario ideal para adquirir y multiplicar saberes valiosísimos de la mano colegas, altos representantes de la institucionalidad colombiana y actores de múltiples procedencias (líderes sociales, representantes de juventudes municipales, académicos, entre otros) otorgándome además el privilegio de dimensionar el DESARROLLO a partir de elementos más cercanos, reales, y cotidianos. ; Based on the conceptual approach to development provided by Bosier (2005), understood as an endogenous process that includes the capacity for transformation of the socio-economic system, but also the ability of human groups to react to external challenges, to promote social learning and, above all, to innovate locally, this paper presents the details of a programme designed to give effect to national macro development strategies as well as the well-known Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The Bank of Citizen Participation Initiatives for the Strengthening of Participatory Democracy (BIP) is configured as a strategy of the Ministry of the Interior of Colombia to identify social and communal organizations that promote the social and political development of Colombia, recognize their initiatives and projects to guide the democratic and participatory allocation of financial incentives. In this regard, the exercise of financially sponsoring the implementation of citizen participation initiatives becomes a useful instrument both to implement the Colombian Government's National Development Plan and to contribute to the achievement of objectives 10, 11 and 16 SDGs focusing on reducing inequalities, making cities and human settlements inclusive and sustainable, and strengthening the participation of developing countries in global governance institutions. Recognizing the socio-economic and political heterogeneity that characterizes grassroots social organizations in Colombian territory, and seeking effective synergies between the State and civil society, it was identified in this case that the theory of local governance turns out to be a model of multilevel and multiactor participation and concurrence with the potential to generate lasting impacts after the implementation of the initiatives in question. However, this will require strong, resilient and innovative organizations to integrate collaborative scenarios that drive not only growth but also the endogenous development of communities. To this end, the Corporación Red Constructores de Paz, hereinafter CRCP, as a non-profit organization that has consolidated a name around youth processes of local advocacy and community participation in the Department of Cundinamarca, signed a Partnership Agreement (F127) with the Ministry of the Interior to join efforts to strengthen Colombian grass-roots social organizations on several fronts: with training in the formulation and implementation of initiatives, funding of initiatives and the creation of spaces for exchanging experiences between peers. In this context, my work as Technical Coordinator in the CRCP Project Management Group under the direct supervision of the Manager was mainly focused on providing the technical tools, relevant methodological and pedagogical approaches to achieving each of the goals set with the BIP. The products under my resposability varied as we advanced in the implementation of the strategy, from the construction of the terms and conditions for the first BIP call, to contribution to the design of teaching materials for the training component, and consolidation of management reports or even logistical support in the implementation of the National Meeting of Participatory Initiatives.Ultimately, this experience has represented the ideal scenario for me to acquire and multiply valuable knowledge at the hands of colleagues, high representatives of colombian institutions and actors from many backgrounds (social leaders, representatives of municipal youth, academics, among others) also granting me the privilege of dimensioning DEVELOPMENT from closer, real, and day to day elements.

Author's introductionPeople participate in social movements and protest events in part to pressure elites and institutions to alter the reward structure within society. When attempting to pressure their targets, activists are often confronted by the state. Whether the state is a target of protest or not, it oftentimes engages those seeking to promote extra‐institutional change. Within democratic societies, police are charged to maintain social order and protect the rights of those expressing dissent. Because of this dual charge and a variety of political, social, and economic factors, police have adopted strategies or repertoires of social control for policing protests. These repertoires can facilitate, channel, or prevent protest from occurring. A growing scholarly consensus suggests that since the 1990s, authorities in the United States and other democratic states have shifted how they react to protests. Until the 1970s, police often utilized what scholars call the 'escalated force' protest control repertoire. During this era, police saw protest as an illegitimate form of political expression. They placed a low priority on freedom of speech and assembly and often used excessive force and widespread arrests when dealing with protesters. In the 1970s to 1990s, police developed what is called 'negotiated management' to respond less confrontationally to protesters. This repertoire relied on a permitting process to facilitate police and protester efforts to negotiate the time, place, and manner of protest activities in ways satisfactory to both protesters and police. Police placed a premium on protecting freedom of speech and assembly and tolerated community inconveniences related to large rallies, marches, and the occasional staged arrest. They used violence and arrests as a last resort and only for significant violations of the law. However, following the disruptive 1999 Seattle WTO protests and the new cycle of global protests that followed, law enforcement agencies around the United States and in other western democracies began developing and adopting the 'strategic incapacitation' repertoire of protest control. With strategic incapacitation, police selectively protect civil liberties and selectively tolerate community disruption, and they seek to incapacitate protests through the use of less‐lethal weapons and preemptive arrests, extensive control of public space, reliance on 'new surveillance' technologies, and the elaborate control of information. In the United States, the development and adoption of this new style of policing accelerated after the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks as authorities embraced a risk management approach to identify and neutralize potentially disruptive events, such as large demonstrations.Author recommended books and edited volumes


Boykoff,
Jules. 2007. Beyond Bullets: The Suppression of Dissent in the United States. : .
Boykoff's book explores how the U.S. government, with assistance from federal, state and local law enforcement regularly disrupted protest movements in the 20th Century. It catalogues various forms of suppression employed by authorities from the use of direct violence, surveillance, and infiltration to the use of less direct means of mass media manipulation and demonization. Chapter 1 includes a good introduction to social movements and dissent/resistance, and the concepts of repression and suppression.


Davenport,
Christian,

Hank
Johnston and

Carol
Mueller (eds.) 2005. Repression and Mobilization. : .
This compilation of essays on repression and resistance provides a broad lens for understanding the various ways that state power is exercised against social movements. Davenport's introductory chapter helpfully evaluates the broader field of repression and recommends ways to advance it.



della Porta,
Donatella and

Herbert
Reiter (eds.) 1998. Policing Protest: The Control of Mass Demonstrations in Western Democracies. : .
This collection of essays consolidates some of the best thinking of the time on protest policing. Together, it provides a comparative historical, institutional and cultural analysis of protest policing across a variety of democratic nations. The contributors explore recent trends in the evolution of protest policing, such as whether protest policing has become 'softer' and the causes and consequences of such changes. The introductory chapter identifies important variables that define the style of protest policing employed and provides a useful model to explain the different styles. The second chapter by McPhail, Schweingruber and McCarthy introduces 'negotiated management' to the scholarly lexicon and has become one of the most influential writings on protest policing. This book should be at the top of your reading list on the topic.



della Porta,
Donatella,

Abby
Peterson and

Herbert
Reiter (eds.) 2006. The Policing of Transnational Protest. : .
This collected works is a follow up to della Porta and Reiter's earlier volume described above. It explores changes in protest policing in western democracies that parallel the rise of transnational protests in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Contributors analyzed policing efforts at protests coinciding with various international summits and other large protest events. Collectively, they investigated the question of whether a new era of policing is emerging to replace the softer styles of protest policing identified in the earlier volume. Individually, authors explored a variety of topics including the transnational character of the protests and of the police effort to control these protests, how adoption of a 'new penology' paradigm within the U.S. criminal justice influenced police adoption of strategic incapacitation, and the negotiation practices used by police and activists and problems that can occur during negotiations. A concluding chapter identifies a typology of coercive, persuasive and information strategies used by police across nations to control transnational protests.


Fernandez,
Luis A. 2008. Policing Dissent: Social Control and the Anti‐Globalization Movement. : .
Fernandez applies a Foucauldian view of social control to explain the police repression of alterglobalization protests in the early 2000s. The book provides an overview of the alterglobal movement and shows how police used legal means to limit protest and physical and psychological strategies to control public space.


Marx,
Gary T. 1988. Undercover: Police Surveillance in America. : .
Marx provides a late 1980s look into the then emerging forms of surveillance used by U.S. law enforcement. The first half of the book discusses the history of police surveillance and provides a classification schematic for how surveillance is used by police. The second half of the book identifies the intended and unintended consequences of police use of undercover surveillance. It is still widely cited and it is recognized by many as providing the blueprint for understanding and exploring 'new surveillance' (see concluding chapter).


Meyer,
David S. 2007. The Politics of Protest: Social Movements in America. : .
Meyer provides a concise introduction to social movements drawing extensively from the U.S. peace and antiwar movements to illustrate his points. Included are discussions on the major social theories and chapters on protester tactics.


Stark,
Rodney. 1972. Police Riots: Collective Violence and Law Enforcement. : .
This is one of the first scholarly books to recognize the tension police experience between maintaining order and protecting civil liberties. Previous works had tended to show protest policing uncritically and as a necessary response to unruly crowds. This work examines policing response to protest highlighting the escalated force model.


Starr,
Amory,

Luis A.
Fernandez and

Christian
Scholl. 2011. Shutting Down the Streets: Political Violence and Social Control in the Global Era. : .
This book maps efforts by the state to control social movements in a global age. Written by activist‐scholars, the research draws from participant observations made at 20 major alter‐global protest events held during major global summits over the last decade. The book explores the spatial dynamics, political economy and police violence associated with efforts to repress those opposing aspects of the global political‐economic order. A concluding chapter explores activist resistance to the social control of dissent employed by the authorities.


Tilly,
Charles. 1978. From Mobilization to Revolution. : .
This is a foundational book in social movement studies. In it Tilly introduces the core concepts of repression and contentious repertoires.


Waddington,
David P. 2007. Policing Public Disorder: Theory and Practice. : .
Waddington explores public order policing across a variety of events, from commodity riots and hooliganism to labor and global protests. The first two chapters provide a detailed exploration of theories and debates within the public order policing literature, including various approaches to policing and theories on the causes of public disorder. The remainder of the book adeptly uses the theories covered earlier and other scholarly works to analyze the policing of these differing types of events.Online materialsLaw enforcement related:

Department of Homeland Security (DHS)
http://www.dhs.gov/
Department of Justice (DOJ)
http://www.justice.gov/
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)
http://www.justice.gov/
International Association of Chiefs of Police
http://www.theiacp.org/
Police Executive Research Forum (PERF)
http://www.policeforum.org/Civil liberties and independent media related:

American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU)
http://www.aclu.org
http://www.aclu.org/maps/spying‐first‐amendment‐activity‐state‐state
Independent Media Center (IMC)
http://www.indymedia.org/en/
National Lawyers Guild (NLG)
http://www.nlg.org/
Partnership for Civil Justice Fund
http://www.justiceonline.org/Academic related:

WTO History Project
http://depts.washington.edu/wtohist/
Dynamics of Collective Action Project
http://www.stanford.edu/group/collectiveaction/cgi‐bin/drupal/SyllabusTopics for lecture and discussionIntroduction, issues, and problems (2 weeks)Definitions, problems, and issues: What is the role of police in a democratic society? What is the tension or paradox between police as protectors of democracy and simultaneously potential threats to democracy? What are civil liberties? What is public order policing? How has US policing become militarized, and what are the consequences of this trend? What is 'broken windows' theory, and how has it shaped law enforcement practices in general?Readings:


Kraska,
Peter and

Victor E.
Kappeler. 1997. '.' Social Problems 44():1‐18.


Marx,
Gary T. 2001. '.' Policing, Security and Democracy: Theory and Practice, Vol. 2 edited by and . : . Available online at http://web.mit.edu/gtmarx/www/dempol.html (last accessed 1 July 2013).


Vitale,
Alex. 2005. '.' Policing and Society 15():99–124.


Waddington,
David P. 2007. Policing Public Disorder: Theory and Practice. : . (Chapter 1 and selections.)


Wilson,
James Q. and

George L.
Kelling. 1982. '' The Atlantic (March). Available online at http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1982/03/broken‐windows/304465/ (last accessed 1 July 2013).Social movements and protest (2 weeks)What is a social movement? What are contentious repertoires and protest tactics? What are the similarities and differences between direct action tactics and civil disobedience tactics? What are protest events? What methods do researchers use to study these events? What are the basic assertions of collective behavior, resource mobilization, political process/political opportunity, framing, and new social movement theories?Readings:


Benford,
Robert D. and

David A.
Snow. 2000. '.' Annual Review of Sociology 26:611–639.


Buechler,
Steven M. 2005. '.' The Sociological Quarterly 36():441–464.


Diani,
Mario. 1992. '.' The Sociological Review 40():1–25.


Edwards,
Bob and

John D.
McCarthy. 2004. '.' Pp. 116–152 in The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements edited by , and . : .


Koopmans,
Ruud and

Dieter
Rucht. 2002. '.' Pp. 231–259 in Methods of Social Movement Research, edited by and . : .


Meyer,
David S. 2003. '.' Social Movement Studies 2():17–35.


Taylor,
Verta and

Nella
Van Dyke. 2004. '.' Pp. 262–293 in The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements edited by , and . : .Policing of protest–the basics and additional concepts (2 weeks)What is repression, and what constitutes a theory of repression? When does policing of protest become repressive? What is COINTELPRO, and how has the FBI and other law enforcement agencies historically undermined or facilitated US social movements? How do contained and transgressive protesters differ? How does police knowledge influence police response to protest? What aspects of globalization impact police response to protests? What are the 'flash points' that lead to escalated police responses? What other factors shape police responses to protest?Readings:


Boykoff,
Jules. 2007. Beyond Bullets: The Suppression of Dissent in the United States. : . (Chapter 1 and selections.)


Cunningham,
David. 2003. There's Something Happening Here: The New Left, the Klan, and FBI Counterintelligence. : . (Chapter 1 and selections.)



della Porta,
Donatella and

Herbert
Reiter. 1998. '.' Pp. 1–32 in Policing Protest: The Control of Mass Demonstrations in Western Democracies edited by

Donatella
Della Porta and

Herbert
Reiter. : .


Della Porta,
Donatella. 1988. '.' Pp. 228–252 in Policing Protest: The Control of Mass Demonstrations in Western Democracies edited by and . :


Earl,
Jennifer and

Sarah A.
Soule. 2006. '.' Mobilization 11():145–164.


Ericson,
Richard V. and

Aaron
Doyle. 1999. '.' British Journal of Sociology 50():589–601.


Earl,
Jennifer. 2003. '.' Sociological Theory 21():44–68.


Earl,
Jennifer. 2011. '.' Annual Review of Sociology 37:261–284.


King,
Mike and

David
Waddington. 2005. '.' Policing and Society 15():255–82.


Marx,
Gary T. 1979. '.' Pp. 94–125 in Dynamics of Social Movements: Resource Mobilization, Social Control, and Tactics, edited by and . : .


Tilly,
Charles. 2000. '.' Mobilization 5(): 135–159.


Wahlström,
Mattias. 2007. '.' Mobilization 12():389–402.Policing of protest–negotiated management (1 week)What are the general aspects of the 'negotiated management' style of protest policing? How does it differ from 'escalated force'? What are the shortcomings of negotiated management?Readings:


Earl,
Jennifer,

Sarah A.
Soule and

John D.
McCarthy. 2003. '.' American Sociological Review 68():581–606.


Gorringe,
Hugo and

Michael
Rosie. 2008. '.' British Journal of Sociology, 59(): 187–205.


Gillham,
Patrick F. and

John A.
Noakes. 2007. '.' Mobilization 12():341–357.


McCarthy,
John D. and

Clark
McPhail. 1998. '.' Pp. 83–110 in The Movement Society: Contentious Politics for a New Century, edited by and . : .


McPhail,
Clark,

David
Schweingruber and

John D.
McCarthy 1998. '.' Pp. 49–69 in Policing Protest: The Control of mass Demonstrations in Western Democracies, edited by and . : .Policing of protest–command and control, Miami model, and strategic incapacitation (2 weeks)How do the 'command and control' and 'Miami model' styles of policing differ? What are the basic characteristics of 'strategic incapacitation'? How does strategic incapacitation compare to command and control and the Miami model?Readings:


Noakes,
John and

Patrick F.
Gillham. '.' Pp. 97–115 in Policing Political Protest After Seattle, edited by , and . : .


Noakes,
John,

Brian
Klocke and

Patrick F.
Gillham. '., September 29‐30, 2001.' Policing and Society 15(): 235–254.


Vitale,
Alex S. 2005. '.' Policing and Society 15():283–304.


Vitale,
Alex S. 2007. '.' Mobilization 12()403–15.Control of space, surveillance, and info control (1‐2 weeks)What are repertoires of protest control? What are public spaces of dissent, and how do police respond to dissent in these spaces? What are the different zones of spatial control, and how do they differ? What is 'new surveillance', and how is it employed by police to control protest? What are fusion centers, and how do they operate to both consolidate and disseminate information? In what ways do police control information about production and dissemination of information about protesters and about police themselves?Readings:


Gillham,
Patrick F. 2011. '.' Sociology Compass 5():636–652.


Gillham,
Partrick F.,

Bob
Edwards and

John A.
Noakes. 2013. '.' Policing and Society 23():82–103.


Marx,
Gary T. 2004. '.' Knowledge, Technology, and Policy 17():18–37.


Newkirk,
Anthony B. 2010. '.' Surveillance and Society 8():43–60.


Roberts,
John Michael. 2008. '.' Sociology Compass 2(): 654–674.Dynamics of policing and protesting (1 week)How do interactions between police and protesters impact protest policing efforts? What ironies emerge from police and protester interactions?Readings:



della Porta,
Donatella and

Sidney
Tarrow. 2012. '.' Comparative Political Studies 45():119–152.


Gillham,
Patrick F. and

Gary T.
Marx. '.' Social Justice 27():212–236.


McPhail,
Clark and

John D.
McCarthy. 2005. '.' Pp. 3–32 in Repression and Mobilization edited by , , and . : .Intended and unintended consequences of protest policing (1‐2 weeks)What are the intended and unintended consequences of protest policing? How does protest policing impact activists, social movements, and democracy? What characteristics of the new styles of protest policing are spilling over into policing of other social phenomena?Readings:


Boyle,
Phillip and

Kevin
Haggerty. 2009. '.' International Political Sociology 3:257–274.


Cunningham,
David and

John
Noakes. 2008. '.' Pp. 175–197 in Surveillance and Governance: Crime Control and Beyond (Sociology of Crime Law and Deviance, Volume 10), edited by and

Jeffrey T.
Ulmer. : .


Earl,
Jennifer and

Sarah A.
Soule. 2010. '.' Pp. 75–113 in Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change (Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, Volume 30), edited by in . : .


Starr,
Amory,

Luis
Fernandez,

Randall
Amster,

Lesley
Wood and

Manuel J.
Caro. 2008. '.' Qualitative Sociology 31:251–270.


Wood,
Lesley J. 2007. '.' Mobilization 12():377–388.Focus questions

What challenges do researchers interested in studying social movements and the policing of protest face and why?
What methodologies do researchers use to study the policing of protest events? What types of data are generated by these methodologies? What are the strengths and limitations of each methodology and the data collected using each methodology?
What is the police‐democracy paradox? How are police both defenders of democracy and simultaneously a potential threat to democracy?
What is protest policing, and how has it changed over the years? What are the central dimensions on which researchers study the different styles or repertoires of protest policing?
What dynamics and processes drive changes in the development of protest policing repertoires, and what factors influence the choice of repertoires employed by police when controlling dissent?
What are the consequences of protest policing on democracy, activists, social movements, and the institution of law enforcement?
To what extent are changes occurring in the policing of different types of social phenomena like the Olympics, World Cup, and presidential inaugurations? What are the similarities or differences to changes occurring in protest policing?

The paper evaluates the content of the evolution of social management and public administration systems in Romania. The purpose of the article is to analyze the resources, problems and challenges of the public administration and social management systems development in Romania and Ukraine. To achieve this goal, we proceeded from the hypothesis that the overall (integral) effectiveness of the government and public administration in both Ukraine and Romania during the pre- crisis and crisis periods depends on the quality of organizing, coordination, motivational and control capacity of social management, design or compositions of state power, state system, the quality of the «deep state», the quality of the economic power in the state. It was found that the phenomenon of undistributed state power in a post- totalitarian country creates the conditions for the «merger» of the economic power of the big capitalists and the state power of the functionaries who are in fact appointed by the economic power. In fact, it is a fundamental mechanism of the double exploitation of people and resources by «mafia capitalism», a side phenomenon of which are the facts (manifestations) of corruption visible to society and international partners. As a result overcoming corruption and the processes of merging economic and political power as a determinant of the system of their motivation is a fundamental challenge, which becomes a fundamental threat in a pandemic. We believe that in the context of the crisis it is necessary to analyze the experience of public administration, the application of administrative and legal relations and administrative justice in both developed traditional democracies and the relatively young democracy of Romania. Without taking this experience into account, without making fundamental logical changes to the text of the Constitution of Ukraine on the essence, the method of generating and controlling the power distributed by the people, it will not be possible to overcome the effect of the state's occupation by the oligarchs. Without a direct formulation of the algorithm in the text of the Constitution and in organic laws that specify the responsibilities and powers of distributed authorities, institutions and public administration bodies, the static inefficient structure of monolithic state power will be constantly restored. Without a rational text of organic (constitutional laws) that specify the responsibilities of the main institutions of power: the President, Parliament, Government, Constitutional Court, Supreme Court, the High Council of Justice – Ukrainian «single state power» will always become the property of one person or group of individuals or clans, and to reproduce «mafia capitalism».Keywords: crisis, social governance, Romania, public administration, pandemic, COVID-19, institute, state power, optimal construction of state power. ; У роботі здійснено оцінювання еволюції системи соціального управління та публічного адміністрування в Румунії. Досліджено зміст та особливості оптимальної композиції державної влади у контексті її впливу на стан системи публічного адміністрування. Здійснено аналіз доцільності запозичення певних рішень та прийомів із застосованого в Румунії управлінського інструментарію; виявлення та прогнозування підходів, придатних для використання в умовах сучасної кризи в Україні, яка декларує в якості цілей розвитку економічне та політичне асоціювання з ЄС.Ключові слова: криза, соціальне управління, Румунія, публічне адміністрування, пандемія, COVID-19, інститут, державна влада, оптимальна конструкція державної влади.

The paper evaluates the content of the evolution of social management and public administration systems in Romania. The purpose of the article is to analyze the resources, problems and challenges of the public administration and social management systems development in Romania and Ukraine. To achieve this goal, we proceeded from the hypothesis that the overall (integral) effectiveness of the government and public administration in both Ukraine and Romania during the pre- crisis and crisis periods depends on the quality of organizing, coordination, motivational and control capacity of social management, design or compositions of state power, state system, the quality of the «deep state», the quality of the economic power in the state. It was found that the phenomenon of undistributed state power in a post- totalitarian country creates the conditions for the «merger» of the economic power of the big capitalists and the state power of the functionaries who are in fact appointed by the economic power. In fact, it is a fundamental mechanism of the double exploitation of people and resources by «mafia capitalism», a side phenomenon of which are the facts (manifestations) of corruption visible to society and international partners. As a result overcoming corruption and the processes of merging economic and political power as a determinant of the system of their motivation is a fundamental challenge, which becomes a fundamental threat in a pandemic. We believe that in the context of the crisis it is necessary to analyze the experience of public administration, the application of administrative and legal relations and administrative justice in both developed traditional democracies and the relatively young democracy of Romania. Without taking this experience into account, without making fundamental logical changes to the text of the Constitution of Ukraine on the essence, the method of generating and controlling the power distributed by the people, it will not be possible to overcome the effect of the state's occupation by the oligarchs. Without a direct formulation of the algorithm in the text of the Constitution and in organic laws that specify the responsibilities and powers of distributed authorities, institutions and public administration bodies, the static inefficient structure of monolithic state power will be constantly restored. Without a rational text of organic (constitutional laws) that specify the responsibilities of the main institutions of power: the President, Parliament, Government, Constitutional Court, Supreme Court, the High Council of Justice – Ukrainian «single state power» will always become the property of one person or group of individuals or clans, and to reproduce «mafia capitalism».Keywords: crisis, social governance, Romania, public administration, pandemic, COVID-19, institute, state power, optimal construction of state power. ; У роботі здійснено оцінювання еволюції системи соціального управління та публічного адміністрування в Румунії. Досліджено зміст та особливості оптимальної композиції державної влади у контексті її впливу на стан системи публічного адміністрування. Здійснено аналіз доцільності запозичення певних рішень та прийомів із застосованого в Румунії управлінського інструментарію; виявлення та прогнозування підходів, придатних для використання в умовах сучасної кризи в Україні, яка декларує в якості цілей розвитку економічне та політичне асоціювання з ЄС.Ключові слова: криза, соціальне управління, Румунія, публічне адміністрування, пандемія, COVID-19, інститут, державна влада, оптимальна конструкція державної влади.

El presupuesto participativo es una metodología que pretende fomentar la cultura participativa en la sociedad y la corresponsabilidad de la ciudadanía en la gestión presupuestaria municipal. Se trata de un auténtico ejercicio de democracia directa y participativa en el que se pretende incrementar la transparencia de gobiernos y, por consiguiente, mejorar la confianza de la ciudadanía con la política. En el año 2011 se implantaron por primera vez los Presupuestos Participativos en el municipio de Vila-real, contando con un total de 17 propuestas y una participación de la ciudadanía baja. Actualmente estamos ante la VIII edición de estos y, a pesar de la incorporación en 2017 de la App municipal y la presencia de la Corporación en las redes sociales, no ha incrementado la participación de la ciudadanía de manera sustantiva. En este estudio se llevará a cabo un análisis de la implementación del proyecto a nivel municipal y, mediante las metodologías de investigación que se proponen, identificar posibles mejoras del proceso e ideas para incrementar la participación ciudadana mediante el uso de las nuevas tecnologías y las redes sociales. ; Participatory budgeting is a methodology that aims at increasing the participatory culture in society and the co-responsibility of citizens in the local government budget management. It is an act of direct and participatory democracy that tries to increase the transparency of local governments and thus, improve the confidence of citizens in politics. In 2011 participatory budgeting was implemented for the first time in Vila-real, obtaining 17 proposals and a low participation rate of citizenship. Nowadays, after 8 editions of participatory budgeting in Vila-real the participation rate has not significantly increased despite the introduction of the local smartphone application in 2017, and the presence of the local authorities in the social networks. This study performs an analysis of the implementation of the participatory budgeting project at a local level. Furthermore, it also identifies the possible points of improvement and proposes novel ideas to increase citizenship participation rate through the use of new technologies and social networks. ; El pressupost participatiu és una metodologia que pretén fomentar la cultura participativa en la societat i la coresponsabilitat de la ciutadania en la gestió pressupostaria municipal. Es tracta d'un autèntic exercici de democràcia directa i participativa en el que es pretén incrementar la transparència de governs i, per consegüent, millorar la confiança de la ciutadania amb la política. L'any 2011 es van implantar per primera volta els Pressupostos Participatius en el municipi de Vila-real, contant amb un total de 17 propostes i una participació de la ciutadania baixa. Actualment estem front la VIII edició d'aquests i, a pesar de la incorporació en 2017 de l'App municipal i la presència de la Corporació en les xarxes socials, no ha incrementat la participació de la ciutadania de manera substantiva. En aquest estudi es durà a terme un anàlisi de la implementació del projecte a nivell municipal i, mitjançant les metodologies d'investigació que es proposen, identificar possibles millores del procés i idees per a incrementar la participació ciutadana mitjançant l'ús de les noves tecnologies i les xarxes socials.

This article is devoted to the explanation of the reasons that led to the development of the geopolitical situation in the Black Sea region after the end of the Cold War, the collapse of world communism and the disintegration of the USSR. The author notes that during this period, it did not improve, but on the contrary become more confrontational. The main reason for the intensification of this confrontation is the policy of Russia, which has undergone two main stages in its development: conservative (under President Yeltsin) and revanchist (under Putin's rule). At the first stage, Russia, trying to maintain its control over the post-Soviet space, adhered to tactics of the secret support of separatist movements. This led to the emergence of Transnistrian, Abkhazian and South Ossetian military-political conflicts, in which Russian military formations were directly involved. The result of these conflicts was the creation of three self-proclaimed state entities in the territory of Moldova and Georgia, which, although not recognized by Russia, were fully controlled by it. On the territory of Ukraine during this period, Russia succeeded only in subjugating its naval base in Sevastopol, including most of the ships of the Black Sea Fleet of the former USSR. At the second stage, Russia moved from a policy of preserving its presence in the territories of Moldova, Georgia (under the pretext of the need to deploy "peacekeeping forces" there) and Ukraine (due to the creation of a naval base in Sevastopol) to direct military aggressions. It is noted that changes in foreign policy were conditioned by the transformation of the Russian political regime – from a "Delegative Democracy" (under Yeltsin) to Neo-totalitarianism (under Putin). ; Статтю присвячено з'ясуванню причин, що зумовили розвиток геополітичної ситуації в причорноморському регіоні після закінчення холодної війни, краху світового комунізму та розпаду СРСР. Автор відмічає, що в цей період вона не тільки не покращилася, а навпаки стала більш конфронтаційною. Головною причиною посилення конфронтації є політика Росії, яка в своєму розвитку пройшла два основних етапи: консервативний та реваншистський. На першому етапі Росія, намагаючись зберегти свій контроль над пострадянським простором, дотримувалася тактики таємної підтримки сепаратистських рухів. Це призвело до виникнення придністровського, абхазького та південно-осетинського військово-політичних конфліктів, в яких безпосередньо брали участь російські військові формування. Результатом цих конфліктів стало створення на території Молдови та Грузії трьох самопроголошених державних утворень, які, хоча і не визнані Росією, повністю контролюються нею. На території України в цей період Росії вдалося лише підпорядкувати собі військово-морську базу в Севастополі, включаючи більшість кораблів Чорноморського флоту колишнього СРСР. На другому етапі Росія перейшла від політики збереження своєї присутності на територіях Молдови, Грузії (під приводом необхідності розміщення там «миротворчих сил») та України (завдяки створенню військово-морської бази в Севастополі) до прямої військової агресії. Новітніми явищами на другому етапі стали: офіційне визнання Росією самопроголошених державних утворень Абхазії та Північної Осетії як суверенних держав та безпосереднє включення частини території України (Криму) до складу РФ. Наголошується, що зміни зовнішньої політики були зумовлені трансформацією російського політично режиму від «делегативної демократії» до неототалітаризму.

The purpose of this report is to identify, map, and evaluate the most relevant European policies seen to influence permanent grassland (PG) management. To accomplish this, an interdisciplinary, crossnational team from the UK, Switzerland, Spain, Czech Republic, and Sweden reviewed over 50 in-depth policy frameworks. With direction from expert stakeholders and a review of the policy landscape, we identified the most relevant policy instruments influencing PGs across five different biogeographic regions in Europe (Alpine, Atlantic, Boreal, Continental, and Mediterranean). The mapping of each country's policy mix was guided inter-alia by a 'cascade framework' to illustrate the entry points, intermediary actors, mechanisms and pathways through which policies deliver their intended effects on PGs. This entailed an in-depth analysis of publicly available government sources documenting the aims, objectives, targets, monitoring systems, outputs and outcomes of each policy instrument. In total, 24 policies were mapped using 50 different criteria, with 15 of the policies unique to the case study countries. This resulted in an extensive excel database of over 3400 unique cells containing rich qualitative data. The excel data were coded in a consistent manner across the country teams so that they could be compared, synthesized, and used to identify patterns in the policy mix and logic of intervention. We show, for instance, that across Europe, the dominant policy logic uses regulations and incentives to influence farmer adoption of desired landscape compositions. This directly influences, but does not guarantee, the range of ecosystem services (ES) that are possible from the landscape. At the same time, we discovered a lack of policies targeting consumer demand for PG ecosystem services and only a few designed to drive sustainable PG management by directly promoting the value of PGs with beneficiaries. To complement the policy mapping, stakeholders' assessed the perceived effectiveness of the policy mix in each country. This evaluation included over 50 interviews with key stakeholders across Europe representing government, academia, farmers, and special interests, and covered perceptions of democracy, legitimacy, relevance, efficiency and impact in relation to the effectiveness of policies relevant to the management of PG. Our findings reveal generally positive perceptions of grassland policy effectiveness across Europe, with special interest groups being the least positive and governments the most. The in-depth country case studies reveal striking similarities, as well as differences between countries and stakeholder groups, which are illustrative of the problems, challenges, and barriers confronting policy effectiveness. We conclude this report by offering insights and policy implications. In particular, we suggest that the following four points are taken into consideration to improve the PG policy landscape: 1) Reduce complexity and administrative burden to make policies more understandable and accessible. 2) Require stakeholder involvement when developing strategic plans and assessing policy. 3) Encourage consideration of trade-offs between PG management and ES delivery, by designing policies to explicitly target the interaction between landscape structures and ES (or target them in parallel). 4) Encourage a balance of policy logic, by moving away from targeting farmers with regulation or subsidies to manage the landscape towards targeting consumer demand for ES (through information) and the value of ES (such as direct payments for regulating and cultural services).

Las ciudades son tan complejas como la sociedad a la que pertenecen; por ello sus modelos de crecimiento exigen revisión y puesta en práctica de estrategias urbanas sostenibles. Esto sin olvidar que su capacidad de renovación implica aceptar los cambios como hechos inevitables, imprevisibles y que en una democracia participativa y representativa, la participación ciudadana juega un rol importantísimo. En Venezuela, donde estos principios se han visto casi anulados, cabe preguntarse ¿qué tipo de planes urbanos son los adecuados para intervenir espacios tan complejos? ¿Qué se necesita para dejar de ser un país en emergencia y convertirse en un país emergente? Partiendo de estas interrogantes, el objetivo de este texto es analizar a través de una revisión bibliográfica, en qué grado el marco institucional contempla la necesidad de un diseño y una atención específica por las formas urbanas y su crecimiento. Se abordan disertaciones sobre el concepto de regeneración urbana relacionándolo con el contexto venezolano. Por último, se presenta un análisis sobre los elementos que buscan cambios en el tejido de los comportamientos humanos y el ejercicio de ciudadanía, como consecuencia directa de la relevancia del diseño urbano participativo, en determinadas prácticas de regeneración. El caso de las ciudades venezolanas es diferente al de otros países en el continente debido a las condiciones políticas, sociales y económicas. En un país como Venezuela, es necesario repensar la idea del "poder popular" y velar por la generación y aplicación de acciones urbanas en tanto que territorios humanizados. ; Cities are as complex as the society to which they belong to, that is the reason why their growth models require revision and implementation of sustainable urban strategies. It is necessary to keep in mind, that the capacity for renewal implies accepting inevitable changes, unpredictable events and considering the importance of the citizen participation in a representative democracy. in Venezuela, where these principles have been almost eliminated, it is worth asking: what kind of urban plans are adequate to get involved in that kind of complex spaces? What is necessary to stop being a country in emergency and become an emerging country? Taking into consideration these questions, the objective of this text is to analyze through a literature review, until which degree the institutional framework considers the necessity of a design and specific attention of the urban forms and their growth. Dissertations about the concept of urban regeneration and its growth are approached relating them with the Venezuelan context. Eventually, an analysis is presented on the elements that seek changes in the hatches of human behavior and the exercise of citizenship, as a direct consequence of the relevance of participatory urban design, in certain regeneration practices. The case of Venezuelan cities is different from other countries in the continent, due to political, social and economic conditions. In a country like Venezuela, it is necessary to reconsider the idea of "popular power" and ensure the generation and application of urban actions as humanized territories. ; 57-70 ; qmarielisa@hotmail.com ; Semestral

El Acuerdo de Escazú representa una herramienta fundamental para el ejercicio adecuado de la protección ambiental. No obstante, sus propósitos resultan abstractos e ideales por la falta e imposibilidad político-jurídica de su inclusión y materialización. Frente a ese problema, a través de una metodología deductiva basada en fuentes indirectas de investigación, el presente artículo tiene por objetivo analizar el papel preventivo de la participación ciudadana en el ejercicio de una democracia ambiental, evaluando sus impactos a partir de la implementación del acuerdo Escazú en Brasil, delineando retos y prospectivas para la implementación de los ODS. Principalmente, lo que tiene que ver con la gestión y planeación de ciudades y comunidades sostenibles (objetivo 11). Así se concluye que: (1) Se debe dar prevalencia a una participación directa de la sociedad, producto de una socialización, de una opción libre, preventiva y transparente e informada; (2) Esa participación, baluarte del Acuerdo de Escazú, es compatible con una educación ambiental, que reconoce y exalta el valor de la investigación científica, práctica o empírica, como una alianza del conocimiento, para la consecución de los ODS, concretamente lo relacionado con la gestión y planeación de comunidades y ciudades sostenibles; (3) Frente a la existencia de gobiernos tiránicos, la descentralización del poder de decisión resulta fundamental para crear verdaderas políticas de Estado orientadas a garantizar el contenido del Acuerdo y la consecuente protección del medio ambiente. Y, en caso de aducirse como contrarias, la justicia, siempre con fundamento en la Constitución y la ley, debe entrar a garantizar las acciones. ; The Escazú Agreement represents a fundamental tool for the adequate exercise of environmental protection. However, its purposes are abstract and ideal due to the lack and political-legal impossibility of its inclusion and materialization. Facing this problem, through a deductive methodology based on indirect sources of research, this article aims to analyze the preventive role of citizen participation in the exercise of environmental democracy, evaluating its impacts from the implementation of the agreement Escazú in Brazil, outlining challenges and prospects for the implementation of the SDGs. Mainly, what has to do with the management and planning of sustainable cities and communities (Goal 11). Thus, it is concluded that: (1) Prevalence should be given to direct participation by society, the product of socialization, of a free, preventive, and transparent and informed option; (2) This participation, value of the Escazú Agreement, is compatible with an environmental education, which recognizes and exalts the value of scientific, practical and/or empirical research, as an alliance of knowledge, for the achievement of the SDGs, specifically, related to the management and planning of sustainable communities and cities; (3) In the face of the existence of tyrannical governments, the decentralization of decision-making power is essential to create true State policies aimed at guaranteeing the content of the Agreement and the consequent protection of the environment. And, in case of being claimed as contrary, justice, always based on the Constitution and the law, must enter to guarantee the actions.

El interés de este estudio se centra en la importancia de conocer los mecanismos de control social impuestos por Grupos Armados Organizados al Margen de la Ley - GAOML- y las estrategias de afrontamiento colectivo de la población civil afectada en el marco del conflicto político armado colombiano en el municipio de Almaguer, departamento del Cauca, territorio que por su ubicación reviste importancia a nivel geográfico, social y económico, en un momento de inflexión histórica en la transformación del conflicto. El abordaje se realizó a partir de tres grupos focales, conformados por 24 personas inscritas en el Registro Único de Víctimas. Dentro de los resultados obtenidos se identificó que los GAOML utilizan como mecanismos de control social el arrasamiento de bases locales de democracia, imposición sucesiva de órdenes de violencia diversos y estigmatización, los cuales, contienen el desarrollo de múltiples acciones violentas y normas para regular el comportamiento de los habitantes. En respuesta a esta dinámica del conflicto armado se identifican estrategias de afrontamiento (directo, autocontrol y activo) por parte de la población civil. La investigación tiene como eje principal la descripción de las narrativas relacionadas con el marco conceptual y demás abordajes dados desde una perspectiva del construccionismo social para la comprensión de los mecanismos de control social que llevan a cabo los Grupos Armados Organizados al Margen de la Ley -GAOML-, y análisis de las estrategias de afrontamiento colectivas que implementaron las víctimas ante estas acciones de violencia, específicamente en el municipio de Almaguer. ; The interest of this study focuses on the importance of knowing the mechanisms of social control imposed by Armed Groups Organized to the Margin of the Law - GAOML- and the collective coping strategies of the affected civilian population in the framework of the Colombian armed political conflict in the municipality of Almaguer, department of Cauca, a territory that due to its location is of importance at the geographic, social and economic, at a moment of historical inflection in the transformation of the conflict. The approach was carried out from three focus groups, made up of 24 people registered in the Single Registry of Victims. Among the results obtained, identified that the GAOML use the devastation of local bases of democracy, successive imposition of various orders of violence and stigmatization, which contain the development of multiple violent actions and norms to regulate the behavior of the inhabitants. In response to this dynamic of armed conflict coping strategies are identified (direct, self-control and active) by the civilian population. The main axis of the research is the description of the narratives related to the conceptual framework and other approaches given from a perspective of social constructionism for understanding the mechanisms of social control that Organized Armed Groups carry out the Margin of the Law -GAOML-, and analysis of the collective coping strategies that the victims implemented before these acts of violence, specifically in the municipality of Almaguer. ; CRAI-USTA Bogotá ; orcid:0000-0003-1131-6791 ; https://scholar.google.es/citations?user=0kQtaHUAAAAJ&hl=es ; http://scienti.colciencias.gov.co:8081/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0000227900

It is noted that from the standpoint of sociology, "management — a function of organized systems of various nature — (technical, biological, social), which ensures the preservation of their structure, maintaining a certain state or transfer to another state, in accordance with the objective laws of the existence of this system, which implemented by a program or deliberately set aside". Management is carried out through the influence of one subsystem-controlling, on the other-controlled, on the processes taking place in it with the help of information signals or administrative actions. It is proved that self-government allows all members of society or a separate association to fully express their will and interests, overcome alienation, effectively combat bureaucracy, and promote public self-realization of the individual. At the same time, wide direct participation in the management of insufficiently competent participants who are not responsible for their decisions, contradicts the social division of labor, reduces the effectiveness of management, complicates the rationalization of production. This can lead to the dominance of short-term interests over promising interests. Therefore, it is always important for society to find the optimal measure of a combination of self-management and professional management. It is determined that social representation acts, on the one hand, as the most important intermediary between the state and the population, the protection of social interests in a politically heterogeneous environment. On the other hand, it ensures the operation of a mechanism for correcting the political system, which makes it possible to correct previously adopted decisions in a legitimate way, without resorting to violence. It is proved that the system of social representation influences the most important political relations, promotes social integration, that is, the inclusion of various social groups and public associations in the political system. It is proposed to use the term "self-government" in relation to several levels of people's association: the whole community — public self-government or self-government of the people, to individual regions or communities — local, to production management — production self-government. Traditionally, self-government is seen as an alternative to public administration. Ideology and practice of selfgovernment originate from the primitive, communal-tribal democracy. It is established that, in practice, centralization has become a "natural form of government". In its pure form, centralization does not recognize the autonomy of places and even local life. It is characteristic of authoritarian regimes, but it is also widely used by democratic regimes, where they believe that political freedoms should be fixed only at the national level. It is determined that since the state has achieved certain sizes, it is impossible to abandon the admission of the existence of local authorities. Thus, deconcentration appears as one of the forms of centralization and as a cure for the excesses of the latter. Deconcentration assumes the presence of local bodies, which depend on the government functionally and in the order of subordination of their officials. The dependency of officials means that the leadership of local authorities is appointed by the central government and may be displaced.

Kazimierz Poznański, Konfucjanizm jako ekonomia moralna [Confucianism as a moral economy] edited by W. Banach, M.A. Michalski, J. Sójka, "Człowiek i Społeczeństwo" vol. XLVI: Między Chinami a Zachodem. Pytanie o źródła chińskiego sukcesu gospodarczego [Between China and the West. An inquiry into the sources of the Chinese economic miracle], Poznań 2018, pp. 11–42, Adam Mickiewicz University. Faculty of Social Sciences Press. ISSN 0239-3271.Western economic system is usually called "democratic capitalism". But how should be called the system in today's China? China is not a capitalist economy, but a market economy without capitalism. She is also a democracy but without direct voting for the highest posts. The doctrinal roots of "democratic capitalism" are in liberalism and the Chinese system is ingrained in Confucianism. For this reason, what is in use in China can be called "Confucian system" or, alternatively "Confucian meritocracy". This kind of meritocracy is not limited to Chinese state, it operates through entire society. As Confucians argue, state is a function of family. Thus, only when family is a meritocracy, so is the state, actually the whole society. Chinese meritocracy is an ethical concept, because in Confucian tradition "merit" means "virtue". Two thousand years old, Chinese system of ethics has continued. But two hundred years ago, parallel Western ethical vision of society has been assaulted by liberalism. This marked a gigantic split between the two civilizations. Escaping from ethics to – call it – logic, is the reason why liberalism has been failing to accurately reflect economic reality. As a consequence, Western economies work below their potential. In contrast, sticking to her ethical philosophy – of life – China has been excelling. To properly address this dynamic, it is necessary to determine what constitutes Chinese view of economy as a study of wealth. Not yet formalized, it is her peoples' "second nature". It all begins with a claim that goal of people is the extension of life to next generations. But liberalism – with "liberal (classical) economics" – argues that the goal is an "instant gratification", i.e., consumption of goods. In pursuit of personal satisfaction, individuals face no moral dilemma. But since life is a gift, for Confucians choices are moral. Chinese reject the liberal notion of scarcity and claim abundance of resources. With excess, people can "afford" morality which is about sharing. Since there is no need for live-or-die competition for resources, to survive people need only to work. For Confucians, not market but family is the prime form of organization. This is so, since morality comes from family. Market can enhance efficiency only when "embedded" in morality. This is true about other key institution – state. China continues her "success story" by restoring Confucian past, with meritocracy at the core. To stimulate its economy, Western civilization also needs a return to the past. It needs to remake its mainstream liberalism by returning to roots as formulated by proto-liberalism. Focused on morality and family, this approach has been renewed by Joseph Schumpeter and the Austrian School. Parallel reforms may bring two grand civilizations close by again.