This study outlines the initial challenge presented by the HIV/AIDS epidemic, describes Djibouti's response, reviews the results achieved and the enabling factors in curbing the spread of the epidemic, and identifies remaining challenges. Between 2002 and 2008, HIV prevalence among young pregnant women aged 15-24 was reduced from 2.7 percent to 1.9 percent and among sentinel surveillance groups from 2.5 percent to 1.9 percent. HIV prevalence among tuberculosis patients was reduced from an estimated 22 percent to 12 percent. Condom use during last intercourse outside marriage increased from 27 percent to 55 percent and reached 95 percent among sex workers. Among the general population, awareness of HIV/AIDS increased to 95 percent and knowledge about transmission and prevention rose to 50 percent. Political commitment, engagement of community and religious leaders, rigorous communication, social marketing and the provision of an integrated package of medical and social services, and donor harmonization were among the key factors that contributed to the achievement of these results. Despite these impressive results in a relatively short period, Djibouti still has to address several challenges and consolidate program gains, but most importantly, funds are being mobilized from government resources to sustain the national AIDS control program.
This study examines Public Expenditure Tracking Survey (PETS) and Quantitative Service Delivery Survey (QSDS) carried out in Africa with the objective of assessing their approaches, main findings, and contributions. Section 2 investigates the context, motivations, and objectives of PETS and QSDS that have been carried out in Sub-Saharan Africa. Section 3 examines the institutional arrangements for resource allocation and service delivery in social sectors. Section 4 presents some of the main findings of tracking surveys. Section 5 analyzes methodological approaches used in previous tracking surveys in order to identify factors that could explain the difference in past surveys' success, and identify potential methodological harmonization. Section 6 presents a series of good practice principles that arise from past experience, and discusses how they could be implemented. Section 7 proposes potential future surveys and endeavors.
One of the most contentious issues of globalization is the effect of global economic integration on inequality and poverty. This article documents five trends in the modern era of globalization, starting around 1980. The first trend is that growth rates in poor economies have accelerated and are higher than growth rates in rich countries for the first time in modern history. Developing countries per capita incomes grew more than 3.5 percent a year in the 1990s. Second, the number of extremely poor people in the world has declined significantly. The share of people in developing economies living on less than dollar 1 a day has been cut in half since 1981, though the decline in the share living on less than dollar 2 per day was much less dramatic. Third, global inequality has declined modestly, reversing a 200-year trend toward higher inequality. Fourth, within-country inequality in general is not growing, though it has risen in several populous countries (China, India, and the United States). Fifth, wage inequality is rising worldwide. This may seem to contradict the fourth trend, but it does not because there is no simple link between wage inequality and household income inequality. Furthermore, the trends toward faster growth and poverty reduction are strongest in developing economies that have integrated with the global economy most rapidly, which supports the view that integration has been a positive force for improving the lives of people in developing areas
10/28/2020 Campus News - January 2016 www.fresnostatejournal.com/vol19no5/index.html 1/7 Features | Around Campus | Events | Recognition | Service | SEARCH ARCHIVES January 2016 - Vol. 19, No. 5 P' M Welcome back to campus! I hope all of you had an enjoyable holiday break and are ready for a new year ofserving our students. We have some exciting events, projects and staff additions ahead, including: The annual Spring Assembly for Faculty and Staff is Thursday, Jan. 14, with a continental breakfastat 8:30 and program beginning at 9 a.m. I hope you'll come to the Save Mart Center for a brief recapof the fall semester. What's even more important, I have exciting news about the future. The Strategic Plan Committee worked throughout the fall to refine our plan based on the excellentinput received in our campus and community forums. Stay tuned for a final version of our StrategicPlan this spring. A new Cabinet member soon will be joining us. I've appointed Lawrence Salinas as executive directorof Government Relations, effective Feb. 1. He will develop and manage strategies to inform andinfluence public policy at the local, state and federal levels on issues and in areas of interest toFresno State and to advise the campus on legislative matters that may affect us. Lawrence, a FresnoState alumnus, has held leadership positions in governmental relations at UC Merced and the UCOffice of the President. I am thrilled that we again recruited our #1 choice in a Cabinet search! As we begin 2016, I am more convinced than ever that Fresno State's future is very bright. Let's go boldlyinto this new year! 10/28/2020 Campus News - January 2016 www.fresnostatejournal.com/vol19no5/index.html 2/7 F Red Wave honors faculty, staff Fresno State staff and faculty were honored Dec. 3 at a special men's basketball game appreciation night. Meet some ofthe player's favorite professors: Thea Fabian (Economics), Leonard Olson (Philosophy), Aric Min (Earth andEnvironmental Sciences) and Jonathan Hernandez (Communication). See more . EOP: Making a difference |The Educational Opportunity Program (EOP) at Fresno State continues to"make a difference" in helping first generation and historically low-incomestudents attain their goal of graduating from college. EOP recently announcedthat students in the fall 2009 cohort achieved a 6-year graduation rate of 59.7percent, which is higher than the campus rate of 58.4 percent. See more . FresnoStateNews.com is all new Stay current on the latest news, information and events happening at FresnoState by visiting the redesigned www.FresnoStateNews.com . This one-stop-shop for campus news features University produced videos, press releases,magazine and newsletter articles. FresnoStateNews.com is an easy way to follow the latest posts on the University'sofficial Facebook and Twitter accounts, and the live calendar is always up-to-date with the latest events on campus. Andif you have a question about a past event or issue facing the University, simply search the archives to access past newsarticles, videos and photos. The new FresnoStateNews.com is also the place to sign up for Fresno State's CommunityNewsletter. Created to showcase how Fresno State is making a bold difference in our region, this monthly newsletter isfilled with videos and features about all aspects of Fresno State. It's never been easier to stay in the know about allthings Fresno State. Bookmark www.FresnoStateNews.com today! Campus colors of fall The campus presents a beautiful show of color during the seasons, and this fall is a showstopper. Photos by CaryEdmondson. See slideshow . A look back at 2015 Revisit key moments from the past year. Photos by Cary Edmondson. See slideshow . A C New Warmerdam Field track project begins Warmerdam Field is undergoing a facelift as of December. The $2.6 million project is expected to continue through June2016. The project includes an eight-lane, all-weather track; a high-jump area; long- and triple-jump runways; two polevault runways; and shot put, discuss, hammer cage and javelin improvements. Also included are updates in utilities,landscaping and fencing. The current nine-lane, 400-meter track was constructed in 1976 and is named in honor ofCornelius "Dutch" Warmerdam, the former Fresno State head coach and former world-record holder in the pole vault.The track was last resurfaced in 1989. See more . Proposed Hmong minor option would be a first in western U.S. The University is developing a new minor program in Hmong Studies that will be the fifth such program in the nation andfirst in the western United States. The minor, which would be offered through the Linguistics Department in the College ofArts and Humanities, is in the final stages of the approval process with a decision due in the spring. The target date tolaunch is the fall 2016 semester. See more . Student Cupboard receives $25,000 endowment A Bay Area family joined together to establish an endowment that will help Fresno State students facing food insecurity.Michael Treviño, University of California director of undergraduate admissions, has established a $25,000 charitable giftannuity in honor of his aunt, Ermelinda Treviño. The annuity will provide lasting support of the Student Cupboard, whichprovides free food and hygiene products for Fresno State students in need. See more .10/28/2020 Campus News - January 2016 www.fresnostatejournal.com/vol19no5/index.html 3/7 Global wireless connectivity is here On Jan. 14, Fresno State will launch eduroam(education roaming), a global wireless connectivityservice that enables students, faculty, staff, andguests to obtain secure internet connectivity. Theeduroam federation is a group of thousands ofuniversities and higher-education institutions across54 countries. These institutions have the eduroamnetwork at their locations and will grant you secureaccess to their network without having to go throughthe long process of setting up a guest login andpassword. Your device will work on their campusesthe same as if it were on Fresno State's. Additionalinformation about eduroam is available here . Benefits: Simplicity - Fresno State students, faculty and staff can log in to eduroam with their own Fresno State credentialsat any participating institution. Security - Eduroam' uses WPA2-enterprise authentication and encryption to prevent eavesdropping when usinginsecure applications on the network. The most significant change to the Fresno State network is that the process for logging in will require an email addressand corresponding email password instead of using computer login credentials. Contact the Help Desk at 278.5000 formore information. Salinas named director of governmental relations For Lawrence Salinas, a Fresno State alumnus with 30 years of political and public affairsexperience, coming home to serve as the University's new executive director of governmentalrelations is an opportunity to advocate for his alma mater. His primary role will be to develop andmanage strategies to inform and influence public policy at the local, state and federal levels inareas of interest to Fresno State. He will report directly to the president and advise the campuson legislative matters that may affect the University. See more . Philanthropist and supporter Dee Jordan dies Mrs. Dee Jordan, who, along with her husband and brother-in-law, was responsible for the largest cash gift in FresnoState's history, passed away on Nov. 17 in San Francisco at age 87. Her connection to Fresno State started at a socialgathering more than three decades ago when a retired Fresno State agriculture professor shared his enthusiasm for hiscollege's programs. That meeting led to a lasting relationship between the Jordans and Fresno State that ultimatelyresulted in a $29.5 million gift to Fresno State's Ag One Foundation in 2009. See more . Former psych professor, chair, Merry West, dies Dr. Merry West, professor emerita and former chair of the Psychology Department, died Nov. 20. She earned a Ph.D. inPsychology from Iowa State University in 1972 and joined the University soon after, then received emeritus status in1993. While at the University, she helped to initiate re-entry programs for students and to develop Women Studiesprograms. Dr. West loved traveling, but her favorite places were in California. See more . E Keyboard Concerts presents Yefim Bronfman on Jan. 22 Yefim Bronfman performs at 3 p.m., Jan. 22, in the Concert Hall. Bronfman, a Russian-Israeli-American artist, regularly collaborates with the world's foremost conductors, including SirSimon Rattle, Daniel Barenboim, Herbert Blomstedt, Christoph von Dohnányi, Charles Dutoit,Valery Gergiev, Christoph Eschenbach, Zubin Mehta, Esa-Pekka Salonen, and David Zinman.General admission is $25, seniors $18 and students $5. For reservations and otherinformation, call 278.2337.10/28/2020 Campus News - January 2016 www.fresnostatejournal.com/vol19no5/index.html 4/7 Comedian Drew Lynch performs Feb. 9 Student Involvement is hosting a special performance from comedian Drew Lynch on Feb. 9 at7 p.m. in the Satellite Student Union. This event is free to students with a valid Fresno StateI.D. and open to public for $5 per person. Drew Lynch starred on season 10 of America's GotTalent and advanced all the way to the finale. During his first audition, he shared his story ofhow a softball accident resulted in a permanent, severe stutter and how his life changedimmediately. Drew Lynch's comedy performance is being sponsored by Student Involvement,Services for Students with Disabilities, and Advocates for Students with Disabilities. For moreinformation, contact Shawna Blair at 559.278.2741. Library hosts Saleri exhibition Feb. 6-May 31; gala dinner is Feb. 5 During the spring 2016 semester, the Henry Madden Library presents a retrospective exhibition of artwork by KristinSaleri (1915 to 1987), a pioneering 20th century artist of Armenian heritage who lived and painted in Istanbul. Discovering Kristin Saleri runs Feb. 6 through May 31 in the Leon S. Peters Ellipse Gallery and Pete P. Peters BalconyGallery. The Gala Donors Opening Dinner is Feb. 5 at 6 p.m. in Henry Madden Library, second floor outside Leon S.Peters Ellipse Gallery. The exhibition is curated by Fresno natives Joyce Kierejczyk and Carol Tikijian, who also curateda spring exhibition at the Fresno Art Museum of works by artists of Armenian descent in commemoration of thecentennial of the Armenian genocide. The artworks exhibited are on loan from the family of the artist, who reside inHouston. For more information on the artist, visit www.kristinsaleri.com . For more information on the exhibit, visit the website . Save the date: Jan. 14 - International Fun Night, University Student Union Pavilion, 4 p.m. Jan. 16 - Men's basketball, Save Mart Center, 4 p.m. Meet members of the team . Jan. 20 - Women's basketball, Save Mart Center, 7 p.m. Jan. 21 - The Harlem Globetrotters, Save Mart Center, 7 p.m. Jan. 21 - Visual Arts Seminar, Satellite Student Union, 8 a.m. Jan. 22 - Women's basketball, Save Mart Center, 2 p.m. Jan. 27 - Club Sports Expo and Greek Day, University Student Union Balcony, starting at 7 a.m. Jan. 30 - SATAM Tai Chi group practice, South Gym 134, 7:30 a.m. R Emmanuel Alcala (Central Valley Health Policy Institute) presented on air pollution in the Valley and its effects on children at the NationalInstitute of Environmental Health Sciences/Environmental Protection Agency Children's Centers Annual Meeting inWashington, D.C. See more . Nancy Delich and Stephen Roberts (Social Work and Communicative Disorders and Deaf Studies) are featured in the latest issue of Central California LifeMagazine, in which they discuss their underwater sign language course, which they teach at their dive shop, CentralValley Scuba Center. See more . Ethan Kytle and Blain Roberts (History) had their op-ed article advocating for a national slavery memorial published in the New York Times. See more .Roberts' book, "Pageants, Parlors, and Pretty Women: Race and Beauty in the Twentieth Century South" (University ofNorth Carolina Press, 2014) was recently awarded the 2105 Willie Lee Rose Prize by the Southern Association forWomen Historians. This award recognizes the best book in southern history published by a woman during the previouscalendar year. The book was also a finalist (among the top three, out of 70 submissions) for the 2015 BerkshireConference of Women Historians First Book Prize. Annette Levi (Agricultural Business) was named to the National Agricultural Research, Extension, Education, and Economics Advisory10/28/2020 Campus News - January 2016 www.fresnostatejournal.com/vol19no5/index.html 5/7 Board by U.S. Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack. The board advises Vilsack and land-grant colleges and universities. Bradley Myers (Theatre Arts) received recognition from the Region VIII Governing Board of the Kennedy Center/American CollegeTheatre Festival for the production of the play, "Really, Really ." A scene from the play will be included at the regionalfestival at the University of Hawaii Honolulu, Hawaii, held this February. Barlow Der Mugrdechian (Armenian Studies) had a book chapter published, "The Theme of Genocide in Armenian Literature," (pp. 273-286) in thenewly released book, The Armenian Genocide Legac y (Palgrave, 2015). The book was the product of a conference, "TheArmenian Genocide's Legacy, 100 Years On," held in The Hague, Netherlands, March 5-7, 2015. Saúl Jiménez-Sandoval (Arts and Humanities) was named dean of the College of Arts and Humanities, effective Jan. 1. He is a Fresno Stateprofessor of Spanish and Portuguese and served as interim associate dean of the college. Jiménez-Sandoval willsucceed Interim Dean José A. Díaz, who was not a candidate for the position. Díaz will be on special assignment in thespring semester. See more . Samendra Sherchan (Public Health) received the 2015-16 WRPI Faculty Research Incentive Award (from the Office of the Chancellor, WaterResources and Policy Initiatives) for his project, Understanding Public Perception to Direct Potable Reuse of MunicipalTreated Waste-water in the Central Valley. S Reading and Beyond at Fresno State celebrates asuccessful semester The Reading and Beyond at Fresno State program (a partnershipbetween Fresno State's Richter Center and Reading and Beyond )recently took time to celebrate a successful semester. Over the courseof fall 2015, 60 work-study students served as tutors with the program,providing tutoring and mentoring services to children throughoutFresno County. Tutors worked directly with 183 elementary studentsproviding literacy and homework support. In addition, the tutors servedmore than 800 children intermittently. Reading and Beyond at FresnoState program also took part in several additional community serviceprojects, including school carnivals, local revitalization projects,educational community events, and a special letter-writing campaign benefiting military members and veterans. Save the Date: Spring Community Service Opportunities Fair The 13th annual Spring Community Service Opportunities Fair takes place Wednesday, Jan. 27, from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m.in the Satellite Student Union. The event is sponsored by The Jan and Bud Richter Center for Community Engagementand Service-Learning. During the Community Service Opportunities Fair students will have the opportunity to learn aboutvolunteer, service-learning, internship, and career opportunities offered through local community benefit organizations. Faculty and staff are encouraged to attend this event and send students who are interested in community service or whoare required to do service as part of a class assignment. For more information, please contact Trisha Studt in the RichterCenter at 559.278.7079. Registration open for Kids Day 2016 Kids Day is one the Valley's largest and most visible special events benefitting Valley Children's Hospital . Last year over1,400 Fresno State students participated in Kids Day and raised over $41,000! Kids Day will be held on March 8, 2016and is a great way for students, faculty, and staff to engage in a community-wide philanthropy project and can help inthree ways: (1) volunteer to sell papers, (2) help recruit other volunteers by sharing information on this event with friends,students and colleagues and (3) buy a paper on Kids Day from those around campus. Each year the Richter Centerhosts a friendly competition recognizing the top-selling student clubs and organizations. Register your club ororganization today by completing the online form . Individuals can also sign-up to volunteer using the same form . Formore information about participating, please contact Madison Dakovich in the Jan and Bud Richter Center for CommunityEngagement and Service-Learning at 559.278.7079 or send an email to fresnostatekidsday@gmail.com.10/28/2020 Campus News - January 2016 www.fresnostatejournal.com/vol19no5/index.html 6/7 Fresno State for Summer Campaign a success This fall, Fresno State students Nancy Mohamed and Kelli Lowe, coordinated a campus-wide fundraising campaign builtaround the annual Giving Tuesday . This project raised money to support the wish of a Make-A-Wish CentralCalifornia child, Summer, whose wish is to visit to Walt Disney World with her family and meet Elsa from the movie Frozen . The campaign, "Fresno State for Summer" ran from November 1 - December 1, 2015. Over $1,400 was raisedto support Summer's wish. Mohamed and Lowe hope that this project will inspire future students to continue organizingfundraising efforts around Giving Tuesday and establishing a new philanthropic tradition at Fresno State. Richter Center student leaders provide nearly 3,000 hours of service In December, the Richter Center Student Leaders (RCSL) celebrated a successful fall semester. RCSL is made-up ofthree distinct teams including the Richter Center Ambassadors, Reflection Facilitators, and SERVE Committee. Theteam of 27 students provided a combined 2,734 hours of service to the campus and community. This service includedcoordinating and hosting two one-day service events (Make a Difference Day and Serving Fresno Day), conductingservice-related presentations and workshops for fellow Fresno State students, and promoting service through variousdigital and in-person campaigns. The team will return in the spring semester to continue these efforts including planningand hosting Spring into Service – a one-day service event – and National Volunteer Week activities. For more informationon RCSL, contact Mellissa Jessen-Hiser . Send us your photos! Campus News wants to share your most whimsical or memorable photo as a photo of the month . Faculty and staff, please submit your photo to campusnews@csufresno.edu . In case you missed it: Fresno State vs. San Francisco Catch some highlights from the Fresno State basketball win against San Francisco on Nov. 19. See slideshow . Fresno State vs. Colorado State Miss the Fresno State Bulldogs football game against Colorado State Rams, Nov. 28? See slideshow . International Cultural Night Enjoy the colors and vibrancy of International Cultural Night. See slideshow . ROTC Presentation Fresno State's ROTC made a presentation at the Oakland Raiders game, Dec. 6. See slideshow. Marching Band Moments A look back at some key Fresno State Marching Band moments. See slideshow . Happy Holidays Enjoy a glimpse of some of the seasonal decorations on campus, including displays in the Kennel Bookstore. Seeslideshow . Or enjoy holiday greetings from Victor E. Bulldog III. See slideshow . Slideshow photos by Cary Edmondson and courtesy of University Communications.10/28/2020 Campus News - January 2016 www.fresnostatejournal.com/vol19no5/index.html 7/7 Still looking for more news? For the latest university press releases, visit FresnoStateNews.com. For sports news, visit GoBulldogs.com . Find announcements, events, and more on BulletinBoard . For the academic calendar, see the catalog . Find additional calendars through Academic Affairs . A listing of season stage performances is available through Theatre Arts and music performances through the Music Department . Campus News is the Fresno State employee newsletter published online the first day of each month – or the weekday closest to the first – fromSeptember through May. The deadline for submissions to the newsletter is 10 days prior to the first of each month. Please e-mail submissions to campusnews@csufresno.edu ; include digital photos, video clips or audio clips that are publishable online. Phone messages, PDFs, faxes, and printedhard copies will not be accepted. President , Joseph I. Castro Vice President for University Advancement , Paula Castadio . Campus News is published by the Office of University Communications. Archives | Academic Calendar | FresnoStateNews | Campus News Deadlines | University Communications Print this Page
10/28/2020 Campus News - October 2015 www.fresnostatejournal.com/vol19no2/index.html 1/7 Features | Around Campus | Events | Recognition | Service | SEARCH ARCHIVES October 2015 - Vol. 19, No. 2 P' M This is an exciting time for the University! Fresno State is stronger than ever – a place of growingdiscovery, diversity and distinction. Applications from talented and diverse undergraduates from throughoutthe Valley and state hit a record number this year. In fact, our applications have increased at a rate that istwice the CSU average. As I meet these students on campus, I am impressed with the excellence theybring to Fresno State. As we strengthen our student success initiatives, we are seeing our graduation ratesteadily improving. The six-year rate is projected to increase to nearly 58 percent this year. That is morethan a 9 percentage-point increase in the past two years. Our goal is to achieve a 70 percent graduationrate by 2023, and we are well on our way! Thanks to the bold efforts of our faculty and staff, there is muchto be proud of at Fresno State. F Dr. Mohan Dangi: a Fresno State action hero in Nepal One moment Dr. Mohan Dangi was on his way back to Fresno after helping with Nepal earthquake relief efforts, and thenext he was about to be pulverized by a huge rock headed right for his vehicle. The driver gunned it, and thus Dr. Dangisurvived a mortal threat which is reminscent of an Indiana Jones movie. See more . Autism Center is all about serving families Making a big difference is what the Autism Center @ Fresno State is all about. Reaching out to the community, it has10/28/2020 Campus News - October 2015 www.fresnostatejournal.com/vol19no2/index.html 2/7 already established a new center in Madera county. See more . Dr. Andrew Fiala examines the big questions in life Thinking and questioning can lead to a satisfying life, according to Dr.Andrew Fiala, professor and chair of the Philosophy Department and directorof the Ethics Center at Fresno State. "We're not all alike, and we don't haveto be," Fiala said. "Socrates, Galileo, Martin Luther, Einstein — theinnovators have been the unique individuals who think differently than themajority." See more . International Student Services and Programs For the second year in a row, Fresno State has been selected for a nationalExcellence and Innovation Award from the American Association of StateColleges and Universities (AASCU). This year, it's for internationalization efforts. See more . The Castros' first two years at Fresno State Remember key moments with President Joseph I. Castro and First Lady Mary Castro. Photos by Cary Edmondson. Seeslideshow . Trek with TimeOut Enjoy some of the fun times with TimeOut, Fresno State's beloved mascot. Photos by Cary Edmondson. Additionalphotos courtesy of Athletics Marketing and Promotions. See slideshow . A C Submit your input for the strategic planning process President Castro and the Strategic Planning Committee invite members of the campus community to offer input for thestrategic planning process that will identify campus priorities for the next five years. An online form for input is available here . Information about the draft Mission Statement and Strategic Plan priorities is available here. Nursing students take free services to the Valley This September saw the launch of School of Nursing's Community Health Mobile Unit, which offers free health servicesto rural communities. The mobile unit, made from a deconstructed RV, has two exam rooms for services such asimmunizations and diabetes and blood pressure screenings, plus health assessments, education and referrals.Throughout the fall semester, the mobile unit will travel to rural areas in Fresno County, providing free services to thosewho do not have readily available access to health care. See more . New name for Student Affairs, offices The Division of Student Affairs has been renamed the Division of Student Affairs and Enrollment Management. Officeswithin the division have also changed their names: Career Development Center (formerly Career Services), Cross Culture and Gender Center (formerly Center for Women and Culture), and University Health and CounselingCenter (formerly University Health and Psychological Services). Admissions and Records also had offices that changedtheir names: Degree Advising Office (formerly the Evaluations Office) and Student Conduct Office (formerly JudicialAffairs). Also, the Dream Outreach Center is a new office within Student Affairs and Enrollment Management, housed inUniversity Outreach Center's office. Athletics honors academics This season at home sporting events, extraordinary teaching at the University is being showcased by selected facultymembers — such as Miles Ishigaki (Music) and Betsy Hays (MCJ) — who present the game ball to President Joseph I.Castro in front of thousands of Bulldog football fans. Faculty members from the Jordan College of Agricultural Sciencesand Technology are also recognized during football games as the "Actagro Faculty Member of the Game," with CathyPay Zhu (Agricultural Business) and Hend Letaief (Viticulture and Enology) recently receiving this honorary recognition.Additional recognition for academics takes place during Men's Basketball College Nights, which introduces theaccomplishments of the University's colleges and schools to the community and provides the opportunity to bring donors,alumni, staff, faculty and students from together for a fun evening. Athletics also recognizes faculty and staff with anappreciation day, one for each sport (excluding football) which offers faculty and staff free admission. For moreinformation, or if you know an extraordinary faculty or staff member you would like to see honored at a future event,please contact aslater@csufresno.edu .10/28/2020 Campus News - October 2015 www.fresnostatejournal.com/vol19no2/index.html 3/7 $10,000 grant will help Fresno State serve students in recovery Fresno State has received a $10,000 Early Seed Grant from Transforming YouthRecovery (TYR), a non-profit charity created by the Stacie Mathewson Foundation,which creates and brings together innovative and sustainable scholastic recoverycommunities. The three-year grant provides funding and technical assistance with agoal to help Fresno State "build a recovery community from the inside out by focusingon community-based assets and mobilizing relationships between individuals,associations and institutions." The grant will help Fresno State spearhead recoveryefforts on campus. Activities include the following: Identifying of a small group of students in recovery to help lead the way to developmentof a program. Conducting a survey and convening focus groups of students in recovery to obtainfeedback on the type of support they need in order to have a successful academiccareer. Based on the results, the University may consider bringing Alcoholics Anonymous meetings or otherrecovery support group meetings to Fresno State. Working with Transforming Youth Recovery on an ongoing basis to develop and strengthen our recovery program. For more information, contact Kathy Yarmo at kyarmo@csufresno.edu . WASC team will visit campus Oct. 20-22 The WASC Senior College and University Commission (WSCUC) will be at Fresno State Oct. 20-22 in connection withthe University's accreditation. The team typically schedules open meetings with students, staff and faculty to provide anopportunity for informal input from all members of the campus community about their experiences with the institution.Individuals who are unable to attend the meetings may contact the WSCUC team through Oct. 22 using this confidentialemail: csufr@wascsenior.org . For more information about Fresno State WASC accreditation, click here. E Keyboard Concerts presents Isabelle Demers on Oct. 4 Isabelle Demers performs works by Vierne, Prokofiev, H. Martin, Reger, J.S. Bach, Laurin, andThalben-Ball at 3 p.m., Oct. 4 in the Concert Hall. A French-Canadian artist, she is rapidlybecoming recognized as one of America's most virtuosic organists. Recent highlights of hervast performance activities include her debuts at Davies Hall in San Francisco and Disney Hallin Los Angeles as well as a fourteen concert tour of England and Germany. General admissionis $25, seniors $18, and students $5. For reservations and other information, call 278.2337.This concert is co-sponsored with the San Joaquin Valley Chapter, American Guild ofOrganists and L'Alliance Francaise de Fresno. Farm to Fork Exhibition open through December; Great Grape Event is Oct. 10 Henry Madden Library's exhibition, "Farm to Fork: Food, Family, Farming," features the immigration history of the Valley'slargest ethnic populations, as well as their contributions to agriculture in the Central Valley. It will also showcase antiquefarming equipment as part of a "non-petting zoo." The exhibition is free and open to the public through December 18. Inaddition, a series of related "Farm to Fork" events are being planned throughout the year, beginning with "The GreatGrape" on Saturday, Oct.r 10, from 10 a.m. to 2 p.m. at the Department of Viticulture and Enology (located on Barstowbetween Cedar and Maple). For more information, visit www.fresnostate.edu/library or contact Cindy Wathen at 278.1680or ciwathen@csufresno.edu . Universal Design Day is Oct. 16 Universal Design Day is Oct. 16 from 9 a.m.-3 p.m. at the Henry Madden Library, starting at DISCOVERe Hub, first floor.This event is held bring awareness of universal design and accessibility to our campus. Attend a showcase of resourcesand best practices. "Pop-in" to 30-minute workshops. Features include food, prizes, and opportunities in universaldesign. See more . Licensing and Tradmark Vendor Fair is Oct. 22 A Licensing and Tradmark Vendor Fair will be held Oct. 22 from 9 a.m.-2 p.m., North Gym 118, to inform faculty and staffof how to order products with Fresno State's trademark. Companies licensed to provide promotional materials will bepresent with vendor booths and samples. Presentations will be made at 10 a.m., 11 a.m., and 1 p.m. For moreinformation, contact gbehrens@csufresno.edu .10/28/2020 Campus News - October 2015 www.fresnostatejournal.com/vol19no2/index.html 4/7 Pianist Sahan Arzruni performs Oct. 25 The Keyboard Concerts series offers a special event with pianist Sahan Arzruniperforming on Sunday, Oct. 25, at 3 p.m. Arzruni has become a familiar figurethrough many television broadcasts such as Johnny Carson and Mike Douglasshows. He has also been featured in a number of PBS specials. The recital is co-sponsored with the Fresno State Armenian Studies Program and the Thomas A.Kooyumjian Family Foundation. General admission is $25, seniors $18, and students$5. For reservations and other information, call 278.2337. University Theatre 2015-16 season begins The upcoming University Theatre season includes the following: Yellowman , by Dael Orlandersmith, Oct. 2-4 and 6-10, Dennis and Cheryl Woods Theatre A Midsummer Night's Dream , by William Shakespeare, Oct. 30-Nov. 1 and Nov. 3-7, Dennis and Cheryl WoodsTheatre Really Really , by Paul Downs Colaizzo, Dec. 4-6 and 8-12, John Wright Theatre Contemporary Dance Ensemble, artistic director Kenneth Balint, Feb. 12-14 and 16-20, John Wright Theatre Malpractice, or Love's the Best Docto r, adapted from The Comedies of Moliére , March 11-13 and 15-19, Dennisand Cheryl Woods Theatre Blue Willow , by Pamela Sterling, May 6-8 and 10-14, John Wright Theatre Tickets are $17 for adults, $15 for Fresno State faculty, staff, alumni, seniors citizens and military, and $10 for studentsand are available at www.fresnostate.edu/theatrearts . Fresno State Concert Schedule To see the entire concert and recital schedule visit the website .Tickets prices are subject to change, Jazz Composer's Orchestra - Oct. 5 at 8 p.m., Concert Hall Fresno State Guitar Studio - Oct. 6 at 8 p.m., Wahlberg Recital Hall Faculty Brass Recital - Oct. 7 at 8 p.m., Concert Hall Cello Fresno – International Cello Festival Concert I, Symphony Orchestra - Oct. 9 at 8 p.m., Concert Hall,General: $15, Employee: $10, Senior: $10, Student: $5 Cello Fresno – International Cello Festival Concerto Competition - Oct. 10 at 8 p.m. Concert Hall, General:$15, Employee: $10, Senior: $10, Student: $5 FSSO/Cello Festival Final Gala Concert - Oct. 11 at 7 p.m., Concert Hall, General: $15, Employee: $10, Senior:$10, Student: $5 Symphonic Band Concert I - Oct. 13 at 7:30 p.m., Concert Hall Wind Orchestra Concert - Oct. 15 at 8 p.m., Concert Hall, General: $15, Employee: $10, Senior: $10, Student:$5 Invitational Choral Festival - Oct. 21-23, Concert Hall Keyboard Concerts Special Event - Sahan Arzruni – Oct. 25 at 3 p.m. Concert Hall, General: $25, Senior: $18,Student: $5. Not a part of the regular Keyboard Concert series Faculty Recital - Oct. 28 at 8 p.m. Concert Hall Jazz-O-Ween - Oct. 29 at 8 p.m., Concert Hall Conley Gallery Exhibitions Gallery hours during shows: Monday - Thursday, 10 a.m. - 4 p.m. unless otherwise noted. See the website for more. Nov. 2 - 5: Miguel Flores Reception: Thursday, Nov. 5, 5-8 p.m. Save the date: Oct. 9 - RAD American Women reception and presentation, University Dining Hall, 6 p.m. Oct. 28 - Fall Faculty/Staff Breakfast, 7:30 a.m.-9:30 a.m., Residence Dining Hall East Wing (reservations required) Oct. 29-30 - California Latino Leadership Education Summit10/28/2020 Campus News - October 2015 www.fresnostatejournal.com/vol19no2/index.html 5/7 Nov. 15-18 - Accreditation site visit for entry-level Department of Physical Therapy Nov. 19 - President's Forum for Faculty and Staff, 10-11 a.m., North Gym 118 R Brad Hyatt (Construction Management) was appointed by Mayor Ashley Swearengin to the city of Fresno's Capital ProjectsOversight Board. Sam Lankford (Recreation Administration) had his report, "The Impact of the Arctic Winter Games: A Social Capital Perspective,"published this summer. It is the culmination of his 23 years of research on the social benefits of the Arctic Winter Games. Read more . Miguel Perez (Public Health) led 15 public health students on a global service learning course in the Dominican Republic, where theyprovided health education activities to some of the region's most destitute individuals. He also won an HonoraryProfessor award from the Universidad Central del Este (Central University of the East, UCE) in the Dominican Republicas part of UCE's Global Health Week. Kathie Reid-Bevington and Geoffrey Thurner (Jordan College) are participants in the Fresno County Farm Bureau's Future Advocates for Agriculture Concerned aboutTomorrow Class XIII, which is an eight-month educational program for community leaders who want to discussagriculture, labor and immigration, air quality, land-use planning, food production and more. Scott Sailor (Kinesiology) was officially inducted as president of the National Athletic Trainers Association. In this role, he'll lead39,000+ athletic trainers from across the nation, including Fresno State's Dr. Paul Ullucci (Physical Therapy), whoreceived the Most Distinguished Athletic Trainer Award at the 66th Annual NATA Meeting this summer in St Louis. Readmore . Anil Shrestha (Plant Science) was named Winrock International's August Volunteer of the Month for his recent work in two separatethree-week projects in Nepal. See more . Bhupinder Singh (Physical Therapy) presented his research, "Balance Control during Common Rehabilitation Exercises in ObeseFemales," at the American Society of Biomechanics meeting in Columbus, Ohio, this summer. S Save Mart Center's Shehady Tower turned red for Blood Cancer Awareness Fresno State teamed up with the Save Mart Center, Leukemia Lymphoma Society, Central California Blood Center andthe new Be the Match On Campus student group to support Blood Cancer Awareness Month in September. The partnersmet for a kick-off in the early morning hours of Sept. 9 to view Shehady Tower illuminated in red lights. The lighting is partof the national Leukemia Lymphoma Society campaign, to light iconic buildings in cities across America red. Iin addition to the tower lighting, Fresno State also hosted an on-campus blood drive and marrow registry drive Sept. 16-18. Hundreds of generous members of the Fresno State community donated blood and registered for the national Be theMatch marrow registry. The next on-campus blood drive and marrow registry drive will take place Nov. 17-19. For more information about Be the Match on Campus, contact Giuffrida at 559.278.5716 or tgiuffrida@csufresno.edu . Forthe Leukemia and Lymphoma Society, contact Korina Mendoza at 559.490.6943 or korina.mendoza@lls.org . For theFresno State blood drives contact Renee Delport at 559.278.7063 or rdelport@csufresno.edu .10/28/2020 Campus News - October 2015 www.fresnostatejournal.com/vol19no2/index.html 6/7 Taste of Service Event introduces students to Fresno State's Culture of Service Taste of Service, a new addition to the annual Community ServiceOpportunities Fair took place in early September. In addition to learningabout community benefit organizations and volunteer opportunities theyoffer, the new area provided students the opportunity to try out several on-the-spot service projects. More than 650 students participated in the event that took place adjacent tothe traditional Service Fair. The service projects included writing advocacyletters with the Fresno State Food Recovery Network, making pinwheel toysand cards for patients at Valley Children's Hospital, and writing thank youcards for military veterans who live in the Fresno Veteran's Home. The event was coordinated by the Jan and Bud Richter Center forCommunity Engagement and Service-Learning and sponsored by Associated Students, Inc., Humanics, and StudentInvolvement. Make a Difference Day is Oct. 24 "Make a Difference Day," a national community service event encompassingthe most comprehensive nation-wide day of helping others, is Saturday, Oct. 24from 8 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. The Richter Center for Community Engagement andService-Learning is asking all faculty, staff, students, and alumni to participate.Volunteers may participate individually or as a group. More information aboutthe event, including registration details, is available at http://www.fresnostate.edu/academics/cesl/about/events.html In case you missed it: Fresno State's football win against Abilene Christian Relive the Fresno State Bulldogs' 34-13 football win against Abilene Christian Wildcats, Bulldog Stadium, Sept. 3,2015. See slideshow . Fall 2015 Residence Hall move-in See highlights from the Residence Hall move-in this fall. Photos by Cary Edmondson. See slideshow . New Student Convocation 2015 Fresno State welcomed new freshman, transfer and graduate students at the New Student Convocation in theSave Mart Center Aug. 24. See the slideshow . Ribbon cutting for Physical Therapy and Intercollegiate Athletics Building The University celebrated the opening of its new state-of-the-art 22,000-square-foot building with a ribbon cuttingSept. 15. The facility houses the Department of Physical Therapy, as well as athletics offices, and is located atBarstow Avenue and Campus Drive. See the slideshow . Bienvenida! Enjoy scenes from the Bienvenida celebration in the Fresno State Peace Garden, September 16. See theslideshow . Slideshow photos by Cary Edmondson. 10/28/2020 Campus News - October 2015 www.fresnostatejournal.com/vol19no2/index.html 7/7 Still looking for more news? For the latest University press releases, visit FresnoStateNews.com. For sports news, visit GoBulldogs.com . Find announcements, events, and more on BulletinBoard . For the academic calendar, see the catalog . Find additional calendars through Academic Affairs . A listing of season stage performances is available through Theatre Arts and music performances through the Music Department . Campus News is the Fresno State employee newsletter published online the first day of each month – or the weekday closest to the first – fromSeptember through May. The deadline for submissions to the newsletter is 10 days prior to the first of each month. Please e-mail submissions to campusnews@csufresno.edu ; include digital photos, video clips or audio clips that are publishable online. Phone messages, PDFs, faxes, and printedhard copies will not be accepted. President , Joseph I. Castro Vice President for University Advancement , Paula Castadio . Campus News is published by the Office of University Communications. Archives | Academic Calendar | FresnoStateNews | Campus News Deadlines | University Communications Print this Page
Having reached the mark of 2,118 delegates, Barack Obama has gone from candidate in the closest head-to-head primary ever to presumptive nominee. Appropriately, he will accept the nomination at the August convention in Denver, on the 45th anniversary of Martin Luther King's "I have a dream" speech. This is political history in the making: he is the first African-American to be the head of the presidential ticket of a major party. After years of angst and self doubt, there is a renewed optimism on the street, and a whole new group of voters has been mobilized. However, Obama, who has run on a message of hope and change, faces an extremely difficult path ahead. His vulnerabilities have become apparent in the succession of events over the last few weeks of this long primary season.He lost nine of the last fourteen primaries, including South Dakota, where he was favored (55% to 45%), and Puerto Rico (68% to 42%); he has had to cut ties with his Church due to its radicalism and anti-establishment stance, and, one day after Obama claimed the nomination, one of his top fund-raisers was found guilty of wire fraud and money laundering in a federal court in Chicago. Now his campaign will have to overcome this dry patch and move forward to the greater challenge, that of defeating McCain. His next task at hand is to choose a vice-president, and this, too, poses a serious dilemma.In the first place, Hillary Rodham-Clinton took five days to acknowledge defeat, giving cause for some speculation that she is pressing for the vice-presidential spot with the implied threat that she will continue fighting all the way to the convention. She has the right to do so, if we consider the fact that she has won all of the big states and probably a larger number of the popular vote (around 18 million). And, as she not so humbly claims, she is the more experienced candidate who could better stand up to McCain. On the other hand, there is great concern that Barack's image as the unconventional, charismatic, post-modern Washington outsider will be damaged if he chooses her. So the decision will require reflection, pondering and a lot of vetting interviews of alternative candidates.Much ink will be spent in speculating why Hillary lost the primary. Here, I will just offer a few reflections, leaving the second guessing of the way her campaign was run to those who will manically analyze every decision taken, every tactic used, every gesture, every word, and will have their eureka moments when finding the flaw, the error, the underestimation that brought her down. And yet, quite often fate, luck and other imponderables irrevocably determine the outcome of a narrow race, regardless of the brilliant strategies of the campaign managers, advisers and other experts. It has already been said that Rodham Clinton started her campaign as the inevitable candidate, as the incumbent, and that her sense of entitlement turned many voters away. At the same time, her main message was one of change, of moving forward, of undoing the Bush legacy, but Obama co-opted that message, and he was much more convincing as an agent of change. Hillary began her campaign running not as a woman, but as the most hardened and experienced, candidate that would deliver both peace and prosperity to all Americans. Obama ran from the beginning as the post-racial candidate and this theme remained constant throughout his campaign. She was trying to woo independents and disaffected Republicans and had thus to prove that she was as tough as John McCain. Obama had no intention of treading down that path, which he derided as part of the Washington game. Instead, he stuck fearlessly to his convictions. It was this independent streak, his absolute confidence in the soundness of his cool, post-modern world vision that was irresistible to the young voters. This should not obfuscate the fact that both ran historic campaigns and have unremittingly shattered the barriers of gender and race in American politics at the highest level. Still, the promise of change was more credible when pledged by the young unknown than by the seasoned insider. With no substantial philosophical differences between the two, the richer contrast was all inspiration and charisma versus politics as usual.First of all, we need to consider a fundamental fact: even if the media and their respective campaigns have played up the differences between the two candidates, their basic policy choices and ideologies are one and the same. From health care to fiscal policy, from education to foreign policy, there may be some minimal disagreements but they both share the basic ideology of more equitable economic distribution, protection of civil rights and overall tolerance toward others that typify Democrats in the United States. Some observers may bring up Hillary's vote in favor of the Iraqi invasion of 2003 as evidence of an important disagreement, and also a cause of her loss of popularity in the early stages of the campaign. That certainly did her harm, which is ironic because, in academic and political circles alike, few believe it represents her real conviction. As a Senator for New York and a future presidential candidate, she carefully chose to vote in favor of a war that, in October 2002, had a high rate of approval among the population, who had clearly bought the Republican idea that the invasion "over there" would make us safer "over here". At the time, she hedged that gamble against the fact that "there was enough evidence" Saddam was piling up WMDs, which had little to do with 9-11 and Al Qaeda. But a scared populace is an easy target for deception and false reassurances. Intent on proving her masculine toughness on security issues, she fell into the Republican trap. Five years down the road, this carefully measured decision came back to haunt her, and the controversy over that vote generated an enormous surge of support for Obama that might have created the momentum that helped him win the early contests, namely, the Iowa caucuses and the wins of February 5th. This momentum, coupled with the televised debates, proved he was a worthy, viable candidate; it brought the media to his side and attracted new voters. He irradiated a cool self-assurance, a subdued charm, an understated intelligence that was indeed enchanting to young voters, to black voters and to hard core Democrats tired of the vitriol of Washington. The country, it seemed, was ready for Obama. His timing was impeccable and had the effect of making Rodham-Clinton look tired, strident and blasé. The media had found its golden boy and started treating Hillary as the intruder, who would do anything to prevent a new Camelot.After his initial sweep, Hillary slowly started to recover and as the campaign progressed, her message became more focused and she found her voice. She switched strategies and, from being the more experienced candidate that would deliver peace and prosperity to all Americans, she turned back to her traditional constituencies, namely, women and blue-collar workers. Speaking to her strengths, namely, her devotion to public service and her familiarity with the intricacies of policy-making, she became a great communicator that invariably connected with her audiences. And she started winning again.Even those that dislike her have to acknowledge her skills as a campaigner, her endurance and poise under tremendous pressure and, more importantly, her dramatic recovery of the popular vote towards the end of the campaign, which made her claim to bring this battle to the convention quite legitimate. Her wins in Pennsylvania, Ohio and West Virginia, as well as her immense support in the Hispanic community as shown by the Puerto Rican vote, cannot be discounted by the party when it looks ahead to the national election in November.One should bear in mind that these primaries were the closest contest in primary history, and in spite of having the whole media establishment against her from the beginning, Hillary did not at any time show signs of faltering or self-doubt and never allowed herself to make the road easier for Obama. She stayed on message, speaking to the issues, proving she was ready to become the first woman president. Both her competency and her warmth gained her a huge following. But once she lost the media she also started losing the super-delegates from inside the party. One after the other, the big names in the party started lining up behind Obama: Tom Daschle, Ted and Caroline Kennedy, Christopher Dodd, Bill Richardson, and towards the end, even John Edwards.This took many by surprise, and is related to another phenomenon that very few had perceived before: the animosity that the Clintons, especially Bill, provoke from within the party itself. Although Bill and Hillary are the most powerful brand name in the Democratic Party, there is a surprising amount of anger against them that had remained latent till now. Bill Clinton's harsh remarks in South Carolina primary astonished many and may have hurt her campaign, reinforcing the perception that the Clintons would do anything, even play the race card, in order to win the White House.Then there was the question of demographics and identity politics. Although Rodham-Clinton attempted to run as the candidate for all, after the first losses and as she increasingly won the vote of women and blue collar workers, she turned to her natural constituencies. She started running as a woman and as the champion of the working class. In her new more populist persona, she also won among Jews, Catholics and rural workers. Obama did best among college educated youth, intellectuals and black voters. In other words, they both win the identity vote. Identity has come up often during the campaign, and not in a positive way. Irate at the way the media were treating Hillary and indulging Obama especially in interviews (there was even a sketch in Saturday Night Live that parodied this noticeable difference), Geraldine Ferraro accused the media of sexism and went as far as saying that Obama would not be treated with so much deference if he was a white man. After disproportionate outcry by the media and the public, Clinton had to fire Ferraro as her advisor. Thus, bringing up sexism completely backfired for Hillary.The irony once again, is that Identity Politics is most likely the prism through which both Hillary and Obama, see America: as a society divided by categories of class, gender, race, ethnicity and sexual preference. His as well as her policies are informed by this view. But Obama skillfully downplays it and tries to portray himself as the candidate for all Americans who want change and are tired of Washington politics. He does not deny that race and gender play a role in politics but prefers not to bring it up since it is "not productive". His strategy has paid off so far, but this topic will certainly be revisited in the national election. Due to his background and life experience, McCain has a very different view based on patriotism and service to the country, on individual responsibility and a common civic culture. He will find a way to turn the notion of Identity Politics against Obama, who, in spite of his unifying message, often speaks about redressing balances and ending injustice.Finally, the closeness of the race and the resilience of these two formidable candidates were again in display towards its end, and led to a new critical stage. The momentum that had carried Obama through the early and middle stages started to weaken. As time went by, more scrutiny brought up the issue of his membership in a radical Black Liberation Theology Church, the (inane) fact that he did not wear a US flag pin on his lapel (a symbol of patriotism that became particularly important after 9-11, when even academics came under no small degree of peer pressure to wear one), and this past week, the conviction by a Chicago federal jury of former fund-raiser and friend, Antoin Retzko.As momentum weakened, and as Clinton seemed to resurrect and come closer to Obama in the delegate count, party rules regarding delegate selection became more important . Because in most primaries there has been an early front-runner, and because the last primary contest that had to be taken all the way to the convention without a presumptive nominee was in 1976, very few party leaders and even fewer journalists are aware of the rules. As they began to play out, we were all submitted to a crash course on these intra-party rules. The Democratic Party has a centralized structure, so all states play by the same rules, and its selection system is based on proportional representation, the most democratic form of representation: within each state, any candidate that reaches a threshold of 15% of votes is allocated delegates proportionally to the vote. This, while it is better for representation, tends to prolong the race and make it closer. While Clinton was recovering and making important gains, Obama still continued to pick up a few delegates here and there, and the media kept its constant drum roll in his favor. Super-delegates were swayed to his side, irrevocably. In contrast, Republicans have a decentralized structure so that each state establishes its own rules, and most choose a winner-take-all selection system. This system, while less democratic and representative, enabled them to have a clear winner by March, with all the advantages that that entails.This year a very peculiar situation arose out of Michigan and Florida, where the state governments scheduled the primaries too early, in breach of the Democratic Party rules, so the Democratic National Committee determined they would not seat their delegates. There were 313 delegates at stake. Obama withdrew his name from the ballot in Michigan, and did not campaign in Florida. Clinton won both. At that time nobody thought this issue would become decisive for the nomination, but in such a close race, it certainly did. Last weekend the DNC met with representative so both sides and settled on a formula that allocated delegates to both in a very non-scientific way. It gave each of those delegated half a vote at the convention. While the formula was accepted by both sides, it has been perceived as a bonus for Obama, whose name was not even on the ballot in Michigan and yet he still got delegates allocated. This may still come up again at the National Convention in August. Many factors have thus combined to make Obama the presumptive nominee of the Democratic Party. In addition to momentum and rules we should also consider the fortunate pairing of Obama to the spirit of the times. The timing for an unconventional candidate could not have been better, and he emerged as the prophetic leader the times demanded. His demeanor, his background, and his non-assuming attitude, all make for the perfect post-modern candidate. The public embraced him and the media anointed him. Now, the question still remains, is his "gift of grace" strong enough to unify America? Can he summon the support he needs to win a national election? Given the complex electoral system based on state votes and an electoral college, and not on the popular vote, can he win the major states and the swing states?Here is where the selection of a vice-president becomes crucial.There is a big movement both from the grassroots and from Clintonites inside the party (yes, there are still some left!) to pressure Obama to pick Hillary as running mate. There are of course, both huge advantages and dismal disadvantages for Obama to ponder in his selection. His first consideration must be to win the election, but he also needs to be able to govern, once he wins.Hillary would bring in those votes that have eluded Obama: mature women, blue collar, rural. Seventy-six of her supporters want her to be Vice-president. She energizes audiences and has won the hearts of all those groups above-mentioned. They feel very strongly about her place in History and demand respect for their candidate. Some may not even come out to vote if Obama's ticket does not include her. She would also help win the big states (she won them all, among them California, Texas and New York) and the swing states, noticeable among them, Ohio, that determined Bush's victory in 04. On the other hand, she does evoke the past in the minds of many voters, and she is now undoubtedly a Washington insider (in fact, her experience has been counted as both an asset and a liability in this sense). She would distort Obama's image as the unconventional candidate, and his message of change and hope may be, if not lost, at least diminished.Insofar as governing, their ideologies and policy positions are perfectly compatible, if not identical, so that would not constitute a problem. She has been studying the intricacies of policy and politics since she was a university student at Wellesley College. She is capable, efficient, convincing and tireless. She is experienced in navigating the meandering straits of policy making, and can muster bipartisan support with her well-reasoned arguments.Another often-mentioned handicap is Bill Clinton himself. With his larger than life personality, can he play prince consort? Or would he be the one that governs behind the scenes, and have his own shadow cabinet, Cheney-style? His reputation has suffered a lot lately, not any more because of that infamous blue dress but because he has not disclosed the list of donors to his library, among which there allegedly are several Middle Eastern governments. There is real vitriol against him, and that is directly transferred to Hillary.For now, both candidates seem to be catching their breaths.Hillary postponed her concession speech for as long as possible, some say to put pressure on Obama to include her in the ticket. Barack, on his part, has quietly named a vetting team for a vice-presidential search. Caroline Kennedy is among its members, as is Eric Holden, President Clinton's former attorney- general. It is headed by Jim Johnson, former Chairman of Fannie Mae, who vetted VPs for John Kerry and Walter Mondale. After exhaustive interviews and background checks, Obama will decide.In the last two months of the campaign, the pundits were prone to repeating that the "math" was against Hillary. This was a gross oversimplification of a race that was characterized by peculiar circumstances and surprises at every turn, and one which was less about math than about intangibles: momentum, media frenzy, rules, emotions, charisma and zeitgeist . In the end, however, it may all very well come down to the "math": if Barack can be convinced that he needs Hillary to win against McCain, then he will pick her as his VP and put the rest of his concerns aside. This will also heal party wounds and bring into the fold her loyal constituencies. But public opinion is fickle, politics is an inexact science and many times emotions can trump the best thought- out and scientifically devised plans. Like Sisyphus rolling the boulder up the mountain, Obama may find he has to prove himself all over again and then come out empty-handed in November.In the meantime, and just for good measure, Obama, the "transformative candidate" is now wearing a US flag pin on his lapel.Puerto Ricans do not have the right to vote in national elections due to the "associated state "status, but they can vote in primary elections.This dynamic in the relationship between momentum and rules has been pointed out in a recent article by Jason Bello and Robert Shapiro, published in the Political Science Quarterly, vol. 123 No.1 Spring 08.Super delegates are unpledged party leaders who do not have to declare their presidential preferences until balloting takes place at the ConventionSenior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia
COVID-STORM Clinicians Giuseppe Foti1, Giacomo Bellani 1, Giuseppe Citerio1, Ernesto Contro1, Alberto Pesci2, Maria Grazia Valsecchi3, Marina Cazzaniga4 1Department of Emergency, Anesthesia and Intensive Care, School of Medicine and Surgery, University of Milano-Bicocca, San Gerardo Hospital, Monza, Italy. 2Department of Pneumology, School of Medicine and Surgery, University of Milano-Bicocca, San Gerardo Hospital, Monza, Italy. 3Center of Bioinformatics and Biostatistics, School of Medicine and Surgery, University of Milano-Bicocca, San Gerardo Hospital, Monza, Italy. 4Phase I Research Center, School of Medicine and Surgery, University of Milano-Bicocca, San Gerardo Hospital, Monza IT ; COVID Clinicians Jorge Abad1, Sergio Aguilera-Albesa2, Ozge Metin Akcan3, Ilad Alavi Darazam4, Juan C. Aldave5, Miquel Alfonso Ramos6, Seyed Alireza Nadji7, Gulsum Alkan8, Jerome Allardet-Servent9, Luis M. Allende10, Laia Alsina11, Marie-Alexandra Alyanakian12, Blanca Amador-Borrero13, Zahir Amoura14, Arnau Antolí15, Sevket Arslan16, Sophie Assant17, Terese Auguet18, Axelle Azot19, Fanny Bajolle20, Aurélie Baldolli21, Maite Ballester22, Hagit Baris Feldman23, Benoit Barrou24, Alexandra Beurton25, Agurtzane Bilbao26, Geraldine Blanchard-Rohner27, Ignacio Blanco1, Adeline Blandinières28, Daniel Blazquez-Gamero29, Marketa Bloomfield30, Mireia Bolivar-Prados31, Raphael Borie32, Cédric Bosteels33, Ahmed A. Bousfiha34, Claire Bouvattier35, Oksana Boyarchuk36, Maria Rita P. Bueno37, Jacinta Bustamante20, Juan José Cáceres Agra38, Semra Calimli39, Ruggero Capra40, Maria Carrabba41, Carlos Casasnovas42, Marion Caseris43, Martin Castelle44, Francesco Castelli45, Martín Castillo de Vera46, Mateus V. Castro37, Emilie Catherinot47, Martin Chalumeau48, Bruno Charbit49, Matthew P. Cheng50, Père Clavé31, Bonaventura Clotet51, Anna Codina52, Fatih Colkesen53, Fatma Çölkesen54, Roger Colobran55, Cloé Comarmond56, David Dalmau57, David Ross Darley58, Nicolas Dauby59, Stéphane Dauger60, Loic de Pontual61, Amin Dehban62, Geoffroy Delplancq63, Alexandre Demoule64, Jean-Luc Diehl65, Stephanie Dobbelaere66, Sophie Durand67, Waleed Eldars68, Mohamed Elgamal69, Marwa H. Elnagdy70, Melike Emiroglu71, Emine Hafize Erdeniz72, Selma Erol Aytekin73, Romain Euvrard74, Recep Evcen75, Giovanna Fabio41, Laurence Faivre76, Antonin Falck43, Muriel Fartoukh77, Morgane Faure78, Miguel Fernandez Arquero79, Carlos Flores80, Bruno Francois81, Victoria Fumadó82, Francesca Fusco83, Blanca Garcia Solis84, Pascale Gaussem85, Juana Gil-Herrera86, Laurent Gilardin87, Monica Girona Alarcon88, Mònica Girona-Alarcón88, Jean-Christophe Goffard89, Funda Gok90, Rafaela González-Montelongo91, Antoine Guerder92, Yahya Gul93, Sukru Nail Guner93, Marta Gut94, Jérôme Hadjadj95, Filomeen Haerynck96, Rabih Halwani97, Lennart Hammarström98, Nevin Hatipoglu99, Elisa Hernandez-Brito100, Cathérine Heijmans101, María Soledad Holanda-Peña102, Juan Pablo Horcajada103, Levi Hoste104, Eric Hoste105, Sami Hraiech106, Linda Humbert107, Alejandro D. Iglesias108, Antonio Íñigo-Campos91, Matthieu Jamme109, María Jesús Arranz110, Iolanda Jordan111, Philippe Jorens112, Fikret Kanat113, Hasan Kapakli114, Iskender Kara115, Adem Karbuz116, Kadriye Kart Yasar117, Sevgi Keles118, Yasemin Kendir Demirkol119, Adam Klocperk120, Zbigniew J. Król121, Paul Kuentz122, Yat Wah M. Kwan123, Jean-Christophe Lagier124, Bart N. Lambrecht33, Yu-Lung Lau125, Fleur Le Bourgeois60, Yee-Sin Leo126, Rafael Leon Lopez127, Daniel Leung125, Michael Levin128, Michael Levy60, Romain Lévy20, Zhi Li49, Agnes Linglart129, Bart Loeys130, José M. Lorenzo-Salazar91, Céline Louapre131, Catherine Lubetzki131, Charles-Edouard Luyt132, David C. Lye133, Davood Mansouri134, Majid Marjani135, Jesus Marquez Pereira136, Andrea Martin137, David Martínez Pueyo138, Javier Martinez-Picado139, Iciar Marzana140, Alexis Mathian14, Larissa R. B. Matos37, Gail V. Matthews141, Julien Mayaux142, Jean-Louis Mège143, Isabelle Melki144, Jean-François Meritet145, Ozge Metin146, Isabelle Meyts147, Mehdi Mezidi148, Isabelle Migeotte149, Maude Millereux150, Tristan Mirault151, Clotilde Mircher67, Mehdi Mirsaeidi152, Abián Montesdeoca Melián153, Antonio Morales Martinez154, Pierre Morange155, Clémence Mordacq107, Guillaume Morelle156, Stéphane Mouly13, Adrián Muñoz-Barrera91, Leslie Naesens157, Cyril Nafati158, João Farela Neves159, Lisa FP. Ng160, Yeray Novoa Medina161, Esmeralda Nuñez Cuadros162, J. Gonzalo Ocejo-Vinyals163, Zerrin Orbak164, Mehdi Oualha20, Tayfun Özçelik165, Qiang Pan-Hammarström166, Christophe Parizot142, Tiffany Pascreau167, Estela Paz-Artal168, Sandra Pellegrini49, Rebeca Pérez de Diego84, Aurélien Philippe169, Quentin Philippot77, Laura Planas-Serra170, Dominique Ploin171, Julien Poissy172, Géraldine Poncelet43, Marie Pouletty173, Paul Quentric142, Didier Raoult143, Anne-Sophie Rebillat67, Ismail Reisli174, Pilar Ricart175, Jean-Christophe Richard176, Nadia Rivet28, Jacques G. Rivière177, Gemma Rocamora Blanch15, Carlos Rodrigo1, Carlos Rodriguez-Gallego178, Agustí Rodríguez-Palmero179, Carolina Soledad Romero180, Anya Rothenbuhler181, Flore Rozenberg182, Maria Yolanda Ruiz del Prado183, Joan Sabater Riera15, Oliver Sanchez184, Silvia Sánchez-Ramón185, Agatha Schluter170, Matthieu Schmidt186, Cyril E. Schweitzer187, Francesco Scolari188, Anna Sediva189, Luis M. Seijo190, Damien Sene13, Sevtap Senoglu117, Mikko R. J. Seppänen191, Alex Serra Ilovich192, Mohammad Shahrooei62, Hans Slabbynck193, David M. Smadja194, Ali Sobh195, Xavier Solanich Moreno15, Jordi Solé-Violán196, Catherine Soler197, Pere Soler-Palacín137, Yuri Stepanovskiy198, Annabelle Stoclin199, Fabio Taccone149, Yacine Tandjaoui-Lambiotte200, Jean-Luc Taupin201, Simon J. Tavernier202, Benjamin Terrier203, Caroline Thumerelle107, Gabriele Tomasoni204, Julie Toubiana48, Josep Trenado Alvarez205, Sophie Trouillet-Assant206, Jesús Troya207, Alessandra Tucci208, Matilde Valeria Ursini83, Yurdagul Uzunhan209, Pierre Vabres210, Juan Valencia-Ramos211, Eva Van Braeckel33, Stijn Van de Velde212, Ana Maria Van Den Rym84, Jens Van Praet213, Isabelle Vandernoot214, Hulya Vatansev215, Valentina Vélez-Santamaria42, Sébastien Viel171, Cédric Vilain216, Marie E. Vilaire67, Audrey Vincent35, Guillaume Voiriot217, Fanny Vuotto107, Alper Yosunkaya90, Barnaby E. Young126, Fatih Yucel218, Faiez Zannad219, Mayana Zatz37, Alexandre Belot220* ; Imagine COVID Group Christine Bole-Feysot, Stanislas Lyonnet*, Cécile Masson, Patrick Nitschke, Aurore Pouliet, Yoann Schmitt, Frederic Tores, Mohammed Zarhrate Imagine Institute, Université de Paris, INSERM UMR 1163, Paris, France. *Leader of the Imagine COVID Group. ; French COVID Cohort Study Group Laurent Abel1, Claire Andrejak2, François Angoulvant3, Delphine Bachelet4, Romain Basmaci5, Sylvie Behillil6, Marine Beluze7, Dehbia Benkerrou8, Krishna Bhavsar4, François Bompart9, Lila Bouadma4, Maude Bouscambert10, Mireille Caralp11, Minerva Cervantes-Gonzalez12, Anissa Chair4, Alexandra Coelho13, Camille Couffignal4, Sandrine Couffin-Cadiergues14, Eric D'Ortenzio12, Charlene Da Silveira4, Marie-Pierre Debray4, Dominique Deplanque15, Diane Descamps16, Mathilde Desvallées17, Alpha Diallo18, Alphonsine Diouf13, Céline Dorival8, François Dubos19, Xavier Duval4, Philippine Eloy4, Vincent VE Enouf20, Hélène Esperou21, Marina Esposito-Farese4, Manuel Etienne22, Nadia Ettalhaoui4, Nathalie Gault4, Alexandre Gaymard10, Jade Ghosn4, Tristan Gigante23, Isabelle Gorenne4, Jérémie Guedj24, Alexandre Hoctin13, Isabelle Hoffmann4, Salma Jaafoura21, Ouifiya Kafif4, Florentia Kaguelidou25, Sabina Kali4, Antoine Khalil4, Coralie Khan17, Cédric Laouénan4, Samira Laribi4, Minh Le4, Quentin Le Hingrat4, Soizic Le Mestre18, Hervé Le Nagard24, François-Xavier Lescure4, Yves Lévy26, Claire Levy-Marchal27, Bruno Lina10, Guillaume Lingas24, Jean Christophe Lucet4, Denis Malvy28, Marina Mambert13, France Mentré4, Noémie Mercier18, Amina Meziane8, Hugo Mouquet20, Jimmy Mullaert4, Nadège Neant24, Marion Noret29, Justine Pages30, Aurélie Papadopoulos21, Christelle Paul18, Nathan Peiffer-Smadja4, Ventzislava Petrov-Sanchez18, Gilles Peytavin4, Olivier Picone31, Oriane Puéchal12, Manuel Rosa-Calatrava10, Bénédicte Rossignol23, Patrick Rossignol32, Carine Roy4, Marion Schneider4, Caroline Semaille12, Nassima Si Mohammed4, Lysa Tagherset4, Coralie Tardivon4, Marie-Capucine Tellier4, François Téoulé8, Olivier Terrier10, Jean-François Timsit4, Théo Trioux4, Christelle Tual33, Sarah Tubiana4, Sylvie van der Werf34, Noémie Vanel35, Aurélie Veislinger33, Benoit Visseaux16, Aurélie Wiedemann26, Yazdan Yazdanpanah36 1Inserm UMR 1163, Paris, France. 2CHU Amiens, France. 3Hôpital Necker, Paris, France. 4Hôpital Bichat, Paris, France. 5Hôpital Louis Mourrier, Colombes, France. 6Institut Pasteur, Paris, France. 7F-CRIN Partners Platform, AP-HP, Université de Paris, Paris, France. 8Inserm UMR 1136, Paris, France. 9Drugs for Neglected Diseases Initiative, Geneva, Switzerland. 10Inserm UMR 1111, Lyon, France. 11Inserm Transfert, Paris, France. 12REACTing, Paris, France. 13Inserm UMR 1018, Paris, France. 14Inserm, Pôle Recherche Clinique, Paris, France. 15CIC 1403 Inserm-CHU Lille, Paris, France. 16Université de Paris, IAME, INSERM UMR 1137, AP-HP, University Hospital Bichat Claude Bernard, Virology, Paris, France. 17Inserm UMR 1219, Bordeaux, France. 18ANRS, Paris, France. 19CHU Lille, Lille, France. 20Pasteur Institute, Paris, France. 21Inserm sponsor, Paris, France. 22CHU Rouen–SMIT, Rouen, France. 23FCRIN INI-CRCT, Nancy, France. 24Inserm UMR 1137, Paris, France. 25Centre d'Investigation Clinique, Inserm CIC1426, Hôpital Robert Debré, Paris, France. 26Inserm UMR 955, Créteil, France; Vaccine Research Instiute (VRI), Paris, France. 27F-CRIN INI-CRCT, Paris, France. 28CHU de Bordeaux–SMIT, Bordeaux, France. 29RENARCI, Annecy, France. 30Hôpital Robert Debré, Paris, France. 31Hôpital Louis Mourier–Gynécologie, Colombes, France. 32University of Lorraine, Plurithematic Clinical Investigation Centre Inserm CIC-P; 1433, Inserm U1116, CHRU Nancy Hopitaux de Brabois, F-CRIN INI-CRCT (Cardiovascular and Renal Clinical Trialists), Nancy, France. 33Inserm CIC-1414, Rennes, France. 34Institut Pasteur, UMR 3569 CNRS, Université de Paris, Paris, France. 35Hôpital la Timone, Marseille, France. 36Bichat–SMIT, Paris, France. ; CoV-Contact Cohort Loubna Alavoine1, Karine K. A. Amat2, Sylvie Behillil3, Julia Bielicki4, Patricia Bruijning5, Charles Burdet6, Eric Caumes7, Charlotte Charpentier8, Bruno Coignard9, Yolande Costa1, Sandrine Couffin-Cadiergues10, Florence Damond8, Aline Dechanet11, Christelle Delmas10, Diane Descamps8, Xavier Duval1, Jean-Luc Ecobichon1, Vincent Enouf3, Hélène Espérou10, Wahiba Frezouls1, Nadhira Houhou11, Emila Ilic-Habensus1, Ouifiya Kafif11, John Kikoine11, Quentin Le Hingrat8, David Lebeaux12, Anne Leclercq1, Jonathan Lehacaut1, Sophie Letrou1, Bruno Lina13, Jean-Christophe Lucet14, Denis Malvy15, Pauline Manchon11, Milica Mandic1, Mohamed Meghadecha16, Justina Motiejunaite17, Mariama Nouroudine1, Valentine Piquard11, Andreea Postolache11, Caroline Quintin1, Jade Rexach1, Layidé Roufai10, Zaven Terzian11, Michael Thy18, Sarah Tubiana1, Sylvie van der Werf3, Valérie Vignali1, Benoit Visseaux8, Yazdan Yazdanpanah14 1Centre d'Investigation Clinique, Inserm CIC 1425, Hôpital Bichat Claude Bernard, APHP, Paris, France. 2IMEA Fondation Léon M'Ba, Paris, France. 3Institut Pasteur, UMR 3569 CNRS, Université de Paris, Paris, France. 4University of Basel Children's Hospital. 5Julius Center for Health Sciences and Primary Care, Utrecht, Netherlands. 6Université de Paris, IAME, Inserm UMR 1137, F-75018, Paris, France, Hôpital Bichat Claude Bernard, APHP, Paris, France. 7Hôpital Pitiè Salpétriere, APHP, Paris. 8Université de Paris, IAME, INSERM UMR 1137, AP-HP, University Hospital Bichat Claude Bernard, Virology, Paris, France. 9Santé Publique France, Saint Maurice, France. 10Pole Recherche Clinique, Inserm, Paris, France. 11Hôpital Bichat Claude Bernard, APHP, Paris, France. 12APHP, Paris, France. 13Virpath Laboratory, International Center of Research in Infectiology, Lyon University, INSERM U1111, CNRS UMR 5308, ENS, UCBL, Lyon, France. 14IAME Inserm UMR 1138, Hôpital Bichat Claude Bernard, APHP, Paris, France. 15Service des Maladies Infectieuses et Tropicales; Groupe Pellegrin-Place Amélie-Raba-Léon, Bordeaux, France. 16Hôpital Hotel Dieu, APHP, Paris, France. 17Service des Explorations Fonctionnelles, Hôpital Bichat–Claude Bernard, APHP, Paris, France. 18Center for Clinical Investigation, Assistance Publique-Hôpitaux de Paris, Bichat-Claude Bernard University Hospital, Paris, France. ; Amsterdam UMC Covid-19 Biobank Michiel van Agtmael1, Anna Geke Algera2, Frank van Baarle2, Diane Bax3, Martijn Beudel4, Harm Jan Bogaard5, Marije Bomers1, Lieuwe Bos2, Michela Botta2, Justin de Brabander6, Godelieve de Bree6, Matthijs C. Brouwer4, Sanne de Bruin2, Marianna Bugiani7, Esther Bulle2, Osoul Chouchane1, Alex Cloherty3, Paul Elbers2, Lucas Fleuren2, Suzanne Geerlings1, Bart Geerts8, Theo Geijtenbeek9, Armand Girbes2, Bram Goorhuis1, Martin P. Grobusch1, Florianne Hafkamp9, Laura Hagens2, Jorg Hamann10, Vanessa Harris1, Robert Hemke11, Sabine M. Hermans1, Leo Heunks2, Markus W. Hollmann8, Janneke Horn2, Joppe W. Hovius1, Menno D. de Jong12, Rutger Koning4, Niels van Mourik2, Jeaninne Nellen1, Frederique Paulus2, Edgar Peters1, Tom van der Poll1, Benedikt Preckel8, Jan M. Prins1, Jorinde Raasveld2, Tom Reijnders1, Michiel Schinkel1, Marcus J. Schultz2, Alex Schuurman13, Kim Sigaloff1, Marry Smit2, Cornelis S. Stijnis1, Willemke Stilma2, Charlotte Teunissen14, Patrick Thoral2, Anissa Tsonas2, Marc van der Valk1, Denise Veelo8, Alexander P.J. Vlaar15, Heder de Vries2, Michèle van Vugt1, W. Joost Wiersinga1, Dorien Wouters16, A. H. (Koos) Zwinderman17, Diederik van de Beek4* 1Department of Infectious Diseases, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 2Department of Intensive Care, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 3Experimental Immunology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 4Department of Neurology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam Neuroscience, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 5Department of Pulmonology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 6Department of Infectious Diseases, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 7Department of Pathology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 8Department of Anesthesiology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 9Department of Experimental Immunology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 10Amsterdam UMC Biobank Core Facility, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 11Department of Radiology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 12Department of Medical Microbiology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 13Department of Internal Medicine, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 14Neurochemical Laboratory, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 15Department of Intensive Care, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 16Department of Clinical Chemistry, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 17Department of Clinical Epidemiology, Biostatistics and Bioinformatics, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 18Department of Neurology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. *Leader of the AMC Consortium. ; COVID Human Genetic Effort Laurent Abel1, Alessandro Aiuti2, Saleh Al Muhsen3, Fahd Al-Mulla4, Mark S. Anderson5, Andrés Augusto Arias6, Hagit Baris Feldman7, Dusan Bogunovic8, Alexandre Bolze9, Anastasiia Bondarenko10, Ahmed A. Bousfiha11, Petter Brodin12, Yenan Bryceson12, Carlos D. Bustamante13, Manish Butte14, Giorgio Casari15, Samya Chakravorty16, John Christodoulou17, Elizabeth Cirulli9, Antonio Condino-Neto18, Megan A. Cooper19, Clifton L. Dalgard20, Alessia David21, Joseph L. DeRisi22, Murkesh Desai23, Beth A. Drolet24, Sara Espinosa25, Jacques Fellay26, Carlos Flores27, Jose Luis Franco28, Peter K. Gregersen29, Filomeen Haerynck30, David Hagin31, Rabih Halwani32, Jim Heath33, Sarah E. Henrickson34, Elena Hsieh35, Kohsuke Imai36, Yuval Itan8, Timokratis Karamitros37, Kai Kisand38, Cheng-Lung Ku39, Yu-Lung Lau40, Yun Ling41, Carrie L. Lucas42, Tom Maniatis43, Davoud Mansouri44, Laszlo Marodi45, Isabelle Meyts46, Joshua Milner47, Kristina Mironska48, Trine Mogensen49, Tomohiro Morio50, Lisa FP. Ng51, Luigi D. Notarangelo52, Antonio Novelli53, Giuseppe Novelli54, Cliona O'Farrelly55, Satoshi Okada56, Tayfun Ozcelik57, Rebeca Perez de Diego58, Anna M. Planas59, Carolina Prando60, Aurora Pujol61, Lluis Quintana-Murci62, Laurent Renia63, Alessandra Renieri64, Carlos Rodríguez-Gallego65, Vanessa Sancho-Shimizu66, Vijay Sankaran67, Kelly Schiabor Barrett9, Mohammed Shahrooei68, Andrew Snow69, Pere Soler-Palacín70, András N. Spaan71, Stuart Tangye72, Stuart Turvey73, Furkan Uddin74, Mohammed J. Uddin75, Diederik van de Beek76, Sara E. Vazquez77, Donald C. Vinh78, Horst von Bernuth79, Nicole Washington9, Pawel Zawadzki80, Helen C. Su52, Jean-Laurent Casanova81 1INSERM U1163, University of Paris, Imagine Institute, Paris, France. 2San Raffaele Telethon Institute for Gene Therapy, IRCCS Ospedale San Raffaele, Milan, Italy. 3King Saud University, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. 4Kuwait University, Kuwait City, Kuwait. 5University of California, San Francisco, San Francisco, CA, USA. 6Universidad de Antioquia, Group of Primary Immunodeficiencies, Antioquia, Colombia. 7The Genetics Institute, Tel Aviv Sourasky Medical Center and Sackler Faculty of Medicine, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel. 8Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai, New York, NY, USA. 9Helix, San Mateo, CA, USA. 10Shupyk National Medical Academy for Postgraduate Education, Kiev, Ukraine. 11Clinical Immunology Unit, Pediatric Infectious Disease Departement, Faculty of Medicine and Pharmacy, Averroes University Hospital; LICIA Laboratoire d'Immunologie Clinique, d'Inflammation et d'Allergie, Hassann Ii University, Casablanca, Morocco. 12Karolinska Institute, Stockholm, Sweden. 13Stanford University, Stanford, CA, USA. 14University of California, Los Angeles, CA, USA. 15Medical Genetics, IRCCS Ospedale San Raffaele, Milan, Italy. 16Emory University Department of Pediatrics and Children's Healthcare of Atlanta, Atlanta, GA, USA. 17Murdoch Children's Research Institute, Victoria, Australia. 18University of São Paulo, São Paulo, Brazil. 19Washington University School of Medicine, St. Louis, MO, USA. 20The American Genome Center; Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, Bethesda, MD, USA. 21Centre for Bioinformatics and System Biology, Department of Life Sciences, Imperial College London, South Kensington Campus, London, UK. 22University of California, San Francisco, CA, USA; Chan Zuckerberg Biohub, San Francisco, CA, USA. 23Bai Jerbai Wadia Hospital for Children, Mumbai, India. 24School of Medicine and Public Health, University of Wisconsin, Madison, WI, USA. 25Instituto Nacional de Pediatria (National Institute of Pediatrics), Mexico City, Mexico. 26Swiss Federal Institute of Technology Lausanne, Lausanne, Switzerland. 27Research Unit, Hospital Universitario Nuestra Señora de Candelaria, Canarian Health System, Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Spain. 28University of Antioquia, Medellín, Colombia. 29Feinstein Institute for Medical Research, Northwell Health USA, Manhasset, NY, USA. 30Department of Paediatric Immunology and Pulmonology, Centre for Primary Immunodeficiency Ghent (CPIG), PID Research Lab, Jeffrey Modell Diagnosis and Research Centre, Ghent University Hospital, Edegem, Belgium. 31The Genetics Institute, Tel Aviv Sourasky Medical Center, Tel Aviv, Israel. 32Sharjah Institute of Medical Research, College of Medicine, University of Sharjah, Sharjah, UAE. 33Institute for Systems Biology, Seattle, WA, USA. 34Children's Hospital of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, PA, USA. 35Anschutz Medical Campus, Aurora, CO, USA. 36Riken, Tokyo, Japan. 37Hellenic Pasteur Institute, Athens, Greece. 38University of Tartu, Tartu, Estonia. 39Chang Gung University, Taoyuan County, Taiwan. 40The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China. 41Shanghai Public Health Clinical Center, Fudan University, Shanghai, China. 42Yale School of Medicine, New Haven, CT, USA. 43New York Genome Center, New York, NY, USA. 44Shahid Beheshti University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran. 45Semmelweis University Budapest, Budapest, Hungary. 46KU Leuven, Department of Immunology, Microbiology and Transplantation, Leuven, Belgium. 47Columbia University Medical Center, New York, NY, USA. 48University Clinic for Children's Diseases, Skopje, North Macedonia. 49Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark. 50Tokyo Medical & Dental University Hospital, Tokyo, Japan. 51Singapore Immunology Network, Singapore. 52National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, National Institutes of Health, Bethesda, MD, USA. 53Bambino Gesù Children's Hospital, Rome, Italy. 54Department of Biomedicine and Prevention, University of Rome "Tor Vergata," Rome, Italy. 55Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland. 56Hiroshima University, Hiroshima, Japan. 57Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey. 58Laboratory of Immunogenetics of Human Diseases, Innate Immunity Group, IdiPAZ Institute for Health Research, La Paz Hospital, Madrid, Spain. 59IIBB-CSIC, IDIBAPS, Barcelona, Spain. 60Faculdades Pequeno Príncipe e Instituto de Pesquisa Pelé Pequeno Príncipe, Curitiba, Brazil. 61Neurometabolic Diseases Laboratory, IDIBELL–Hospital Duran I Reynals; Catalan Institution for Research and Advanced Studies (ICREA); CIBERER U759, ISCiii Madrid Spain, Barcelona, Spain. 62Institut Pasteur (CNRS UMR2000) and Collège de France, Paris, France. 63Infectious Diseases Horizontal Technology Center and Singapore Immunology Network, Agency for Science Technology (A*STAR), Singapore. 64Medical Genetics, University of Siena, Siena, Italy; Genetica Medica, Azienda Ospedaliero-Universitaria Senese, Italy; GEN-COVID Multicenter Study. 65Hospital Universitario de Gran Canaria Dr. Negrín, Canarian Health System, Canary Islands, Spain. 66Imperial College London, London, UK. 67Boston Children's Hospital, Harvard Medical School, Boston, MA, USA. 68Saeed Pathobiology and Genetic Lab, Tehran, Iran. 69Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, Bethesda, MD, USA. 70Hospital Universitari Vall d'Hebron, Barcelona, Spain. 71University Medical Center Utrecht, Amsterdam, The Netherlands. 72Garvan Institute of Medical Research, Sydney, Australia. 73The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada. 74Holy Family Red Crescent Medical College; Centre for Precision Therapeutics, NeuroGen Children's Healthcare; Genetics and Genomic Medicine Centre, NeuroGen Children's Healthcare, Dhaka, Bangladesh. 75Mohammed Bin Rashid University of Medicine and Health Sciences, College of Medicine, Dubai, UAE; The Centre for Applied Genomics, Department of Genetics and Genome Biology, The Hospital for Sick Children, Toronto, Ontario, Canada. 76Amsterdam UMC, University of Amsterdam, Department of Neurology, Amsterdam Neuroscience, Amsterdam, The Netherlands. 77University of California, San Francisco, CA, USA. 78McGill University Health Centre, Montreal, Canada. 79Charité–Berlin University Hospital Center, Berlin, Germany. 80Molecular Biophysics Division, Faculty of Physics, A. Mickiewicz University, Uniwersytetu Poznanskiego 2, Poznań, Poland. 81Rockefeller University, Howard Hughes Medical Institute, Necker Hospital, New York, NY, USA. *Leaders of the COVID Human Genetic Effort. ; NIAID-USUHS/TAGC COVID Immunity Group Huie Jing1,2, Wesley Tung1,2, Christopher R. Luthers3, Bradly M. Bauman3, Samantha Shafer2,4, Lixin Zheng2,4, Zinan Zhang2,4, Satoshi Kubo2,4, Samuel D. Chauvin2,4, Kazuyuki Meguro1,2, Elana Shaw1,2, Michael Lenardo2,4, Justin Lack5, Eric Karlins6, Daniel M. Hupalo7, John Rosenberger7, Gauthaman Sukumar7, Matthew D. Wilkerson7, Xijun Zhang7 1Laboratory of Clinical Immunology and Microbiology, Division of Intramural Research, NIAID, NIH, Bethesda, MD, USA. 2NIAID Clinical Genomics Program, National Institutes of Health, Bethesda, MD, USA. 3Department of Pharmacology & Molecular Therapeutics, Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, Bethesda, MD, USA. 4Laboratory of Immune System Biology, Division of Intramural Research, NIAID, NIH, Bethesda, MD, USA. 5NIAID Collaborative Bioinformatics Resource, Frederick National Laboratory for Cancer Research, Leidos Biomedical Research, Inc., Frederick, MD, USA. 6Bioinformatics and Computational Biosciences Branch, Office of Cyber Infrastructure and Computational Biology, NIAID, NIH, Bethesda, MD, USA. 7The American Genome Center, Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, Bethesda, MD, USA. ; Clinical outcome upon infection with SARS-CoV-2 ranges from silent infection to lethal COVID-19. We have found an enrichment in rare variants predicted to be loss-of-function (LOF) at the 13 human loci known to govern TLR3- and IRF7-dependent type I interferon (IFN) immunity to influenza virus, in 659 patients with life-threatening COVID-19 pneumonia, relative to 534 subjects with asymptomatic or benign infection. By testing these and other rare variants at these 13 loci, we experimentally define LOF variants in 23 patients (3.5%), aged 17 to 77 years, underlying autosomal recessive or dominant deficiencies. We show that human fibroblasts with mutations affecting this pathway are vulnerable to SARS-CoV-2. Inborn errors of TLR3- and IRF7-dependent type I IFN immunity can underlie life-threatening COVID-19 pneumonia in patients with no prior severe infection. ; We thank the generous donation from Fisher Center for Alzheimer's Research Foundation for our research. The Laboratory of Human Genetics of Infectious Diseases is supported by the Howard Hughes Medical Institute, the Rockefeller University, the St. Giles Foundation, the National Institutes of Health (NIH) (R01AI088364), the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences (NCATS), NIH Clinical and Translational Science Award (CTSA) program (UL1 TR001866), a Fast Grant from Emergent Ventures, Mercatus Center at George Mason University, the Yale Center for Mendelian Genomics and the GSP Coordinating Center funded by the National Human Genome Research Institute (NHGRI) (UM1HG006504 and U24HG008956), the French National Research Agency (ANR) under the "Investments for the Future" program (ANR-10-IAHU-01), the Integrative Biology of Emerging Infectious Diseases Laboratory of Excellence (ANR-10-LABX-62-IBEID), the French Foundation for Medical Research (FRM) (EQU201903007798), the FRM and ANR GENCOVID project, ANRS-COV05, the Square Foundation, Grandir - Fonds de solidarité pour l'enfance, the SCOR Corporate Foundation for Science, Institut National de la Santé et de la Recherche Médicale (INSERM), the University of Paris. The French COVID Cohort study group was sponsored by Inserm and supported by the REACTing consortium and by a grant from the French Ministry of Health (PHRC 20-0424). Regione Lombardia, Italy (project "Risposta immune in pazienti con COVID-19 e co-morbidità"), and the Intramural Research Program of the NIAID, NIH. The laboratory of Genomes & Cell Biology of Disease is supported by "Integrative Biology of Emerging Infectious Diseases" (grant no. ANR-10-LABX-62-IBEID), the "Fondation pour la Recherche Medicale" (grant FRM - EQU202003010193), the "Agence Nationale de la Recherche" (ANR FLASH COVID project IDISCOVR cofounded by the "Fondation pour la Recherche Médicale"), University of Paris ("Plan de Soutien Covid-19": RACPL20FIR01-COVID-SOUL). IM is a senior clinical investigator with the FWO Vlaanderen; IM and LM are supported by FWO G0C8517N – GOB5120N. The VS team was supported by "Agence Nationale de la Recherche" (ANR-17-CE15-0003, ANR-17-CE15-0003-01), and by Université de Paris "PLAN D'URGENCE COVID19". LK was supported by a fellowship from the French Ministry of Research. VS-S is supported by a UKRI Future Leaders Fellowship (MR/S032304/1). SZA-M is supported by the Elite Journals Program at King Saud University through grant number PEJP-16-107. JM lab is supported by Columbia University COVID biobank and grant: UL1TR001873. Work in the Laboratory of Virology and Infectious Disease was supported by NIH grants P01AI138398-S1, 2U19AI111825, and R01AI091707-10S1, a George Mason University Fast Grant, and the G. Harold and Leila Y. Mathers Charitable Foundation. JLP is supported by a European Molecular Biology Organization Long-Term Fellowship (ALTF 380-2018). Work at the Neurometabolic Diseases Laboratory received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under grant agreement No 824110 (EasiGenomics grant COVID-19/ PID12342) to A.P., and Roche and Illumina Covid Match Funds to M.G. C.R.G and colleagues are supported by cInstituto de Salud Carlos III (COV20_01333 and COV20_01334), Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation, with the funding of European Regional Development Fund-European Social Fund -FEDER-FSE; (RTC-2017-6471-1; AEI/FEDER, UE), and Cabildo Insular de Tenerife (CGIEU0000219140 and "Apuestas científicas del ITER para colaborar en la lucha contra la COVID-19"). D.C.V. is supported by the Fonds de la recherche en santé du Québec clinician-scientist scholar program. Helen Su is adjunct faculty at the University of Pennsylvania. A-L.N. was supported by the Foundation Bettencourt Schueller. The Amsterdam UMC Covid-19 Biobank was funded by the Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development (ZonMw, NWO-vici 91819627), The Corona Research Fund (Amsterdam UMC), Dr. J. C. Vaillantfonds, and Amsterdam UMC. Work on COVID-19 at the AG-S lab is partly supported by NIH supplements to grants U19AI135972, U19AI142733 and R35 HL135834, and to contract HHSN272201800048C, by a DoD supplement to grant W81XWH-20-1-0270, by DARPA project HR0011-19-2-0020, by CRIP (Center for Research on Influenza Pathogenesis), a NIAID funded Center of Excellence for Influenza Research and Surveillance (CEIRS, contract HHSN272201400008C), by an NIAID funded Collaborative Influenza Vaccine Innovation Center (SEM-CIVIC, contract 75N93019C00051) and by the generous support of the JPB Foundation, the Open Philanthropy Project (research grant 2020-215611(5384)) and anonymous donors. The Virscan analysis presented in fig. S11 was performed with financial support from Sidra Medicine ; Peer reviewed
Letter From The Representatives Of France, Kuwait, The Netherlands, Peru, Poland, Sweden, The United Kingdom Of Great Britain And Northern Ireland And The United States Of America To The United Nations Addressed To The President Of The Security Council ; United Nations S/PV.8217 Security Council Seventy-third year 8217th meeting Tuesday, 27 March 2018, 11.10 a.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Blok . (Netherlands) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Inchauste Jordán China. . Mr. Wu Haitao Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Dah Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Kuwait. . Mr. Alotaibi Peru. . Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Orrenius Skau United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Ms. Pierce United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda The situation in the Middle East Report of the Secretary-General on the implementation of Security Council resolutions 2139 (2014), 2165 (2014), 2191 (2014), 2258 (2015), 2332 (2016) and 2393 (2017) (S/2018/243) This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-08569 (E) *1808569* S/PV.8217 The situation in the Middle East 27/03/2018 2/21 18-08569 The meeting was called to order at 11.10 a.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in the Middle East Report of the Secretary-General on the implementation of Security Council resolutions 2139 (2014), 2165 (2014), 2191 (2014), 2258 (2015), 2332 (2016) and 2393 (2017) (S/2018/243) The President: In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite Mr. Mark Lowcock, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, to participate in this meeting. Mr. Lowcock is joining today's meeting via video-teleconference from Geneva. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of the members of the Council to document S/2018/243, which contains the report of the Secretary-General on the implementation of Security Council resolutions 2139 (2014), 2165 (2014), 2191 (2014), 2258 (2015), 2332 (2016) and 2393 (2017). Recalling the latest note by the President of the Security Council on its working methods (S/2017/507), I want to encourage all participants, both members and non-members of the Council, to deliver their statements in five minutes or less. Note 507 also encourages briefers to be succinct and focus on key issues. Briefers are further encouraged to limit initial remarks to 15 minutes or less. I now give the floor to Mr. Lowcock. Mr. Lowcock: As all members of the Council know, the Syrian conflict has now entered its eighth year. When weapons speak, civilians pay the price — a relentless price with horrific violence, bloodshed and unspeakable suffering. The past few months have been some of the worst yet for many civilians in Syria. Today I want to start with the situation in eastern Ghouta. Since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) on 24 February, military operations in eastern Ghouta, in particular air strikes, have reportedly killed more than 1,700 people. Thousands more have been injured. Attacks on critical civilian infrastructure, such as medical facilities, continue to be reported. There have been at least 28 reported attacks on health facilities since mid-February and more than 70 verified incidents since the beginning of the year. The World Health Organization has reported that attacks on health facilities, health workers and health infrastructure were recorded during the first two months of the year at three times the rate that we saw during 2017. In recent weeks in Damascus city, at least 78 people were reportedly killed and another 230 injured by shells fired from eastern Ghouta. That includes reports of at least 35 people killed and scores wounded on 20 March, when Kashkul market in Jaramana, a suburb in the south-eastern part of the city, was struck by a rocket. Tens of thousands of civilians have been displaced from Douma, Harasta, Sagba and Kafr Batna in recent days and weeks. So far, reports indicate that some 80,000 civilians have been taken to places in Damascus city and rural Damascus. Nearly 20,000 combatants and civilians have been transported to locations in north-western Syria. Nearly 52,000 civilians from eastern Ghouta are currently being hosted in eight collective shelters in rural Damascus. That displaced population has endured months of limited access to food, medical care and other essential items. In the words of the United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator, Ali Al-Za'tari, who met and spoke to some of them, those people are "tired, hungry, traumatized and afraid". Most of the collective shelters do not have the capacity or infrastructure to accommodate such large numbers of people. They are extremely overcrowded and severely lacking in basic water, sanitation and hygiene facilities. There are a number of serious protection concerns related to risks of gender-based violence, unaccompanied and separated children and restrictions on movement. The United Nations is not in charge of the management of those shelters. However, since 13 March, together with humanitarian partners, we have mobilized a rapid response to provide evacuees with basic support in close coordination with the Syrian Arab Red Crescent and other local partners. So far, more than 130,000 non-food items have been distributed, 130 emergency 27/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8217 18-08569 3/21 toilets have been installed, and water trucking services have been provided to most shelters. In addition, supplies to feed more than 50,000 people and a total of 38 mobile health teams and 18 mobile medical teams are currently providing support to those in need inside the shelters. Humanitarian organizations also need access to the people still trapped within eastern Ghouta, in particular in Douma, where fighting and siege continue. The United Nations and its partners are ready to proceed to Douma with food for up to 16,500 people, as well as health, nutrition, water, sanitation and hygiene supplies, but facilitation letters need to be signed by the Government of Syria. I reiterate the Secretary-General's call on all parties to fully respect international humanitarian law and human rights law in order to ensure immediate humanitarian access and guarantee the protection of civilians, including in relation to displacements and evacuations. The United Nations and its partners require unimpeded access to all those affected by the situation in eastern Ghouta. That means access to the areas where civilians remain, through which they transit and to which they exit, such as collective shelters, in order to ensure that effective protection mechanisms are in place so that we can deter any possible violations and provide remedial protection support. Eastern Ghouta is not the only place in which humanitarian needs continue to increase. In north-western Syria, in recent weeks, an estimated 183,500 people have been displaced by hostilities in Afrin district in Aleppo governorate. The majority — some 140,000 people — have fled to Tell Rifaat and the remainder have gone to Nubl, Al-Zahraa, Manbij, Hasakah and surrounding areas. That massive influx of internally displaced persons (IDPs) is putting a strain on host communities, which are already overwhelmed. Two days ago, on 25 March, an inter-agency convoy to Tell Rifaat delivered assistance for some 50,000 people. However, overall, humanitarian partners are still struggling to gain sustainable access to the area. Moreover, access to Aleppo city for IDPs from Afrin district is currently restricted. Of particular concern are medical evacuations that are urgently required for severely sick people to receive care in specialized hospitals in Aleppo city. Four deaths due to the lack of proper health care have already been reported. Between 50,000 and 70,000 people are estimated still to be in Afrin city. Humanitarian access to the city and its outer perimeters is possible through cross-border operations mandated by the Council. Today, the Government of Turkey told us that it is positively disposed towards such access, and we plan to run convoys in the very near future. We know that needs are very substantial. In Idlib governorate, the situation remains catastrophic, with almost 400,000 people displaced since mid-December. Local capacity to assist is overstretched. Thousands more people are now arriving there from eastern Ghouta, with no sites or shelters available for the vast majority of them. We have received reports of an increase in violence in Idlib in recent days. According to local sources, on 20 March air strikes hit an IDP shelter on the outskirts of Haas village in southern rural Idlib governorate, reportedly killing at least 10 displaced people and injuring another 15. On 21 March, air strikes on Kafr Battikh village, also in southern rural Idlib governorate, reportedly killed scores more. The next day, the central market in Harim town was hit by an air strike, reportedly killing 35 people, including many women and children. On 12 March, air strikes also resumed in southern Syria, with attacks being reported in and around Dar'a city. There have been no air strikes in those areas since an agreement was reached last year on the establishment of a de-escalation zone for parts of the south of the country. That therefore appears to be a major unwelcome development. Let me turn to Raqqa. On 19 March, we received approval from the Syrian authorities for an assessment mission to Raqqa city by the United Nations Mine Action Service, the United Nations Department of Safety and Security, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and the World Health Organization. As Council members know, we have been seeking agreement to that for some time. That was on 19 March. Three days later, on 22 March, the United Nations Department of Safety and Security deployed a team to conduct a security assessment. They report that while the city is considered calm and stable, considerable risk remains. Raqqa city is still highly contaminated with landmines, unexploded ordnances, explosive remnants of war and improvised explosive devices. We hope that access to Raqqa city will be possible for humanitarian aid deliveries via Qamishli, Manbij, Aleppo, Hamah S/PV.8217 The situation in the Middle East 27/03/2018 4/21 18-08569 and Homs, depending on operational and logistical arrangements. The United Nations and our partners are now preparing a humanitarian assessment mission, which is likely to take place next week. Next I shall address Rukban, on the Syria-Jordan border. United Nations partners received permission from the Syrian authorities on 8 March to organize a humanitarian convoy from Damascus to reach people in need along the Syria-Jordan border. Last week, on 19 March, the United Nations itself received permission to join that humanitarian mission. Preparations are ongoing, and a first humanitarian convoy is expected to deploy soon. As the Council knows, we have been seeking approval for that for many months. As we sit here today, almost at the end of the month, we have reached some 137,000 people in need through inter-agency convoys — that is, cross-line convoys sent to hard-to-reach and besieged areas — to Tell Rifaat, Al-Dar al-Kabirah and Douma. That is limited, incremental progress, compared to the first part of the year, thanks to the extraordinary efforts of the team on the ground and some of those around this table. But we are essentially just given crumbs — an occasional convoy here and there, often, coincidentally, shortly before our monthly briefings to the Council. A total of 5.6 million Syrians in acute need cannot live on crumbs, and with a quarter of the year gone, our level of access is currently far worse than it was this time last year. We need the support of all Council members and members of the International Syria Support Group humanitarian task force to do their part to exert their individual and collective influence over the parties. A few days ago, the Government of Syria and others asked for more United Nations help with humanitarian aid in eastern Ghouta. In response, we have, first, proposed that a team of United Nations emergency response experts be deployed to strengthen efforts on the ground. Visa requests for the team have been submitted. Secondly, we have confirmed a new allocation of $20 million from the Syria Humanitarian Fund, which is managed by my Office, for eastern Ghouta and those displaced from Afrin to provide shelter materials, improve sanitation for displaced people, ensure that safe water is available, provide life-saving medicines and medical services and put in place measures to enhance protection in relocation sites. The United Nations and its partners, on average, reach 7.5 million people every month with life-saving humanitarian assistance across the whole of Syria. Clearly, without that assistance, the situation would be even more catastrophic than it is now and the loss of life even greater. The United Nations has no money of its own to do those things. We can do them only because we receive voluntary contributions from our donors. I want to take this opportunity to thank everyone who has supported our appeal over the last year, including our top donors: the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, the European Union, Norway, Canada, Japan, Denmark, Sweden, Qatar, Kuwait and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Resolution 2401 (2018) was adopted just over a month ago. I ask all in the Council to make the resolution a reality. Whatever the difficulty, the United Nations and its partners remain determined to follow through, for the sake of the Syrian people. The President: I thank Mr. Lowcock for his briefing. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Recently, a Dutch photographer working with Save the Children published a photo album featuring 48 Syrian children, all seven years old. Those photos were school portraits, like we all had taken when we were young. The children were born in Syria, but they had to flee. They are as old as the Syrian war, so they have never seen their country at peace. Their memories of their homeland are fading. Sometimes they cannot remember their country at all, nor their family members left behind. But by giving those young children a public face, the photographer has tried to restore some of the dignity sacrificed to a war in which all humanity seems lost. I have here a photo of Nour. Those children were relatively lucky; they were able to escape. At the same time, inside Syria, during seven years of war, thousands of children have been killed. I myself am a father, and I am certainly not the only parent in this Chamber. Images of children affected by war should leave no one unmoved. Despite any differences between us, we should at least have one thing in common: the belief that protecting children should come first. Yet, such protection is lacking. The Syrian crisis is, above all, a protection crisis — a grave violation of the long-established norm to protect civilians and their belongings in the time of war. 27/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8217 18-08569 5/21 Together, we — the international community — have expressed our determination to prevent conflict and save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. And where conflict cannot be prevented, we have agreed to regulate the conduct of warfare. One of the very first steps to that end was taken in Russia, almost 150 years ago. In Saint Petersburg, it was decided to forbid weapons that cause unnecessary suffering. Since those first steps, the body of international humanitarian law has grown considerably, including through the adoption of the Hague and Geneva Conventions. The imperative of those laws has always been to protect civilians in conflict, to spare them from disaster, save them from harm and respect their dignity. Sadly, what we see in Syria today is the exact opposite. Every day, many are showing total disregard for civilians. In eastern Ghouta, the Syrian regime and its allies, including Russia, have trapped hundreds of thousands of civilians and are relentlessly continuing their offensive. The United Nations has reported air strikes on densely populated areas, blatant attacks targeting hospitals and medical personnel, the use of starvation as a weapon of war and the use of chemical weapons. Many innocent children, women and men are suffering. They should be protected. Yet instead, families are seeing their homes destroyed, their loved ones killed and their dignity shattered. In Afrin, the effects of the Turkey-led offensive are clear for all to see: a worsening of the already precarious humanitarian situation, with more than 160,000 displaced people and a further obstacle to efforts to fight the Islamic State in Iraq and the Sham (ISIS). I ask Turkey not to extend its military activities to other border regions in Syria or Iraq. Four weeks ago, the Council adopted resolution 2401 (2018). It is telling that in 2018, the Council should need to spell out that warring parties should immediately lift all sieges in Syria and grant unimpeded humanitarian access to those in acute need. Those are by no means exceptional demands. They are basic obligations under international humanitarian law, developed over decades to instil minimum standards of human decency in warfare. Not even the presence of terrorists is an excuse for disregarding those standards. It is humiliating that the Council is unable to enforce those minimum standards. If the Council is not willing or able to do it, who is? With all that in mind, we should not forget that the responsibility, and indeed the obligation, to execute the Council's decisions lies with individual Member States. So what should be done? First, we should reaffirm these norms and enforce the relevant resolutions. We call on all parties to the Syrian conflict — including the Syrian regime, Russia, Iran, Turkey and armed opposition groups — to respect and implement the Council's decisions. Secondly, we must strengthen resolution 2401 (2018), with United Nations monitoring of the implementation of the ceasefire and with full access for fact-finding missions to sites and collective shelters housing internally displaced persons. These missions are ready to go; we need their impartial information. Thirdly, with regard to accountability, if there is to be any credible, stable and lasting peace in Syria, the current culture of impunity must end. All those guilty of crimes must be brought to justice. The perpetrators of crimes, including ISIS and Al-Qaida, must know that they are being watched, followed and identified. They must know that files are being compiled with a view to prosecuting them for crimes that may include genocide. They must know that one day they will be held accountable. We urge all States to increase their support for the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and Prosecution of Persons Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011, which aims to ensure that information about serious crimes is collected, analysed and preserved for future prosecutions. The Netherlands again calls on all Council members to support referring the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court. What will become of the children in the photographs I mentioned? Will they one day be able to return to Syria? Like all children, they long for a normal life, for stability, for safety. The Syrian regime believes in a military solution. But there is none. There are no winners in this war. But it is clear who is losing — the ordinary people of Syria. In these most extreme circumstances we commend the incredible courage and perseverance of the humanitarian aid workers. It is up to us to restore credibility to the Council. It is up to us to ensure a negotiated political process, in which all Syrians and other relevant actors are represented. And it is up to us to end the agony and restore dignity and humanity to the people of Syria. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. S/PV.8217 The situation in the Middle East 27/03/2018 6/21 18-08569 I give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements. Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): We welcome you, Sir, in presiding over this important meeting. I am delivering this statement on behalf of Kuwait and Sweden. At the outset, I would like to thank the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Mr. Mark Lowcock, for his briefing. Today I will address three main areas: first, the status of the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018); secondly, measures needed to improve the humanitarian situation; and thirdly, the responsibility of the parties to implement the resolution. First, on the status of the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), we are meeting today one month after its unanimous adoption by the Security Council, calling on all parties to cease hostilities without delay for 30 days following the adoption of the resolution. We deplore the fact that it has not yet been implemented. However, we must continue to do everything in our power to ensure the resolution's full implementation throughout Syria. The increased number of humanitarian convoys entering the besieged areas during the month of March shows that partial delivery was achieved by comparison to the complete deadlock in access in previous months. That indicates that progress can be made in implementing the resolution, and we must build on that progress. We affirm that the provisions of the resolution will remain valid beyond the first 30 days after its adoption. We look forward to continued reports from the Secretariat on the status of implementation through monthly briefings, as stipulated in the resolution. In that regard, we support the proposal for providing the Council with further regular updates. We appreciate the continued efforts of the United Nations to facilitate talks among all parties in eastern Ghouta with the goal of securing a ceasefire. We are particularly concerned about the continued military offensive by the Syrian authorities in eastern Ghouta, as well as air strikes on Dar'a and Idlib. The shelling of Damascus from eastern Ghouta is also a matter of concern. All of those acts of violence have claimed the lives of hundreds of innocent civilians. Secondly, on measures needed to improve the humanitarian situation, we must take the necessary measures to protect civilians fleeing eastern Ghouta and to improve the humanitarian situation in collective shelters. As we have said before, implementing the provisions of resolution 2401 (2018) is the only way to improve the humanitarian situation and to achieve tangible progress in that regard. Those provisions stipulate that there must be a cessation of hostilities and that access for humanitarian aid to reach the civilian population must be enabled. Regarding the humanitarian situation in eastern Ghouta, we have five points to convey to the relevant parties, which represent our special concerns about the protection of civilians. First, all evacuations must be voluntary. People must have the right to return and to choose safe places to go to. Secondly, any negotiations on the evacuation of civilians should include civilian representatives, such as local councils. Thirdly, humanitarian aid convoys should continue to enter eastern Ghouta for the benefit of those who decided to stay there. Those convoys should occur on a weekly basis, as stipulated in resolution 2401 (2018), according to the United Nations assessment of needs, including medical supplies, and with full access for United Nations staff. Fourthly, human rights violations, including detentions, disappearances and forced conscriptions, must end. Those are serious protection concerns for civilians staying in eastern Ghouta and for those leaving it. We therefore encourage the United Nations to register the names of those evacuated and their destinations and to reinforce its presence in the collective shelters for internally displaced persons, including through the use of monitors to protect them and prevent sexual violence. We call on the Syrian authorities to grant immediate permission for that. Fifthly, the deteriorating situation in the collective shelters for the internally displaced persons should be improved as quickly as possible as the number of new arrivals continues to rise. We are deeply concerned that the United Nations partners are bearing the brunt of a burden beyond their capacity. It will therefore be essential to make the maximum use of the United Nations, its staff and its resources in order to assist in managing the increasingly crowded collective shelters. We welcome the United Nations plans to increase staff on the ground to that end, and we encourage the United Nations to do the same for eastern Ghouta as soon as the security situation allows. We call on the Syrian authorities to grant visas for additional United Nations staff immediately. 27/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8217 18-08569 7/21 Thirdly, on the responsibility of the parties to implement the resolution, we have a collective responsibility, as members of the Council and, specifically, as parties with influence, to work with the Syrian authorities and urge them to implement the provisions of resolution 2401 (2018) according to international humanitarian law. We expect the guarantors of the Astana agreement, Russia, Iran and Turkey, to achieve progress towards the fulfilment of the commitments undertaken in the statement they issued on 16 March in advance of their summit meeting, to be held in Istanbul on 4 April. Those commitments include, first, ensuring rapid, safe and unhindered access for humanitarian aid to areas affected by the conflict; secondly, increasing their efforts, as guarantors of the ceasefire agreement, to ensure observance of the respective agreements; and thirdly, pursuing their efforts to implement the provisions of resolution 2401 (2018). In conclusion, we affirm our full commitment to continuing to follow up closely on the status of the implementation of the resolution in the monthly reports to the Council. We will spare no effort to make progress in its implementation. This month marks the beginning of the eighth year of the conflict in Syria. Sadly, there is still a need for an end to the violence, sustained humanitarian and medical aid through weekly convoys across conflict lines, evacuation operations, the protection of civilians and hospitals, and the lifting of the siege. Mrs. Haley (United States of America): I thank you, Foreign Minister Blok, for presiding over this meeting, and I thank Under-Secretary-General Lowcock for once again laying out the facts about what is happening in Syria. I also want to personally welcome Karen Pierce to the Council as the new Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom. I know all of us in the Chamber look forward to working with her. Today we have a very difficult subject to address: siege, starvation and surrender. That is the awful, unceasing rhythm of the Syrian war. As we meet today, the third step, surrender, is taking place in eastern Ghouta. After years of enduring siege and starvation, residents are surrendering eastern Ghouta. The terrible irony of this moment must be stated and acknowledged. In the 30 days since the Security Council demanded a ceasefire, the bombardment of the people of eastern Ghouta has only increased and now, at the end of the so-called ceasefire, eastern Ghouta has nearly fallen. History will not be kind when it judges the effectiveness of the Council in relieving the suffering of the Syrian people. Seventeen hundred Syrian civilians have been killed in the past month alone. Hospitals and ambulances are being deliberately targeted with bombs and artillery. Schools are being hit, like the one in eastern Ghouta that was bombed just last week, killing 15 children. Siege, starvation and surrender. I would like to ask my Security Council colleagues to consider whether we are wrong when we point to the Russian and Iranian forces working alongside Al-Assad as being responsible for the slaughter. Russia voted for the so-called ceasefire in Syria last month (see S/PV.8188). More than that, Russia took its time painstakingly negotiating resolution 2401 (2018), which demanded the ceasefire. If we watched closely during the negotiations, we could see our Russian friends constantly leaving the room to confer with their Syrian counterparts. The possibilities for what was going on are only two. Either Russia was informing its Syrian colleagues about the content of the negotiations, or Russia was taking directions from its Syrian colleagues about the content of the negotiations. Either way, Russia cynically negotiated a ceasefire that it instantly defied. Russia even had the audacity to claim that it is the only Council member implementing resolution 2401 (2018). How can that possibly be true when in the first four days after the so-called ceasefire, Russian military aircraft conducted at least 20 daily bombing missions on Damascus and eastern Ghouta, while the people of Syria remained under siege? The so-called ceasefire was intended to allow humanitarian access to sick and starving civilians. Russia even doubled down on its cynicism by proposing five-hour pauses in the fighting. It said that they were necessary to allow humanitarian convoys to get through, but Russian and Syrian bombs continue to prevent the delivery of humanitarian aid. Only after territory falls into the hands of the Al-Assad Government and its allies do they allow food and medicine to be delivered. Russia and Syria's rationalization is that they have to continue to bomb in eastern Ghouta in order to combat what they call terrorists. That is a transparent excuse for the Russians and Al-Assad to maintain their assault. Meanwhile, from the very beginning, the opposition groups in eastern Ghouta expressed their readiness to implement the ceasefire. They told the Council that they welcomed the resolution. Russia's response was to call those groups terrorists and keep pummelling S/PV.8217 The situation in the Middle East 27/03/2018 8/21 18-08569 civilians into submission, while the people of Syria continue to starve. Last week, after Syrian civilians had spent years barely surviving, an agreement was reached to allow them to leave eastern Ghouta. Who brokered it? Russia. So we see the cycle being completed. The people of eastern Ghouta are surrendering. That is the ugly reality on the ground in Syria today. Cynical accusations of bad faith from Russia will not stop us from speaking out, and their blatantly false narratives will not keep us from telling the world about Russia's central role in bombing the Syrian people into submission. Fifteen days ago, when it was apparent that the Russian, Syrian and Iranian regimes were utterly ignoring the ceasefire, the United States developed a plan for a tougher and more targeted ceasefire focused on Damascus city and eastern Ghouta. Despite overwhelming evidence that the ceasefire was being ignored, some of our colleagues urged us to give resolution 2401 (2018) a chance to work. Reluctantly, we agreed and put off introducing the resolution. Now, more than 80 per cent of eastern Ghouta is controlled by Al-Assad and his allies. Their deception, hypocrisy and brutality have overtaken the chance of a ceasefire in eastern Ghouta, and for that we should all be ashamed. If we were upholding our responsibility as a Security Council, we would adopt a resolution today recognizing the reality of what happened in eastern Ghouta. A responsible Security Council would condemn the Syrian authorities, along with Russia and Iran, for launching a military offensive to seize eastern Ghouta the same day that we called for a ceasefire. A responsible Security Council would condemn the Al-Assad regime for deliberately blocking convoys of humanitarian aid during its military campaign and removing medical items from convoys that attempted to reach eastern Ghouta. A responsible Security Council would recognize that the provision of humanitarian aid was never safe, unimpeded or sustained, and that there was no lifting of sieges. A responsible Security Council would express its outrage that at least 1,700 civilians were killed during a military campaign that it demanded to come to a halt — 1,700 civilians who should have been spared in the ceasefire we demanded, but who died on our watch. But we cannot. We cannot take those actions because Russia will stop at nothing to use its permanent seat on the Council to shield its ally Bashar Al-Assad from even the faintest criticism. And we cannot take those actions because instead of calling out the ways in which Al-Assad, Russia and Iran made a mockery of our calls for a ceasefire, too many members of the Council wanted to wait. That is a travesty. This should be a day of shame for every member of the Council and it should be a lesson about what happens when we focus on fleeting displays of unity instead of on what is right. For those who think otherwise, the people of eastern Ghouta deserve an explanation. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): At the outset, I would like to thank Mark Lowcock for his briefing and to commend him on his tireless efforts and those of his team in their response to the urgent and severe humanitarian situation in Syria. To address that urgency and severity, a month ago almost to the day the Security Council adopted resolution 2401 (2018). We thus collectively and unanimously demanded that all the parties to the conflict cease hostilities throughout the country to allow for sustained and unimpeded humanitarian access to civilians in need and for medical evacuations. A month later, what is the situation? Not only has resolution 2401 (2018) not been implemented, but the humanitarian situation in Syria has worsened. The civilian population is living in despair, trapped between bargaining and fighting, particularly in eastern Ghouta. Over the past few weeks, not only has the fighting has not subsided; it has doubled in intensity, with a land offensive launched by the regime, supported by its allies Russia and Iran. The carefully planned offensive was unremitting, using the double strategy of terror and parallel negotiations that was used in Aleppo to obtain the surrender of combatants and the displacement of civilians. For a month there has not been a single day when eastern Ghouta, which has been besieged and starved for years, has not suffered indiscriminate shelling by the regime and its supporters. They have systematically bombed schools and hospitals and killed more than 1,700 civilians, including more than 300 children. Those deaths are the result of a deliberate strategy of the Syrian regime to forcibly bend an entire population, annihilate any form of opposition and remain in power. Nothing should justify breaches of international humanitarian law. Not one humanitarian convoy has been authorized to enter eastern Ghouta since 15 March, and almost no humanitarian assistance has 27/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8217 18-08569 9/21 been delivered in recent weeks. Meanwhile, there are immense needs among those still in eastern Ghouta, the majority of whom are women and children. For several days we have been witnessing forced evacuations of populations from eastern Ghouta, which could constitute crimes against humanity and war crimes. We have demanded humanitarian access to eastern Ghouta in order to provide assistance to people in their own homes, where they wish to stay as long as the ceasefire allows. That was the reason for the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018). Instead, we have witnessed just the opposite — an escalation of violence to force a massive displacement of civilians. Bombing has forced civilians, approximately 80,000 people, to flee. The displacement of people from eastern Ghouta is an integral part of the military strategy of the Syrian regime to force the opposition to capitulate. Once again, civilians are the primary victims. As I said, those forced displacements could constitute crimes against humanity and war crimes. Evidence of such crimes will be collected, preserved and used. We were clear on that point during the Arria-formula Council meeting with the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights a few days ago. Some 55,000 civilians are now in eight collective camps managed by the Syrian regime around eastern Ghouta, without water or electricity and in disastrous sanitary conditions. Their lot has not improved; their hell has simply moved a few kilometres away. We are extremely concerned about the fate of those civilians who now live in overcrowded conditions, with no assurances of protection or security, with no guarantee that they will return home. How do we protect civilians in the situation I have just described? It is absolutely urgent to protect those who can still be protected. Although the 30-day cessation of hostilities demanded by resolution 2401 (2018) has still not been implemented, that demand remains, more urgent and relevant than ever. The resolution is still the framework for our collective action. In that regard, and in line with the briefing just given by Mark Lowcock, I would like to underscore three vital demands. First, it is indispensable and urgent that humanitarian convoys be allowed to enter eastern Ghouta daily and with adequate security. Although humanitarian needs are great, the regime continues to deliberately block aid. United Nations convoys must be able to enter and make deliveries. Fighting must cease long enough to allow for delivery, unloading and distribution of supplies, including of medical assistance. The second demand concerns civilians who remain in Ghouta, who have the right to emergency humanitarian assistance and to protection. Aid must reach them where they are. To that end, the United Nations and its international and local humanitarian partners must be able to work safely on site to assess the needs of those populations. It is an obligation under international humanitarian law, but it is the minimum required to provide tangible assistance to those concerned. The protection that is due them under international humanitarian law must be unconditionally guaranteed. In that regard I call again on the responsibility of all actors with influence on the Syrian regime. The third demand, which has taken on new importance in recent days, is for assistance to be provided to the displaced civilians in camps outside Ghouta. Very concretely, that means that those populations, who have been forced to leave everything behind in order to survive, must be assured of their safety, access to basic necessities and a chance to return home when they so desire. Care must be taken that they are not threatened with retaliation, threats or persecution of any kind. In order to ensure that they are protected, the United Nations and its partners must be able to escort civilians who have been evacuated from their point of departure to their destination in the collective shelters. The United Nations and its partners must be granted continuous access to civilians living in those camps. We hope that the United Nations can strengthen its support to displaced persons who have fled eastern Ghouta. That would call for an increase in the number of international staff on site. We hope that approval will be granted to that end as soon as possible. It would also call for security guarantees for humanitarian workers. The situation in Afrin is also extremely worrisome. A great many civilians are in a critical situation. More that 180,000 people have been displaced. A single convoy was authorized, yesterday, which is insufficient given the tremendous needs of the population. Ongoing fighting in Afrin has forced the Syrian Democratic Forces to halt operations against Da'esh, whose threat, as we all know, has not dissappeared. Our position on the issue is the same. The legitimate concerns of Turkey with regard to the security of its borders cannot in any way justify a lasting military presence deep inside Syria. S/PV.8217 The situation in the Middle East 27/03/2018 10/21 18-08569 More than ever, we need the fighting to end. We call on all parties on the ground to conclude the negotiations under way and respect a cessation of hostilities. We support the efforts of the Special Envoy for Syria, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, and his commitment to resuming the Geneva process and to reaching a lasting political solution in line with resolution 2254 (2015) that starts with the establishment of an inclusive constitutional committee, under the auspices of Mr. De Mistura. It is the only way to end the Syrian crisis. It is absolutely essential to work on both the humanitarian and political fronts. I appeal on behalf of France, first, to those who can make a difference on the ground, starting with Russia. It is never to late to save lives. Let us be well aware that without urgent, decisive action, the worst is undoubtedly yet to come in the form of a worsening and enlargement of the conflict. The time has come for us to learn seriously the lessons of the Syrian tragedy. This tragedy is the illustration of a new global disorder where the rappelling ropes have disappeared due to a lack of strong international governance, a lack of a power of last resort and a lack of convergence among key actors — to which we add the well-known attitude of Russia. In other words, if we want to avoid other tragedies of this type in future, it is essential to structure the multipolar world in which we now find ourselves around a robust multilateralism embodied by a reformed United Nations. It is the only alternative to the fragmentation of the world and the return to the zones of influence — and our history teaches us all the dangers of that — and it is with the settlement of the Syrian crisis, which is our priority today and which is the emergency before us, one of the other challenges of our generation. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): I thank you, Mr. President, both for being here today to underscore the vital importance of this topic and, in particular, for your very powerful statement. The United Kingdom supports your call for a referral of the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court. I also wish to express our thanks to the Under- Secretary-General for his continued efforts to keep the Security Council informed of the toll that hostilities are having on civilians in Syria. We also thank him for the heroic efforts of all his teams on the ground. Their efforts are much supported by most of us on the Council. The Under-Secretary-General's briefing eloquently underscores why it is essential that the Council comes together to agree on concrete steps to allow the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs to fulfil its mandate to ensure humanitarian assistance and protection for everybody who needs it. Ambassador Haley has laid the situation bare, Ambassador Delattre has set out the regime's intentions, and Ambassador Alotaibi has focused on the need for protection and registration. I support their calls. I will not rehearse a catalogue of suffering that we have heard expressed so eloquently today, but that omission should not be taken as any indication that the United Kingdom is not as horrified as others by what is happening on the ground. Specifically, it is diabolical that access is actually worse in the face of such suffering. Diabolical is a strong word, but there are no others to describe what is happening. The worst destruction and suffering has continued in eastern Ghouta. Those who support Al-Assad have not taken steps to help stop the violence. Instead, Al-Assad and his supporters have violated the strong words of the Security Council in resolution 2401 (2018), making mockery of the Council's authority, as Ambassador Delattre stated. Since 11 March, an estimated 100,000 people have left eastern Ghouta and are in makeshift reception sites in rural Damascus. Thousands more have been bused to Idlib. Because there is no independent monitoring nor provisions for civilian safety, those fleeing and those staying remain vulnerable and at risk of mistreatment and abuse by the regime, including being detained, disappeared or separated from their families. Humanitarians, health workers and first responders on the ground report that the regime is deliberately targeting them. That is illegal, and those who help the Al-Assad regime are complicit in that illegality. The situation continues even for those who are left behind. An estimated 150,000 civilians remain in eastern Ghouta. They suffer from acute food shortages and lack of medical supplies. They are afraid, and above all they remember how the regime punished the civilians who fled from eastern Aleppo in December 2016. That is why Ambassador Alotaibi's call for protection and registration is so urgent. We welcome United Nations plans to scale up support to deal with the dire situations in the internally displaced persons camps and collective shelters. We call on Russia to use its influence with the regime to 27/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8217 18-08569 11/21 ensure that the United Nations and its partners can also provide assistance and protection for those who remain in eastern Ghouta. Whether civilians choose to stay or leave, it is essential that they be protected against attack and have access to the essentials to survive. This is not just a plea on the grounds of humanity; it is a requirement under international humanitarian law. It is the job of the Council and all members of the Council to uphold international humanitarian law. Those who side with the regime in its actions are themselves guilty of violating that law. In concluding, I would like to highlight two further areas. The suffering of the Syrian people continues in Idlib, where civilians have been under attack by regime forces for many years. More than a million internally displaced Syrians live there, including those who have fled eastern Ghouta. In Afrin, we recognize Turkey's legitimate interest in the security of its borders, but at the same time we remain concerned about the impact of operations on the humanitarian situation, and my Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary have raised the need for protection of civilians and access with President Erdoğan and his Ministers. It was good to hear from the Under-Secretary-General that there may at last be signs of progress in Afrin. After seven years of conflict, over 13 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance in Syria. The Al-Assad regime has created the situation and is now preventing humanitarian actors from relieving some of the horror it has inflicted. We call on Russia to use its influence to ensure that at a minimum the United Nations can fulfil its mandate to ensure humanitarian assistance and protection for Syrians on the basis of need, regardless of any other considerations. I was at Geneva in 2012. I think we all feel that that was a huge missed opportunity, in the light of events. The situation has escalated every year since that time, and, as the Under-Secretary-General said, the level of access is worse. The Council has a small opportunity to put measures in place to reduce the risk of reprisals. As you said, Mr. President, if the Security Council cannot do it, who can? Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): I join others in thanking Under-Secretary-General Lowcock for his comprehensive briefing. I also wish to welcome the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, His Excellency Mr. Stephanus Abraham Blok, who is presiding over today's meeting. Kazakhstan remains committed to all Security Council resolutions aimed at solving humanitarian issues in Syria. We believe that it is most important to preserve all possible humanitarian-access modalities, including cross-border assistance, which are indispensable in bringing humanitarian aid to millions of people in Syria. Implementing resolution 2401 (2018) is a collective responsibility, with each Council member and State Member of the United Nations playing a significant role. We must all continue to do everything we can to ensure full implementation across Syria. We look forward to continued reporting on the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) to the Council through the regular Syria briefings and reports of the Secretary- General, as stipulated in the resolution. Urgent attention must be focused on long-term humanitarian assistance, with the assurance of safe humanitarian access by the United Nations and other aid agencies, and evacuation of the wounded. We commend the sterling contribution of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the World Health Organization and the Syrian Arab Red Crescent for their provision of increased medical supplies and life-saving services, including surgical procedures. In that regard, we welcome the increase in humanitarian convoys gaining access to besieged areas in Syria in March, compared to previous months. It is necessary to take note of the worrisome humanitarian situation in Syria, as fighting in different parts of the country are causing massive displacement. We endorse the appeal of the United Nations to help stem the catastrophic situation for tens of thousands of people, from both eastern Ghouta and Afrin. We look forward to the next round of talks, to be held in mid-May in our capital, Astana, where the stepping up of efforts to ensure observance of the relevant agreements will be addressed. We also believe that the dialogue between Under- Secretary-General Mark Lowcock and the Government of Syria should be ongoing. We reiterate that all obligations under international humanitarian law must be respected by all parties. A further United Nations needs-assessment mission to these troubled areas, similar to that which Under-Secretary-General Lowcock led recently, may be required very soon. The Syrian authorities must cooperate fully with the United Nations and relevant humanitarian organizations in S/PV.8217 The situation in the Middle East 27/03/2018 12/21 18-08569 facilitating the unhindered provision of humanitarian assistance and thereby mitigating the suffering. Lastly, we are of the view that the crisis in Syria can be resolved only through an inclusive and Syrian-led political process, based on the Geneva communiqué of 30 June 2012 (S/2012/522, annex), subsequent Security Council resolutions and relevant statements of the International Syria Support Group. Mr. Meza-Cuadra (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): We appreciate the convening of this meeting and the briefing by Mr. Mark Lowcock, Under-Secretary- General for Humanitarian Affairs, on the humanitarian situation in Syria. We also welcome your presence here today, Sir, in presiding over our meeting. Peru deeply regrets that violence and human suffering continue to characterize the situation in Syria, 30 days after the humanitarian ceasefire demanded by the Council. Resolution 2401 (2018) remains in full force, and we consider that the Syrian Government and other actors with the capacity to influence developments on the ground are obliged to ensure its full implementation. The ceasefire should be immediate and enable unrestricted access to humanitarian assistance throughout Syrian territory. While there has been some limited progress in that regard, the delivery of humanitarian assistance must be continuous and unrestricted. In view of the Council's responsibilities in line with international law and international humanitarian law, Peru will continue to advocate for the protection of civilians in all conflicts and humanitarian crises. An indeterminate number of Syrian citizens, including thousands of women and children, have been driven out of eastern Ghouta by the violence. We note with concern that the shelters in the vicinity of Damascus cannot cope and that they lack food, clean water and medical supplies. We must remember that international humanitarian law has mandatory provisions for the evacuation of civilians. It is also compulsory to take measures to safeguard private property from looting and destruction. Syrian citizens must be able to return to their homes and businesses when security conditions improve. We must also protect the majority of the remaining population in eastern Ghouta, who are particularly vulnerable to reprisals, forced recruitment and sexual violence. We are also concerned about the humanitarian situation in Afrin, Idlib and Raqqa, among other areas of Syria. The responsibility to protect civilians cannot be conditional or subordinated to political or strategic interests. We highlight the efforts of the United Nations and other humanitarian agencies, such as the Red Cross and the Red Crescent, to assist people in such a difficult situation. They have our full support. Given the intensification of violence in recent weeks and its devastating consequences for the population, we must once again reiterate how urgent it is to make progress towards achieving a political settlement on the basis of resolution 2254 (2015) and the Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex). In that regard, we hope that progress will soon be made in the establishment and composition of the constitutional committee agreed on in Sochi. All the Syrian parties, and especially the Government, must engage constructively in this. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We thank Under-Secretary- General Lowcock for his comprehensive briefing. We want to express our appreciation to the United Nations and humanitarian partners for their continued selfless and courageous service in providing assistance to all Syrians in difficult circumstances. We remain concerned about the humanitarian crisis in all the areas of Syria where it is prevalent. As the Under-Secretary-General said, the Syrian war has entered its eighth year, bringing unspeakable suffering to the people of the country. The escalation of violence that we witnessed last month in eastern Ghouta and other parts of the country has been a source of extremely grave concern. According to the statement issued on 21 March by the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, shelter, protection, water and sanitation remain the key priority humanitarian needs of the internally displaced. In that regard, we thank the United Nations and its humanitarian partners for providing much-needed assistance. Alleviating the suffering of Syrians requires urgent and coordinated action on the part of all actors, while respecting the relevant resolutions of the Council, particularly resolution 2401 (2018). It was encouraging that the Council unanimously adopted resolution 2401 (2018), demanding a cessation of hostilities throughout Syria for at least 30 days so as to ensure the safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and medical evacuations. In that regard, while much remains to be done to fully implement the resolution, compared to the previous month there has been positive 27/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8217 18-08569 13/21 action, including aid delivery to some of the areas that are especially badly affected and difficult to reach. The conflict has also diminished in intensity in some areas, according to the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/243). However, this does not mean that the action taken has been sufficient. We therefore stress that it is vital to redouble our efforts to do everything possible to fully and comprehensively implement the resolution with a sense of urgency and enhanced political will. We believe that what the people of Syria need is a cessation of hostilities, along with protection and access to basic goods and services. All of those demands are contained and affirmed in resolution 2401 (2018). All Syrian parties should therefore respect and fully implement resolution 2401 (2018), and all States that have influence over the parties should try to bring the maximum pressure to bear on them, with the ultimate objective of helping to fully operationalize the resolution, which was adopted unanimously by the Council. In that regard, we hope that the Astana guarantors, Russia, Turkey and Iran, will play their role in implementing resolution 2401 (2018), strengthening the ceasefire arrangements and improving humanitarian conditions, as stated in their final statement of 16 March. In addition, while we acknowledge that the United Nations and its humanitarian partners have been able to reach millions of Syrians using all modes of aid delivery, the fact remains that humanitarian access, particularly inter-agency convoys, remains a critical challenge. In that connection, it is absolutely vital to ensure safe, sustained and need-based humanitarian access so that life-saving aid can reach all Syrians in need. Let me conclude by reaffirming that only a comprehensive political dialogue, under the auspices of the United Nations, can ultimately end the humanitarian tragedy in Syria. We reiterate our position that the only solution to the Syrian crisis is a political solution based on resolution 2254 (2015). We support the continued efforts of the Special Envoy and encourage all Syrian parties to engage with him constructively and meaningfully in order to revitalize the Geneva intra-Syrian talks and support the establishment of a constitutional committee, in line with the outcome of the Sochi congress. We fully concur with the Secretary- General, who states, in his report of 20 March, "Political efforts to bring the war to an end must be accorded priority and redoubled by all parties to the conflict." (S/2018/243, para. 48) While the primary responsibility for resolving the conflict lies with the Syrians themselves — a principle that is firmly embedded in resolution 2254 (2015) — the Council also has an important role to play in supporting the efforts in a spirit of unity, which we believe can have a positive impact on the ground in alleviating the suffering of all Syrians. That may be a tall order, in the light of the fragmentation that Ambassador Delattre mentioned earlier. However, the effort must be made. Mr. Inchauste Jordán (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): We welcome your presence, Sir, and the fact that you are presiding over the work of the Security Council today. We would also like to thank Mr. Mark Lowcock, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, for his briefing. We support him in the difficult work with which he is entrusted. We must once again express our regret that this conflict has continued for eight years and that we are still witnessing the ongoing sieges and violence being endured by the Syrian people, particularly women and children. In addition to living with the psychological consequences of the situation, they urgently need humanitarian assistance. We unequivocally condemn the ongoing bombardment of civilian infrastructure such as hospitals and schools, and the military activities in residential areas in the cities of Damascus, Afrin and Idlib, as well as in eastern Ghouta. They have only led to more civilians being killed, wounded and displaced. According to the most recent report of the Secretary General (S/2018/243), between December and February alone, there were 385,000 internally displaced persons and 2.3 million people living in besieged and hard-to-reach areas. We regret that so far there are still obstacles preventing the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). We call on all parties involved to make every effort to ensure the effective implementation of the resolution throughout Syria in order to facilitate the safe, sustained and unhindered delivery of humanitarian aid and services, as well as to enable the medical evacuation of those who are seriously ill or injured. In addition, according to the same report, since October 2017, 86,000 civilians have returned to the city of Raqqa, of whom 20,000 arrived in February alone. Regrettably, 130 civilians have died and 658 have been seriously injured by explosive remnants of war and anti-personnel mines. In that regard, we would like to highlight the visit by the United Nations mission to Raqqa last week. We reiterate that the work of clearing S/PV.8217 The situation in the Middle East 27/03/2018 14/21 18-08569 anti-personnel mines and explosive remnants of war is crucial to facilitating the safe return of the displaced. While it does not reflect what has gone on throughout Syrian territory, it is important to highlight the recent delivery of humanitarian aid through convoys, of which the first, on 5 March, was to Douma in eastern Ghouta, bringing food for more than 27,000 people. We also believe that cross-border assistance is an important part of the response to the situation, and we highlight the food assistance to 2 million people and the dispatch by the United Nations to areas of northern and southern Syria of 449 trucks carrying aid for 1 million people. We welcome the efforts of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, all the humanitarian agencies concerned and the Russian Federation that have enabled humanitarian assistance to be delivered to various populations, in particular in eastern Ghouta, which three convoys recently entered. We call for that assistance to continue as safely as possible. In that regard, we believe it is important to strengthen the dialogue and coordination among the humanitarian agencies, the United Nations and the Syrian Government in order to facilitate the entry of convoys and humanitarian aid workers, as well as the safe and dignified return of refugees and internally displaced persons. We emphasize the dangerous work of the personnel of the various agencies and humanitarian assistance bodies, whose staff risk their own lives in carrying out their dangerous work on the ground. We therefore reiterate the importance of full respect for international humanitarian law and international human rights law. We want to take this opportunity to reiterate how important it is to build on the political momentum following the commitments made at the Syrian National Dialogue Congress in Sochi. That should be the channel for reinforcing the Geneva process, led by the United Nations in the context of resolution 2254 (2016). We hope for the speedy implementation of the Sochi outcome and, as a result, the establishment of a constitutional committee that can facilitate a viable political transition. In that regard, we support the results of the latest Astana meeting, which enabled the agreements establishing de-escalation zones to be strengthened. We hope they will be reflected on the ground so as to reduce the violence and meet the urgent humanitarian needs. We condemn any attempt to foment fragmentation or sectarianism in Syria and believe that it is the Syrian people who must freely decide their future and their political leadership in the context of their sovereignty and territorial integrity. Finally, we reiterate that the only way to resolve the conflict is through an inclusive, negotiated and agreed political process, led by and for the Syrian people, and aimed at achieving sustainable peace on their territory without foreign pressure of any kind. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We would like to welcome you as you preside over the Council today, Sir. We also welcome Ms. Karen Pierce, Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom, who is now here with us. We thank Mr. Lowcock for his briefing. The difficult humanitarian situation continues in a number of areas in Syria. The Russian Federation has been taking active steps to normalize things, including within the framework of the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). While some here may not like it, it is a fact that we are the only ones who have been making concrete efforts to implement resolution 2401 (2018). Since we first established humanitarian pauses, with the assistance of the Russian Centre for Reconciliation of Opposing Sides in the Syrian Arab Republic, and the participation and oversight of the United Nations and the Syrian Arab Red Crescent, nearly 121,000 people have been evacuated, on a strictly voluntarily basis — let me stress that — from eastern Ghouta. Many of them have talked about how difficult it has been for them to live under the repressive regime established by the armed group militants. Civilians continue to flee eastern Ghouta through the Muhayam-Al-Wafedin humanitarian corridor. There is real-time video of this running on the Russian Defence Ministry's official website. In just the past few days more than 520 civilians have left Douma. Russian agencies have organized the distribution to them of hot food, food kits and individual food rations, as well as bottled drinking water. Yesterday alone, Russian military doctors treated 111 civilians, including 42 children. At the same time, the Russian Centre for Reconciliation continues to organize the return of residents of Saqba and Kafr Batna. On 24 March, as a result of an agreement reached by the Centre with leaders of illegal armed groups, another checkpoint was opened for fighters and their family members to leave from Harasta, Arbin, Zamalka, Ain Terma and Jobar. In the past few days, militias from the Ahrar Al-Sham 27/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8217 18-08569 15/21 and Faylak Al-Rahman groups and their relatives have been evacuated along the corridor and bused to Idlib governorate. In three days, more than 13,000 people were evacuated from Arbin alone. However, many have decided to remain, taking advantage of the presidential amnesty. Incidentally, there have been active efforts to plant stories about detentions and torture and possibly even executions. They are lies. The Syrian police are ensuring that these operations are safe, under the oversight of specialists from the Russian Centre for Reconciliation and representatives of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent. Yesterday 26 Syrian soldiers and civilians who had been taken prisoner by Faylak Al-Rahman were freed. In our view, those facts clearly attest to the difficulty and extent of the work being done by the Russian specialists on the ground, in communication with the Syrian authorities and the leaders of the armed groups. There are some members of the Security Council who prefer wasting their time on inflammatory speeches and letters making groundless claims about our country, probably to conceal their own unwillingness to do anything constructive to implement resolution 2401 (2018) in cooperation with the groups they sponsor. At the same time, yesterday the fighters from Jaysh Al-Islam who remain in Douma detonated four mines yesterday in several districts in Damascus. Six civilians died and another six were wounded. Al-Mazraa, a residential neighbourhood in the capital was shelled earlier. As a result of mine explosions around the Al-Fayhaa sports complex, a 12-year-old boy died and seven children were injured. Hundreds of people have died from mine explosions in Damascus overall. This is apparently the message that the militants are sending every day about the willingness to implement the ceasefire that they loudly proclaimed in their famous letter to the Secretary-General. I want to again point out the importance of clarifying the data used in the Secretary-General's report (S/2018/138), including on possible attacks on civilian infrastructure and the victims of such attacks. Where does that information come from? The February report has a footnote that mentions various United Nations agencies and departments of the Secretariat. The main source cited is the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, which does not have a staff presence on the ground. The big question, and what we are trying to get to the bottom of, is who is providing the United Nations staff with this kind of information? Is it the anti-Government groups and terrorist accomplices like the White Helmets? But they are interested parties. So why is there only a sprinkling of the information provided by the Syrian authorities? We call on the United Nations, humanitarian organizations and States to deliver urgent assistance to help the people who are evacuating eastern Ghouta. It is also essential to strengthen the United Nations presence around the humanitarian corridors. The Syrians need immediate assistance with the infrastructure reconstruction that the Syrian Government has begun in the liberated residential areas of eastern Ghouta. We would like to ask Mr. Lowcock to oversee that issue personally. We also hope that as soon as possible the coalition will create the conditions and provide the necessary security guarantees enabling a United Nations assessment mission to be sent to Raqqa and humanitarian convoys to the Rukban camp. The Syrian authorities gave their official consent to this some time ago, as Mark Lowcock confirmed today. We should note that we were shocked by the recent reports that more than 2,000 civilians may have died during the coalition forces' assault on Raqqa. Let me ask it once again — where were the weeping and wailing and calls for humanitarian aid then? We have noted the statistics in the Secretary-General's report on the numbers of people who have returned to Raqqa, but we would like to see similar information on other parts of Syria and the country as a whole. How many people are returning to their permanent homes? We would like to propose to the United Nations representatives that they designate the areas where those indicators are the highest as a priority for the delivery of humanitarian assistance and monitor how effectively it is being implemented. We also think it would be appropriate to include information on reconstruction assistance in the reports. Resolution 2401 (2018) stipulates that Syrian districts, including those that have been liberated from terrorists, need support in restoring normal functioning and stability. One of the key areas in that regard is mine clearance. We get the feeling that external donors are losing interest in delivering assistance to residents in areas under Syrian Government control. We are seeing signals from some capitals that only opposition-held enclaves should be helped. Such double standards go completely against the core principles of neutrality and impartial humanitarian assistance. We hope that we are wrong about this and that Mr. Lowcock will refute the S/PV.8217 The situation in the Middle East 27/03/2018 16/21 18-08569 possibility of such a trend. But if our suspicions are borne out, how does the United Nations intend to deal with the issue? Just the other day a meeting of senior officials was held in Oslo under the auspices of the United Nations and the European Union to address the humanitarian situation in Syria. No representatives of the Syrian authorities were invited. How does Mr. Lowcock view the prospect of another assessment of the humanitarian situation in Syria without the participation of its official representatives? Does he consider that a productive format? That is a very urgent question considering that the forthcoming second donor conference is scheduled for the end of April in Brussels. I would also like to ask Mr. Lowcock what is known at the United Nations about the facts of sexual services being provided in exchange for humanitarian assistance in the context of cross-border operations. There is information about that in the November report of the United Nations Population Fund, and the BBC did a journalistic investigation of the issue. If this issue is known about, why is it avoided in the Secretary- General's reports? And if it is not known about, it should be investigated. We hope that in close cooperation with the Syrian authorities and consideration of their views, the United Nations will agree on an emergency humanitarian response plan for this year as soon as possible, with an emphasis on the delivery of assistance to liberated areas. Ms. Wronecka (Poland): I would like to welcome you here today, Sir, and to commend the presidency's leadership. I would also like to thank Under-Secretary- General Mark Lowcock for his comprehensive but once again alarming update. Like many around this table, we share a sense of urgency on this issue, especially following the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), which we adopted unanimously a month ago. Unfortunately, we have to recognize that it has not been implemented in the first 30 days since its adoption. We are meeting again when there has been no substantial change on the ground and the fighting is far from over. The military offensive in Syria continues and the human suffering is growing as a result. Any action, even against terrorists, cannot justify attacks on innocent civilians and civilian infrastructure, including health facilities. That must stop, and the parties to the conflict must strictly comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law. Accountability for serious violations is a requirement under international law and central to achieving sustainable peace in Syria. As indicated in the last report of the United Nations-mandated Commission of Inquiry, there is a need for the international community to take a broader view of accountability and to take urgent steps to ensure that the needs of Syrian conflict victims for justice and accountability are met both immediately and in the long term. We call upon all parties to alleviate the suffering of the civilians, including children, by granting them free and safe access to humanitarian assistance, including voluntary medical evacuation, which should be strictly overseen by the United Nations and the implementing partners in order to ensure the voluntary character of the process. While discussing evacuations, let me underline that people must have the right to return and to a safe location for settlement. Any evacuation negotiations should also include civilians. Humanitarian aid convoys to eastern Ghouta must continue for those who choose to stay. We would like to stress that all actors should use their full influence to immediately improve conditions on the ground. We urgently call for the cessation of hostilities in the whole of Syria. Attacks against civilians, civilian property and medical facilities must stop in order to alleviate the humanitarian suffering of the Syrian people. Some small positive steps have taken place, such as a larger number of humanitarian convoys reaching the besieged areas in March, especially when compared to previous months, when humanitarian access was almost completely blocked. That improvement shows that it is possible to make progress, although much more is needed. In that context, we call on Russia, Iran and Turkey — as the European Union did, and as the High Representatives did through their respective ministers after the Foreign Affairs Council of the European Union in February — to fulfil their obligations and responsibilities as Astana guarantors. It is also important to note that the cessation of hostilities may also provide a chance for the peace talks under the auspices of the United Nations in Geneva to gain momentum so that a political solution may finally be reached. Once again, let me underline that we should seek to reach an intra-Syrian framework political agreement, in line with Council resolution 2254 (2015). In that connection, we strongly believe that the conclusions of the Congress of Syrian 27/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8217 18-08569 17/21 National Dialogue in Sochi could and should be used to advance the Geneva process, especially with regard to the creation of a constitutional committee by United Nations Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura. In conclusion, let me stress the necessity of maintaining the unity of the Council on the question of the full implementation of the humanitarian resolution across Syria. The civilian population of Syria has already suffered too much. The adoption of the resolution was just the beginning of the process. We call on all with influence on the ground to take the necessary steps to ensure that the fighting stops, the Syrian people are protected and, finally, our joint humanitarian access and necessary medical evacuations continue. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): We welcome Mr. Stef Blok, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, to New York. We take this opportunity to congratulate him for the commendable presidency of the Netherlands during the month of March. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea is grateful for the holding of this informative meeting, which enables us to once again assess humanitarian resolution 2401 (2018), which we approved one month ago. We thank Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs Mark Lowcock, who, as he always does, has just given us a very informative and detailed briefing on the developments on the ground in Syria. The 30-day ceasefire throughout Syria, established under resolution 2401 (2018) in order to carry out humanitarian operations, has expired. Despite the diplomatic efforts of the United Nations team in Syria, violence has increased in eastern Ghouta, in Damascus, in Idlib and in Afrin, where there is an ongoing Turkish military offensive. Daily air strikes and bombardments have increased, including in residential areas, among Government forces, opposition forces and non-State armed groups, making it difficult to ensure the protection of all civilians and the immediate, secure and sustained provision of humanitarian aid. That excessive resurgence of violence, orchestrated by the various parties, only serves to exacerbate and aggravate the already grim humanitarian situation in those conflict zones. As we have reiterated, the solution to the humanitarian crisis in Syria is tightly linked with a ceasefire. The prolongation of the conflict can only further aggravate the tragic humanitarian situation, which in turn creates greater instability and negatively affects neighbouring countries that take in the millions of refugees fleeing the war. As the Secretary-General underlines in his 20 March report: "Our common objective" — and one of high priority — "should be to alleviate and end the suffering of the Syrian people. What the Syrian people need immediately has been made abundantly clear and affirmed in resolution 2401 (2018). Civilians need a cessation of hostilities, protection, access to basic goods and services" — and access to humanitarian and sanitary assistance — "and an end to sieges." (S/2018/243, para. 48) All parties involved in the Syrian crisis must accept that none of them can achieve a military victory. Government forces, opposition forces and armed groups must accept that no matter how much death and destruction they cause in their country, there will be no victor but rather one single loser — the Syrian people. Similarly, national parties and international partners that have significant political and geostrategic interests and that have the capacity to exercise their influence on their respective allies must redouble their efforts and political commitments in order to bring sustainable peace and stability to the country. Any party that insists on political red lines that block the necessary commitments must also consider the setback caused by the loss of innocent human lives. It is evident that the Council has not entirely reached its goal by unanimously adopting resolution 2401 (2018). The Republic of Equatorial Guinea will support any humanitarian initiative that seeks to definitively put an end to the suffering of the Syrian people. In conclusion, I renew the tribute of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea to Mr. Lowcock and to the entire humanitarian team of the United Nations for their noble and tireless work in Syria to provide relief to the Syrian people living through a humanitarian catastrophe. Mr. Dah (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): Like others, my delegation would like to welcome Mr. Stef Blok to New York and to congratulate him on the holding of the current meeting in the Security Council. My delegation also wishes to thank Mr. Mark Lowcock, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, for his informative briefing on the humanitarian situation in Syria. S/PV.8217 The situation in the Middle East 27/03/2018 18/21 18-08569 As we are all aware, the war in Syria has unleashed one of the most serious humanitarian crises in recent history and continues to have a devastating impact on the Syrian people. My country remains particularly concerned about the attacks and bombings, including those against hospitals and civilian infrastructure, that continue to punctuate the daily lives of people subjected to forced displacement in the areas of Afrin, Idlib and eastern Ghouta. Côte d'Ivoire condemns those actions and calls on the parties to take the steps necessary to protect people, civilian infrastructure and humanitarian personnel. More than a month after its unanimous adoption by members of the Security Council, resolution 2401 (2018), on which so much hope was pinned, has fallen woefully short of our expectations, much to our regret. The fact is that the demand for an immediate cessation of hostilities to allow safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian aid and related services, as well as medical evacuation of the seriously ill and wounded, in accordance with relevant international humanitarian law, has still not been adhered to, despite our joint efforts. The ongoing fighting has forced hundreds of thousands of civilians to flee to camps and makeshift shelters where living conditions are extremely difficult. Côte d'Ivoire calls once again for the effective implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) with a view to resuming the delivery of humanitarian aid, including medical evacuations from besieged areas and camps for internally displaced persons, in order to ease the suffering of people in distress. We urge the Council to overcome its differences and to demonstrate unity in order to ensure the effective implementation of the resolution, which is more relevant than ever. My delegation reiterates its belief that the humanitarian situation will not improve unless significant progress is made at the political level, as the two issues are closely linked. We therefore encourage the parties to prioritize political dialogue and resume peace talks in the framework of the Geneva process, in accordance with the road map established by resolution 2254 (2015). Mr. Wu Haitao (China) (spoke in Chinese): I thank Under-Secretary-General Lowcock for his briefing. China commends the active efforts of the relevant United Nations agencies to alleviate the humanitarian situation in some areas of Syria. The conflict in Syria is in its eighth year and has caused terrible suffering for the people of Syria. The humanitarian situation in parts of the country has recently deteriorated. China calls on all parties in Syria to put its country's future and destiny, as well as its people's safety, security and well-being first, cease hostilities and violence without delay, resolve their differences through dialogue and consultation and ease the humanitarian situation in Syria as soon as possible. United Nations humanitarian convoys have now gained access to eastern Ghouta in order to deliver aid supplies to the people there. China welcomes Russia's establishment of temporary truces in eastern Ghouta, opening up a humanitarian corridor for Syrian civilians. As a result of the efforts of the parties concerned, some ceasefire agreements have been reached and a large number of civilians evacuated through the corridor. In the circumstances, it is important to continue to promote the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) so as to alleviate the humanitarian situation in areas such as eastern Ghouta. China welcomes the meeting between Foreign Ministers held by Russia, Turkey and Iran in Astana, and commends Kazakhstan for hosting the meeting. We hope that the upcoming meeting of the Heads of State of the three countries and the next round of the Astana dialogue will contribute positively to restoring the ceasefire momentum in Syria and supporting the Geneva talks. The international community should continue to support the role of the United Nations as the main mediator, and back Special Envoy de Mistura's diplomatic efforts to relaunch the Syrian political process. Syria's sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity must be respected, and all Syrian parties must be encouraged to reach a political solution to the Syrian issue, based on the principle of the Syrian-led and Syrian-owned peace process, and in accordance with resolution 2254 (2015), with a view to fundamentally easing the humanitarian situation in Syria and continuing to advance the counter-terrorism agenda, as mandated by the Council's resolutions. The Council should remain united on the Syrian issue and speak with one voice. China stands ready to work with the international community and to contribute actively and constructively to a political settlement of the Syrian issue. 27/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8217 18-08569 19/21 Mr. Orrenius Skau (Sweden): As the representative of Kuwait has already delivered a joint statement on our behalf, I will make my remarks very brief. One month ago, the Council adopted resolution 2401 (2018) by consensus, in response to the deafening calls for action to address the horrific humanitarian situation in Syria. Today we have heard around this table a continued commitment to moving forward with the implementation of that important resolution. I wanted to speak last in order to identify some points of convergence. From the discussion today, I believe that there are a number of critical areas where there is broad agreement within the Council. First, we all share a deep disappointment and sense of dissatisfaction and frustration with the lack of implementation. While a limited increase in access for humanitarian convoys shows that progress is possible, much more is needed. The resolution remains in force and all parties remain obliged to comply. Secondly, we have heard a common concern about the continuing hostilities throughout the country, particularly the ongoing military offensive in eastern Ghouta. Those who leave the area should do so voluntarily, with the right to return and a choice of safe places to go to. At the same time, humanitarian aid convoys must continue to support those who choose to remain. Thirdly, we agree that efforts to strengthen the protection of civilians must be stepped up by the United Nations and its partners, both inside eastern Ghouta and for those leaving and in the collective shelters. I want to emphasize that preventing sexual and gender-based violence should be an integral part of those efforts. We condemn the attacks in February that affected health facilities. Many colleagues also reiterated today that resolution 2401 (2018) applies across the whole of the country. I just wanted to mention our concern about the Turkish operation in Afrin and the statements that Turkey has made about expanding its military operations in the north, beyond Afrin. We are also concerned about the protection of civilians fleeing Afrin, as well as the difficult conditions for those remaining. We call on all relevant parties, especially Turkey, to ensure the protection of civilians and facilitate cross-border and cross-line humanitarian aid deliveries, as well as freedom of movement, for internally displaced persons. The need for the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) remains as urgent today as when it was adopted. As Ambassador Alotaibi has said, we will spare no effort in making progress on the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). We will continue to work actively and tirelessly to that end, be creative in considering possible further steps, and remain ready to reconvene the Council at any time should the situation warrant its renewed action. We are convinced that the unity of the Council, as difficult as it may be, is the only way to effectively make a real difference on the ground and alleviate the suffering of the Syrian people. For our part, even when terribly frustrated, we will never give up trying to achieve that change. The President: I now give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic. Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): At the outset, I would like to convey the condolences of the Government and people of my country to my colleague on the Russian Federation delegation in the wake of the tragic incident that claimed children's lives in the commercial centre in Kemerovo. A few minutes ago, I was checking the list of the States members of the Security Council and I realized that two — only two — of its 15 members have embassies in Damascus. That is why the statements made by the representatives of those two countries offered the most accurate description of the humanitarian situation in my country. They were able to provide an objective and fair assessment of the situation there. In late 2016, right here in the Chamber (see S/PV.7834), we announced the good news to our people in Syria that the Syrian Government would liberate eastern Aleppo from armed terrorist groups, and as a Government, an army and a responsible State we have done just that. Today we announce to our people the good news that the time has come to liberate all of eastern Ghouta from these armed terrorist groups. We declare that we will liberate the Golan, Afrin, Raqqa, Idlib and the rest of our occupied territory because, as a State, we reject the presence on our territory of any illegal armed group or occupying Power, regardless of the excuses, just like all other States represented in the Council. Such victories would not have been possible if we had no just cause. They would not have been possible without the sacrifices made by the Syrian Arab Army, the support of our people and the support of our allies and friends. S/PV.8217 The situation in the Middle East 27/03/2018 20/21 18-08569 Facts that have come to light recently with the liberation of eastern Ghouta from armed terrorist groups again prove what we have always told the Council since the first day of the global terrorist war waged by Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Israel, Turkey, the United States, the United Kingdom and France against my country. We said that the suffering of Syrians is the result of the practices of armed terrorist groups against civilians. The testimonies of the tens of thousands of our people leaving eastern Ghouta underscore that those groups have continued to deprive them of their freedom, destroy their livelihoods, disperse their families and prevent them from leaving to areas under State control in order to continue using them as human shields. They have seized control of humanitarian assistance in order to distribute it to their supporters or sell it to civilians at exorbitant prices. They have also targeted the safe corridors allocated by the Government with explosive bullets and mortar shelling, which has led to the death of dozens of people, including some Palestinian brethren. We have borne witness to a state of hysteria in recent days and weeks in the Council as the Syrian Government has sought to exercise its sovereign right, combat terrorist groups and eliminate terrorists in Syria in order to restore security and stability to all Syrians and implement Council resolutions against terrorism. That state of hysteria proves that the States supporting those terrorist groups have never sought to end the suffering of Syrians. They have sought only to perpetuate and prolong their suffering in order to blackmail the Syrian Government, at the political and humanitarian levels, and save terrorists from their certain deaths. I would like to assure the supporters of terrorism, some of whom are present in this Chamber, that the plan that they have promoted for the past seven years has failed. Their plan was to deny that the Islamist takfiri groups were terrorists and instead present them as moderate Syrian opposition. That plan has failed. Eastern Ghouta has not fallen, as my colleague the representative of the United States stated. It was liberated in the same way we liberated eastern Aleppo. It is terrorism that has fallen in eastern Ghouta, not civilians. As the representative of the United States said, today should be a day of shame for the supporters and sponsors of terrorism and terrorist groups. They have supported those terrorist groups for years in order to topple the Syrian Government by force in favour of Islamist takfiri groups. Such actions have led to considerable suffering among the Syrian people, and I have proof of it. Two days ago, at the Senate Armed Forces Committee, led by Senator Lindsey Graham, the Chief of Central Command, General Joseph Votel, stated that "the change of the Government in Syria by force in favour a number of Islamist opposition groups has failed". The Security Council has to date held 49 formal meetings to discuss the so-called humanitarian situation in Syria and a number of informal emergency and Arria Formula meetings. The Council has read reports and heard briefings that were replete with falsehoods that senior officials of the United Nations sought to present in order to serve the policies of some influential Western countries that are members of the Council and to pressure the Syrian Government. Such reports and briefings were completely devoid of professionalism and objectivity. They have failed to take note of the attacks on the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic, including the attacks by the international coalition, led by the United States, and those by the Turkish regime and the Israeli occupying force. Those same parties have also sought to provide all kinds of support to terrorist groups associated with Da'esh, the Al-Nusra Front and other militias fabricated in those countries. After 49 reports and hundreds of meetings, briefings and thousands of working hours, some countries continue to refuse to recognize that the humanitarian crisis in Syria is the result of an external investment in terrorism and unilateral coercive measures. Forty-nine reports have been issued, and I say today that my words are falling on deaf ears. People from the Netherlands say that beautiful flowers have thorns. The Netherlands is famous for its flowers. Perhaps that saying reflects the situation on the ground. Mr. Lowcock stated that the Kashkul was targeted by a missile but he did not specify its origin. He said there are eight shelters for those leaving eastern Ghouta. He did not mention the efforts of the Syrian Government to host the 150,000 civilians leaving eastern Ghouta. He does not know who manages those shelters. Perhaps aliens are taking care of the 150,000 civilians. Mr. Lowcock stated that the United Nations, its partners and the Syrian Red Crescent are helping people from Ghouta. He did not mention the Government at all. If the Government has no role to play, why ask it to help the Council? Why does the Council request its approval for the entry of humanitarian convoys? Mr. Lowcock stated that 153,000 people left Afrin and went to Tell 27/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8217 18-08569 21/21 Rifaat because of military operations. Who forced 153,000 people to leave Afrin? Was it not Turkey that forced them to leave? Was it not the Turkish aggression against Afrin that forced these people to leave? Mr. Lowcock mentioned the Syrian Government only once, saying that it approved the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the Rukban camp. He did not say that the United States was behind the obstacles preventing the deployment of the humanitarian convoy in question. The United States occupies the Rukban camp and the Tanf area. I will not go into detail now for the sake of time. I will not even go into the details of the forty-ninth report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/243). I will give only one example to prove that the report lacks objectivity and impartiality. The report devotes nine paragraphs to the suffering of civilians in eastern Ghouta and the damage to the infrastructure there as a result of Government military operations, as the report claims — nine paragraphs. As for the situation of the 8 million civilians in Damascus, the targeting by terrorist groups of the capital with more than 2,500 missiles, the killing and injury of thousands, and the destruction of homes, hospitals and clinics, the report dedicates only one sentence to Damascus. The report says, "Attacks on residential neighbourhoods of Damascus also continued from eastern Ghouta, resulting in deaths, injuries and damage to civilian infrastructure." (S/2018/243, para. 8) We hope that the United Nations will not adopt in eastern Ghouta the same approach that it has taken in previous situations by not providing support to the areas liberated or achieving reconciliation. We hope that the United Nations will adopt a new approach in line with the Charter and international law, based on full coordination and cooperation with the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic, which is the only party concerned with the protection and support of Syrians. We hope that the United Nations will not succumb to the dictates of certain influential Western countries in the Council that run counter to humanitarian action, the Charter and international law. During the past week alone, the Syrian Ministry of Commerce has distributed 4,000 tons of food to civilians leaving eastern Ghouta. I am not sure about the sources mentioned by the representative of France, because France does not have an embassy in Damascus. So its sources of information cannot be credible. In conclusion, the States sponsoring terrorism have instructed armed terrorist groups to use chemical weapons once again in Syria. I ask the Council to pay attention to this information. They asked them to fabricate evidence, as they have in the past, in order to accuse the Syrian Government. We sent this information to the President of the Security Council yesterday. According to that information, this theatrical act will be produced by the intelligence agencies of these countries, and the starring roles will be the White Helmets. The production will be directed by foreign media. This theatrical act will take place this time in the areas close to the separation line in the Syrian occupied Golan. Terrorist groups will use poison gas against civilians in Al-Harra. Afterwards, the injured will be moved to the hospitals of the Israeli enemy for treatment there. Council members can already imagine the testimony that will be offered by doctors of the Israeli occupation forces. The information we submitted also refers to another theatrical act in the villages of Habit and Qalb Lawza in the suburbs of Idlib, where a number of satellite transmitters and foreign experts have been spotted. This time, the cast will include women and children from an internally displaced persons camp on the Syrian-Turkish border. Once again, I provide the Council with this serious information. The President: There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. I now invite Council members to informal consultations to continue our discussion on the subject. The meeting rose at 1.15 p.m.
2012/2013 ; There is an increasingly widespread acknowledgement among all active actors in the development co-operation sector that the Public Private Partnership (PPP) can be a new important tool, not only to build important infrastructure (public works) but also to provide services to the citizens at central and local level as well as to have a strategic value in the Cross-Border Co-operation (CBC) in the next future. The European Commission defines PPPs in a rather broad and general way without giving a proper legal definition of this partnership. For the EU PPP is a form of cooperation between public authorities and economic operators concerning design, funding, execution, renovation or exploitation (operation and maintenance) of public infrastructure, or the provision of public utility service. However, there is not a uniform, common definition of this form of partnership. Considering the present global economic and financial crisis affecting almost all the regions of the world and bearing in mind that the public resources destined on development cooperation are decreasing more and more, building partnerships and synergies between these two ranges of actors is not only a great possibility but a compelling necessity in order to continue to sustain the development cooperation sector. This is also a good chance for both public and private sector, not only to mutually reinforce each other but also to learn lessons and best practices from one another. The PPPs, in fact, if applied correctly, enable a reduction in total costs, better distribution of risks, a more rapid execution of public services and activities, as well as a better quality of offered services and implemented activities. Not to mention the fact that the overcoming of the rigid distinction between public and private opens the possibility to find solutions and to respond to questions that the public administration itself is not able to answer independently. In international cooperation and in particular in the cross-border cooperation, more and more public administrations in beneficiary and donor countries are acknowledging the subsidiary role of civil society and private sector in the activities of general interest, and therefore, also in the delivery of public functions and services. Considering the extensive work experience in the international development cooperation sector with the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other International Organizations in different areas in the world, i.e. OSCE, believing on the utility and potentiality of this instrument and directly verified that it could be more utilized in the international cooperation, it was decided to analyse the use of PPPs in this sector with a special focus on IPA CBC Programme. In fact, the scope of the dissertation and of the implementation of its conclusions is steaming from the author interest and working ties. Indeed, the author is living and working in Albania and has a huge experience on it due to the fact that she was the Albania Desk Officer for the Italian Development Cooperation for several years. She is also studying the Albanian language and she is very fascinated from the history of this small country so close, not only geographically speaking, to Italy. The focus on Macedonia as neighbour country is due simply to the fact that to collect information on this IPA CBC Programme was easier than others similar financial instruments. Building on extensive field experience, this dissertation will try to answer the following question: 'Which is the winner strategy to increase the effectiveness of the CBC projects through the use of PPP?'. The thesis overall objective is to identify a set of strategies that can enhance the effectiveness of cross-border cooperation through the use of the PPP instrument, beyond specific cross-border project interventions that until now have mainly been carried out though institutional channels and implemented through European projects and programs. The strategies that the conclusion of the dissertation draws are based on the SWOT analysis of five projects funded by the EU through the IPA CBC Albania – Macedonia during the 2007-2013 programming period and the consequent elaboration of the results. These strategies would hence open up new possibilities for the development of CBC's activities applicable in the ambit of the EU's regional policy 2014-2020, without necessarily relying upon more EU financial means. This is also in line, with the EU auspices for the CBC not to be just another way to access funding but rather to become a model of cross-border cooperation sustainable on its own devise. The dissertation is based on collection and analysis of data available within the existing legal-institutional framework and will make use of the investigative qualitative method with the aim of verifying the hypothesis mentioned above. The thesis envisages a number of working phases chronologically distinct and mutually supportive and it is based on the utilisation of a number of diverse theoretic constructs and methodologies. The dissertation makes use of different sources such as for instance existing literature, statistics, on line documentation available and its content is conducted on the various official documents and projects documentation obtainable. The results are cross referenced and presented based on a SWOT analysis and process of data/results interpretation. As far as the structure of the work is concerned, the first Chapter, after an analysis of the theoretical tools supporting PPP, presents a background and an overview of the PPP in Europe, and the way it is applied in the context of international cooperation and cross-border cooperation; this is to understand how it was established and what its original objectives were, and to explain its evolution up to now. In particular, the chapter after shows that PPP was born in '30s mostly linked to the energetic and mining sectors, it presents that PPPs are growing and are seen as an important instrument of economic and social development also in the international and cross-border cooperation. It is seen that an instrument which opens the way to potential PPPs is the Inter-Municipal Cooperation Instrument (IMC) which permits to bridge the gaps in the municipalities and make them stronger also in applying to donor funds. Through this instrument established by the Council of Europe (CoE) the municipalities can also sub-contract a private company or creating an IMC entity constitutes a viable market attracting private investors. PPP is also encouraged by United Nations (UN) since 1999 through the 'Global Compact' project and different are the example of PPP around the world established by various UN Agencies. It can be affirmed that PPP is considered useful in the public sector also because can contribute in solving difficulties caused from public balance cuts as well as to overcome the bureaucratic and the scarcity of technical and management competencies of the public administration. The PPP is therefore an actual, innovative and complementary instrument to promote development, reforms as well as investments, policies and good practises in different sectors including the development cooperation also at trans-border level. Therefore, thanks to PPP it can be affirmed that the private sector also has become at all its effects a privileged actor of the international development cooperation. The second Chapter of the dissertation analyses the European Policies interconnecting PPP and their related instruments, as well as more in detail how these policies have applied PPPs in the cross-border cooperation as well as how CBC became more explicit in the EU context and in particular in the context of the stabilisation and association processes. In fact, starting from the 1950 Schuman Declaration, the chapter introduces the founding EEC Treaty, examines the Single European Act and analyses the European Cohesion Policy (or Regional Policy). In addition the chapter views the European Enlargement Policy (Pre-accession Policy) analysing the three membership criteria established during the Copenhagen European Council in 1993, the various stages of the membership process and the reasons for further enlargement taking into consideration the historic enlargement of 2004, the different strategic objectives involved in it and its new approach in view of the so-called Arab Spring. In addition, the chapter analyses the European Neighbourhood Policy (Proximity Policy) as well as its related instruments, with regard to both its partner countries and candidate states. Moreover the chapter identifies the possibilities of PPP within the EU's financial instruments that are currently being concluded. Even where those policies do not provide explicitly the adoption of PPP instrument, it is however not excluded. This means that the policies at issue give valuable support to the adoption and use of PPP. The dissertation is interested in to give evidence of the strong points of PPP application, and shows that, when there is a lack of applied PPP framework, as it is the case of the country cases (Albania and Macedonia) under analysed, the CBC component of IPA programme may be due not to give envisaged results to achieve the objectives. After having looked into the European policies intersecting PPPs and CBC, the third Chapter introduces a brief analysis of the concept of border, not only in the physical administrative sense, due to the fact that this concept is a key element to understand the cross-border co-operation processes existing in the EU and in general all over the world. With this aim in mind, after studying the main theoretical approaches on this domain, the analysis focuses on the cross-border co-operation not only in its theoretical dimension but also in its deriving pragmatic aspects. The analysis of the border concept and of the border and peripheral area, as well as the general theory of the system applied to the general theory of boundaries, is essential to anticipate the concept of the cross-border cooperation and its practical application. After this analysis, the chapter describes the legal institutional framework in order to analyse the effectiveness of the various legal instruments that have been put in place to encourage and facilitate forms of cooperative engagement across borders. Starting with the European Outline Convention of Transfrontier Co-operation between territorial communities or authorities (Madrid Convention 1980), a central instrument for the CBC that was born in the frame of CoE, the chapter introduces the three protocols of the Madrid Convention. The additional Protocol essentially gives the possibility to create an organism for cross-border cooperation; the second Protocol (no 2) provides above all a legal framework for the inter-territorial cooperation between the parties; and the third Protocol (no 3) concerns the possibility of forming the ECG by creating the legal status, the institution and the functioning of such Groups. In addition, in view of how cross-border cooperation has acquired more importance through time, the chapter explains the functioning of European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC) institution, its modality of action and its fields of applications. The EGTC has come to be a new legal/financial instrument that integrates the Madrid Convention and the relevant Protocols. The chapter also touches upon the various aspects of cross-border co-operation and in particular some milestones from the EU experiences, and presents the European Macro-Regional Strategy and its related legislative framework as an example. In addition the chapter shows the Baltic, the Danube and the Adriatic – Ionian Macro-Region and describes the main differences between EGTs and Macro- Regions. In addition, the chapter considers appropriate to present the steps that have been taken from the EU with regard to the cross-border cooperation which, more particularly, have consisted of making available important financial instruments such as INTERREG that supports from the top to the bottom the Strategy of Macro-Regions. Following the fourth Chapter describes the 2014-2020 EU's Regional Policy as the context of application of the PPP and its change with respect to the 2007-2013 EU's Regional Policy. In particular after introducing the EU programming period 2007-2013 and the changes intervened in the following programming period also having a political/historical nature like the Arab spring and the interests to further develop economic interactions between the EU and the Middle Eastern partners, the chapter analyses the useful instruments for the realization of the cross-border cooperation; especially the European Regional Development Found (ERDF). In addition, this chapter, will identify the possibilities of PPP within the financial instruments that are about to be activated in the new European Programming Cycle. To this regard it is important to mention that, in general, all the EU policies must contribute to the implementation of the Europe 2020 Strategy that in order to fulfil its ambitious objectives identified as key instrument the instrument of partnership, among which that with the private sector. Here it is worth to emphasize that, generally, the overall objectives of the regional policy, both at national and European level, are all of an economic nature, i.e. increasing the national economy by attenuating and eliminating economic disparities between different development levels of the regions. In particular, the European Policies aim to improve the investment climate through public investment in the regions presenting some gaps and to manage the local regional resources in a more efficient way. The dissertation shows how in both cases, PPPs can help in the achievement of these important aims. In addition, the chapter observes that there are changes in various aspects and procedures of the implementation of the new regional policy as well as in the legal frame, and examines the IPA instrument and the ENPI instrument in the two seven-years programming periods because they are closely related to the European Territorial Cooperation (ETC). Between this two latter instruments IPA is a more relevant for this dissertation. For this reason, after on overview of the Albanian context considering some economic, demographic, social and political aspects, including the criteria Albania has to fulfil to receive the candidate status from the EU as well as a brief introduction to the Albanian Law on PPP, the fifth Chapter presents its relations in the region, especially with the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) and stresses the IPA CBC Albania – FYROM related to 2007-2013 and 2014-2020 programming periods. In addition, the chapter presents the main differences between these two programming periods focussing mainly on the Albanian part. With the aim to focus on the Albanian opportunities in the new programming period, it will be stressed what will change in the next future and which are the positive effects on PPP considering also the concept of Social Corporate Responsibility and the UN Global Compact initiative already mentioned in the first Chapter. All this to introduce the last Chapter which, through the analysis of the methodologies used during the various phases of this work, and especially through the explanation of the SWOT analysis, aims to identify a set of winning strategies to increase the effectiveness of the Cross-border cooperation through the use of the PPP instrument. The first part of the dissertation made use of several documentary sources, most notably and especially in the early stage the work will carry out what it is commonly defined as a secondary analysis, in particular this was articulated through: collection and review of existing literature and of the official documentation and statistics available mainly on-line but also with the Albanian Ministries and national institutes, i.e. the Albanian National Institute of Statistics, as well as with the various donors and international organisation in the Country, and especially with the Delegation of the European Commission to Albania. Instead, the second part of the dissertation focuses on the analysis of the IPA CBC program in general, and IPA CBC Albania - Macedonia in particular. To this end it was decided to proceed with the analysis of specific projects activated in the context of this program to highlight the role of actual or potential PPP projects in developing virtuous CBC. Although the PPP is not explicitly defined among the tools used in the implementation of these projects, it was decided to identify the prodromal factors present in some PPP projects with the end purpose of assessing their potentials, especially in view of the next programming period of the EU (2014-2020). The detailed information on the projects carried out or that are in progress are not publicly available as they are under the 'ownership' of the Delegation of the European Commission in Albania and of the Managing Authority of the program. In order to collect the necessary materials to identify the most relevant projects and, subsequently, to proceed to their analysis, it has proved necessary to proceed through in-depth interviews with qualified actors. Given that, interviews have been conducted with interlocutors, mainly from the European Commission in Albania, the Albanian Ministry of Integration and of Austrian Cooperation. Through these interviews, specific information relating to five concluded projects, in which the instrument of the PPP was present at least in embryonic form, has been added to the data relating to the context and to the program. The information gathered has been structured so as to proceed to a qualitative analysis of the data through the development of a SWOT analysis of these five projects funded by the IPA CBC Albania - FYROM - First Call for Project Proposals. Finally, this work presents the results of this analysis through a process of data interpretation. After this presentation, and before starting the SWOT analysis, the chapter presents the Annual Work Programme for Grants 2009 of the DG Enlargement related to the first Call for Proposals and the Guidelines related to the CBC Programme Albania - FYROM which aims is to facilitate the cooperation between the two countries to improve living conditions in the target area. The Programme in fact, already mentioned in the fifth Chapter, it aims to fostering cross-border economic, environmental and social development and includes three different measures and for each measure a list of potential activities for projects. Furthermore, the chapter analyses - through the SWOT analysis above mentioned - five projects funded by the EU within the IPA I CBC Albania – FYROM first call. In particular, in this dissertation, the SWOT analysis is the tool to identify the strengths (S), weakness (W), opportunities (O) and threats (T) that characterize projects which are analysed in relation to PPPs. In other words, it seeks to identify the strengths and internal resources of projects capably to push the development of PPPs (strengths), as well as the internal project limitations and weaknesses that impede PPP development in the relevant area (weaknesses), the external project opportunities that can be developed to overcome identified weaknesses (opportunities) and external factors that may hamper the future development of PPPs (threats). Considering that there is no project where the applicant is a PPP, although an analysis of the guidelines of the Call for Proposals relative to IPA Albania - FYROM CBC Programme found an explicit reference to PPPs, it has been choose to make a screening of projects in which the instrument of the PPP was present at least in embryonic form, in other words having the private sector as a direct or indirect beneficiary. As already mentioned, Macedonia was chosen as an example because of the availability of information related to projects. So, on these terms, 5 projects were selected out of 15 under review. The projects are the following: • Cross-border shared integrated alternative tourism, • Business without borders, • Cross-border Civil Society Forum, • Promoting business women enterprises in the cross-border area, • Borders without boundaries. The dimensions chosen for the analysis are: • related to the internal context to identify strengths and weaknesses: objectives, actors and target, • related to the external context to identify opportunities and threats: actors, target and expected results. After the SWOT analysis, the chapter finally presents the key results of the dissertation proposing some possible actions that could improve the CBC through the use of the PPP emerged from the initiatives analysed. The conclusion reviews the major points of the dissertation showing the main results such as the strategies, which may result from the conclusions, thus potentially establishing an alternative approach aiming at opening up new possibilities for the development of better, more effective and sustainable CBC project/programs/activities, without necessarily relying upon more EU funds. For what above mentioned and to answer to the question 'Which are the winner strategies to increase the effectiveness of the CBC projects through the use of PPP?', it is possible to affirm that to present more successful projects in the future increasing the effectiveness of the CBC projects through the use of PPP, the development strategies are essentially the enhancement strategy and the overcoming strategy. In particular, to reinforce the internal and external positive aspects and factors in the cross border area and to mitigate and/or dissipate internal negatives as well as to attenuate the external ones, the recommended actions referred to the public and private sectors are: • to organize jointly regular meetings in which they can know each-other, exchange information and best practices in either of the neighbouring countries, so that there can be discussions on the potentials of development and the new economic undertakings and new instruments to be employed, such as the PPP. Tourism can serve as a pilot sector in which it can be started with the actualization of gender policies facilitating in some way the inclusion of women in business activities, • jointly organize awareness campaigns on PPPs and training courses, which could serve to overcome the lack of ability to establish efficient PPPs for both public and private sector, • to organize, for the numerous actors present in the territory, specific courses and/or informative events related to the revision processes of normative policies that could facilitate and reinforce both the cooperation between different stakeholders and the capacity of doing business and create PPPs, • to enhance the existing networks and creates new ones through continuous meetings between different stakeholders with the aim of overcoming the threats considering that the improved and expanded relations between the various actors could bring an improvement in raising needed funds. Finally, it is important to mention that there are also some actions recommended only to the public sector. These are: • (especially at local level) institutions such as the municipalities can organize meetings, inviting the traditional and non-traditional private actors, in order to facilitate communication. Through this communication there could be achieved the introduction between various stakeholders interested in the PPP instrument, by at the same time laying the basis for the foundation of a network. This would be useful for increasing the credibility of each other and also to contributing to the overcoming of the lack of cooperation problem. These meetings could be used for an exchange of best practices in the sectors that are present in the certain areas. By employing a participatory methodology, these meetings could also serve to the construction of a sort of roadmap (lines of action during a defined time) that could enable the definition of the obstacles to be overcome in order to effectively and efficiently realize this type of partnership, • the authorities should first change their national optics and then transform their national policies into regional ones, starting from the cross-border policies with neighbouring countries, in which PPP should be promoted as a development instrument. In addition, when necessary, they should review the legal framework in order to facilitate the establishment of PPP. After this, they should organize meetings between the different stakeholders, and more generally between citizens living in the border areas of the neighbouring countries, with the end objective of promoting the necessary knowledge for overcoming the prejudices and for opening way to partnerships and cooperation activities, • to implement policies for purposes of facilitating investments in diversified sectors, taking an advantage of the actors from different sectors and directing them to training courses to gain knowledge in areas of investment that are different from their traditional ones. ; Vi è un riconoscimento sempre più diffuso tra tutti gli attori attivi nel settore della cooperazione allo sviluppo che il partenariato pubblico privato (PPP) può essere un importante nuovo strumento, non solo per costruire grandi infrastrutture (quindi per il settore dei lavori pubblici), ma anche per offrire servizi ai cittadini sia a livello centrale, sia locale e avere, in un prossimo futuro, un valore strategico nella cooperazione transfrontaliera (CBC). E' stato visto come la Commissione Europea definisca il PPP in un modo piuttosto ampio e generico, senza dare una definizione giuridica adeguata di questo partenariato. Infatti, per l'Unione Europea il PPP è una forma di cooperazione tra le autorità pubbliche e gli operatori economici riguardante la progettazione, il finanziamento, la realizzazione, il rinnovamento o lo sfruttamento (funzionamento e manutenzione) delle infrastrutture pubbliche, così come la fornitura di un servizio di pubblica utilità (CIT). Tuttavia, non vi è un'uniforme, comune definizione di questa forma di partenariato. Considerando che l'attuale crisi economica e finanziaria globale ha colpito quasi tutte le regioni del mondo e tenendo presente che le risorse pubbliche stanno diminuendo sempre più, tra cui soprattutto quelle destinate alla cooperazione allo sviluppo, costruire partenariati e sinergie tra il settore pubblico e privato non è solo una grande possibilità ma una necessità che diventa impellente se si vuole continuare a sostenere gli interventi di cooperazione. Inoltre, questo tipo di partenariato è una buona occasione per entrambi i settori in quanto aiuta non solo a rafforzare i rapporti reciproci, ma anche a scambiare le reciproche esperienze e le migliori pratiche. Si è visto come se applicato correttamente, il PPP consenta una riduzione dei costi totali, una migliore distribuzione dei rischi, un'esecuzione più rapida dei servizi e delle attività pubbliche, nonché una migliore qualità dei servizi offerti e delle attività prodotte. Senza contare che il superamento della rigida distinzione tra pubblico e privato apre la possibilità di trovare soluzioni e di rispondere alle domande a cui la pubblica amministrazione non è in grado di rispondere autonomamente. Si sottolinea come nella cooperazione internazionale ed in particolare nella cooperazione transfrontaliera, sempre più spesso le amministrazioni locali dei paesi beneficiari e donatori stiano riconoscendo il ruolo sussidiario della società civile e del settore privato nelle attività d'interesse generale e quindi anche nell'erogazione di servizi e funzioni pubbliche. Considerando la vasta esperienza di lavoro nel settore della cooperazione allo sviluppo con il Ministero degli Affari Esteri italiano in diverse aree del mondo così come con altre organizzazioni internazionali, da ultimo con l'Organizzazione per la Sicurezza e Cooperazione in Europa (OSCE), credendo sull'utilità e le potenzialità dello strumento del PPP e verificato direttamente che potrebbe essere utilizzato maggiormente nella cooperazione internazionale, l'autore ha deciso di analizzare l'uso di tale partenariato in questo settore focalizzandosi in particolare sul programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia. Infatti, lo scopo di questa tesi e della potenziale applicazione delle sue conclusioni deriva dall'interesse personale e dall'attività lavorativa dell'autore. Infatti, vive e lavora in Albania e ha una grande esperienza del paese perché è stato per diversi anni responsabile per la Cooperazione Italiana dei progetti che questa ha realizzato nello stesso. Inoltre, sta anche studiando la lingua albanese ed è molto affascinato dalla storia di questo piccolo paese così vicino all'Italia, non solo geograficamente parlando. L'attenzione per la Macedonia come paese confinante, invece, è dovuta semplicemente al fatto che è stato più facile reperire informazioni sul programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia rispetto agli strumenti finanziari simili. Sulla base di una ricca esperienza sul campo, questa tesi cercherà di rispondere alla seguente domanda: "Quali sono le strategie vincenti per aumentare l'efficacia dei progetti di cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso del PPP?". L'obiettivo generale della tesi è di individuare, infatti, le strategie che possono migliorare l'efficacia della cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso di tale partenariato, al di là di specifici interventi che fino ad ora sono stati principalmente effettuati attraverso canali istituzionali e attuati attraverso progetti e programmi europei. Le strategie che la conclusione della tesi identifica si basano sull'analisi SWOT di cinque progetti e la conseguente elaborazione dei dati/risultati. Questi cinque progetti sono stati selezionati tra quelli finanziati dall'UE tramite l'IPA I CBC Albania/Macedonia durante il periodo di programmazione 2007 - 2013, in quanto presentanti il PPP almeno in fase embrionale. Tali strategie potrebbero aprire nuove possibilità per lo sviluppo di attività di CBC applicabili nell'ambito della politica regionale 2014 - 2020 dell'Unione Europea, senza necessariamente fare affidamento su ulteriori mezzi finanziari della stessa. Questo è anche in linea con gli auspici dell'UE che crede che la CBC non sia solo un altro modo per accedere ai finanziamenti, ma possa piuttosto diventare un modello di cooperazione sostenibile di per sé. La tesi si basa sulla raccolta e l'analisi dei dati disponibili nell'ambito del quadro giuridico-istituzionale esistente e fa uso del metodo qualitativo di ricerca con l'obiettivo di verificare l'ipotesi di cui sopra. La tesi prevede una serie di fasi di lavoro cronologicamente distinte e reciprocamente sostenibili e si basa sull'utilizzo di diversi costrutti teorici e varie metodologie avvalendosi di diverse fonti come ad esempio la letteratura esistente, le statistiche effettuate e più in generale la documentazione disponibile soprattutto in internet. Il suo contenuto deriva quindi dal reperimento e dall'analisi di varia documentazione ufficiale e di cinque documenti progettuali, così come verrà maggiormente esplicato qui di seguito. Seguendo la struttura della tesi, si può affermare che il primo capitolo presenta il quadro normativo e finanziario dei PPP in Europa, così come il modo in cui questo strumento viene utilizzato nel contesto della cooperazione internazionale e della cooperazione transfrontaliera, al fine di comprendere quando è nato questo tipo di partenariato e quali siano i suoi obiettivi e le evoluzioni che ha avuto fino ad oggi. Nello specifico, il capitolo mostra come il PPP sia nato negli anni '30 soprattutto collegato al settore energetico e minerario e come, pur non avendo ancora una comune definizione a livello europeo, oggi sia in crescita e venga visto come un importante strumento di sviluppo economico e sociale anche nel settore della cooperazione internazionale e transfrontaliera. Il capitolo, inoltre, presenta la cooperazione inter-municipale (IMC) come uno strumento che può aprire buone potenzialità all'applicazione del PPP in quanto permette di colmare le deficienze delle municipalità. Attraverso questo strumento, stabilito in seno al Consiglio d'Europa (CoE), le municipalità possono infatti anche sub-contrattare imprese private o creare un'entità nuova (IMC) per poter attrarre investitori e donatori. Il capitolo inoltre mostra come lo strumento del PPP venga incoraggiato anche dalle Nazioni Unite (UN) fin dal 1999 - anno in cui viene creato il progetto 'Global Compact' - e come vi siano diversi esempi di PPP nel mondo realizzati da Agenzie UN. E' importante sottolineare che il PPP è considerato utile dal settore pubblico anche perché può contribuire a risolvere difficoltà causate dai tagli di bilancio così come dalla burocrazia e dall'insufficiente capacità tecnica e manageriale che spesso caratterizza la pubblica amministrazione. Il PPP è quindi uno strumento attuale, innovativo e anche complementare capace di promuovere sviluppo, riforme ed investimenti oltre a promuovere politiche e buone pratiche in diversi settori tra cui quello della cooperazione allo sviluppo anche a livello transfrontaliero. Grazie al PPP si può quindi affermare che il settore privato è diventato a tutti gli effetti un attore privilegiato della cooperazione allo sviluppo internazionale. Il secondo capitolo della tesi analizza le politiche dell'Unione Europea e i relativi strumenti che presentano una connessione con i PPP. Più nel dettaglio, viene visto come attraverso queste politiche sia stato applicato il partenariato in parola nella cooperazione transfrontaliera e come la stessa sia divenuta più esplicita a livello europeo, soprattutto nel contesto del processo di stabilizzazione ed associazione. Infatti, partendo dalla Dichiarazione di Schumann del 1950, il capitolo introduce il Trattato istitutivo della CEE del 1957, esamina l'Atto Unico Europeo, per poi prendere in considerazione la politica di coesione o regionale. Proseguendo, il capitolo analizza la politica di allargamento o pre-accessione inclusi i tre criteri necessari per l'adesione stabiliti durante il Consiglio Europeo di Copenaghen nel 1993, i vari stadi del processo di adesione e le ragioni per cui l'Unione Europea promuove l'allargamento, considerando le diverse tappe di tale processo tra cui quella storica del 2004 e le sue prossime sfide. Dopo aver inoltre analizzato il quadro delle negoziazioni e gli strumenti previsti in ambito della strategia di pre-adesione, si è finito per affrontare la politica di vicinato o prossimità prendendo in analisi i suoi relativi strumenti, i suoi diversi obiettivi strategici e il suo nuovo approccio in seguito alla primavera araba. Dopo aver identificato come queste politiche presentino un'intersezione con la cooperazione transfrontaliera, è stata analizzata la loro intersezione con il PPP con il risultato di sottolineare che anche laddove tali politiche non prevedono esplicitamente il ricorso a questo tipo di partenariato, non lo escludono. Questo significa quindi che esse forniscono validi supporti all'uso di tale strumento, elemento importante per la tesi che è infatti volta a mettere in evidenza i punti di forza di tali politiche per l'applicazione dei PPP e a mostrare al contempo che vi è una mancanza applicazione degli stessi. Questo verrà evidenziato nel corso della tesi dal caso preso in esame di IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia. Il terzo capitolo presenta come prima cosa il concetto di confine. E' importante sottolineare come questo concetto viene esplicitato non solo da un punto di vista fisico-amministrativo ma in un senso più ampio, tenendo conto di come il concetto di confine sia un elemento chiave per capire la cooperazione transfrontaliera. Infatti, è solo partendo dall'analisi di questo concetto e da questo a quello di frontiera e area periferica, passando anche alla teoria generale dei sistemi applicata alla teoria generale dei confini, che si può pervenire alla nascita del concetto di cooperazione transfrontaliera e della sua applicazione pratica. Per tale motivo si è ritenuto necessario esplicare i concetti sopra menzionati secondo le definizioni di vari studiosi di varie discipline, per poi presentare i principali strumenti legali che regolano e facilitano la cooperazione transfrontaliera a livello europeo così come i meccanismi ad hoc che la implementano. Si è partiti da quelli nati in seno al CoE e precisamente dalla Convenzione di Madrid del 1980, strumento quadro per il tipo di cooperazione oggetto di questa tesi in quanto introduce per la prima volta la possibilità di cooperare e concludere accordi ad enti di Paesi contigui geograficamente. Vengono poi presentati i suoi 3 Protocolli: il Protocollo aggiuntivo, che dà essenzialmente la possibilità di creare un organismo di cooperazione transfrontaliera ad essa preposto, il secondo Protocollo che fissa soprattutto un quadro giuridico della cooperazione interterritoriale tra le parti e il terzo Protocollo che concerne la possibilità di istituire i Gruppi Europei di Cooperazione (GEC) dotati di personalità giuridica. Inoltre, a dimostrazione di come la cooperazione transfrontaliera nel tempo abbia acquistato sempre più importanza, si è ritenuto opportuno illustrare l'istituzione dei Gruppi Europei di Cooperazione Territoriale (GECT), le loro modalità di azione e i loro ambiti di applicazione. Tali Gruppi, che si rivelano quindi essere un nuovo strumento giuridico/finanziario che integra la Convenzione di Madrid ed i relativi Protocolli, sono stati creati al fine di facilitare la cooperazione transfrontaliera e superare gli ostacoli incontrati fino ad allora. Il capitolo continua focalizzandosi sui passi compiuti dall'UE in relazione a questo tipo di cooperazione che in particolare consistono nella messa a disposizione di importanti strumenti finanziari quali per esempio INTERREG. Il terzo capitolo si conclude quindi affrontando anche la Strategia delle Macroregioni che, pur non avendo una loro definizione ufficiale in ambito europeo, forse anche a causa della loro recente istituzione e pratica, si dimostra essere veramente utile nel contribuire a realizzare la politica di coesione e più nello specifico il suo obiettivo n. 3 (Cooperazione Territoriale Europea). Considerando che all'interno di questa politica vi è una programmazione settennale, nel quarto capitolo vengono presentate sia quella appena terminata 2007-2013, sia la nuova 2014 - 2020 per verificarne i cambiamenti nel contesto di applicazione dei PPP. Viene infatti introdotta la programmazione dell'UE 2007-2013 per comprendere maggiormente cosa sarebbe cambiato nel settennio successivo, anche a causa di avvenimenti storico/politici avvenuti durante gli ultimi anni come la cosiddetta primavera araba e l'interesse a sviluppare maggiormente l'integrazione economica tra l'Unione Europea e i partner orientali. Si prosegue con l'analisi più dettagliata degli strumenti utili per la realizzazione della cooperazione transfrontaliera (CBC) nel nuovo settennato e le possibilità di applicazione del PPP all'interno di questi. A tale riguardo è importante sottolineare come in generale tutte le politiche europee, tra cui quella regionale ha un ruolo centrale, dovrebbero contribuire al raggiungimento degli obiettivi della Strategia Europa 2020. Si sottolinea come questa strategia, che ha portato alla definizione della nuova programmazione 2014-2020, sia molto ambiziosa e abbia individuato come uno degli strumenti chiave per la sua realizzazione quello del partenariato, tra cui anche il partenariato con il settore privato. Qui è importante evidenziare che gli obiettivi generali della politica regionale, sia a livello europeo, sia a livello nazionale, sono principalmente di natura socio-economica per es. orientati ad attenuare le disparità esistenti tra regioni aventi diverso livello di sviluppo. In particolare, le politiche europee hanno l'obiettivo di migliorare l'ambiente/contesto per attrarre investimenti al fine di incrementare investimenti in lavori pubblici nelle regioni che presentano maggiori necessità e migliorare la gestione delle risorse regionali locali in maniera più efficiente ed efficace. La tesi mostra come in entrambi i casi, lo strumento del PPP può essere di aiuto nel raggiungere questi importanti obiettivi. Inoltre, il capitolo in parola, dopo aver osservato che nella nuova programmazione settennale vi sono diversi cambiamenti dovuti al nuovo quadro legislativo e alle nuove modalità di attuazione della nuova politica regionale, esamina i due strumenti collegati alla CTE, IPA ed ENPI, nei due settenni di programmazione sopra menzionati. Il quinto capitolo invece, dopo una presentazione generale del contesto Albanese che prende in considerazione alcuni aspetti economici, demografici, sociali e politici del paese, includendo anche i criteri che questo deve soddisfare per poter ricevere lo status di candidato dall'Unione Europea, presenta brevemente la legge albanese sui PPP. In seguito, descrive le relazioni tra l'Albania e la Macedonia e il relativo Programma IPA CBC in relazione ai due periodi di programmazione suddetti 2007 - 2013 e 2014 - 2020 per presentarne le principali differenze. Concentrandosi sulle opportunità che l'Albania potrà avere nel prossimo futuro, viene sottolineato cosa cambia nel nuovo periodo di programmazione e con quali effetti positivi sul PPP, tenendo in considerazione anche il concetto di Responsabilità Sociale e l'iniziativa 'Global Compact' delle Nazioni Unite già menzionata precedentemente. Tutto questo per introdurre l'ultimo capitolo che, attraverso un'analisi della metodologia usata nelle varie fasi di preparazione della presente tesi, tra cui la SWOT analisi, identifica le strategie considerate vincenti per accrescere e migliorare l'efficacia della cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso dello strumento di PPP. Nello specifico, la prima parte della tesi si è avvalsa di diverse fonti documentarie. Specialmente nella sua fase di inizio, il lavoro è stato definito attraverso ciò che è comunemente chiamata 'analisi secondaria'. E' stata effettuata infatti la ricerca e analisi della letteratura esistente e della documentazione ufficiale disponibile on-line e nei Ministeri albanesi così come nell'Istituto Nazionale di Statistica albanese. E' stata inoltre reperita e analizzata la documentazione in possesso di diversi donatori e organismi internazionali presenti nel paese e in particolare della Delegazione della Commissione Europea in Albania. La seconda parte della tesi si è concentrata sull'analisi del programma IPA CBC in generale ed IPA CBC Albania - Macedonia in particolare. A tal fine si è voluto procedere con l'analisi di progetti specifici attivati e conclusi nel contesto di tale programma per evidenziare il ruolo effettivo o potenziale del PPP nello sviluppo virtuoso di progetti di CBC. Sebbene il PPP non venga esplicitamente definito tra gli strumenti utilizzati nell'attuazione di queste iniziative, si è scelto di individuare i fattori prodromici del PPP presenti in alcuni progetti al fine di valutarne le potenzialità soprattutto nell'ottica del prossimo periodo di programmazione europea (2014-2020). Le informazioni dettagliate relative ai progetti realizzati o in fieri non sono pubblicamente disponibili essendo 'proprietà' della Delegazione della Commissione Europea in Albania e dell'Autorità di Gestione del programma. Per raccogliere dunque il materiale necessario ad identificare i progetti più rilevanti e, successivamente, a procedere alla loro analisi si è dimostrato necessario procedere attraverso interviste in profondità con attori qualificati. Sono state così condotte interviste con interlocutori principalmente della Delegazione della Commissione Europea in Albania, del Ministero dell'Integrazione albanese e della Cooperazione Austriaca. Attraverso queste interviste, ai dati relativi al contesto ed al programma si sono quindi aggiunte informazioni specifiche relative a cinque progetti in cui lo strumento del PPP fosse presente almeno in forma embrionale. Le informazioni raccolte sono state strutturate in modo da procedere ad un'analisi qualitativa e ad un incrocio dei dati attraverso lo sviluppo di una SWOT analisi dei suddetti cinque progetti finanziati da IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia al fine di presentare i risultati di tale analisi attraverso un processo di interpretazione dei dati. Prima di iniziare la SWOT analisi, il capitolo presenta anche il programma annuale per i fondi 2009 della Direzione Generale Allargamento dell'Unione Europea che specifica anche gli obiettivi della CBC tra i due paesi presi in esame che consistono essenzialmente nella promozione dell'economia transfrontaliera e dello sviluppo sociale e ambientale. Il quinto capitolo, così come sopra detto, analizza quindi attraverso una SWOT analisi, cinque progetti finanziati dall'UE all'interno del programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia primo bando. In particolare, in questa tesi, la SWOT analisi, è lo strumento che permette di identificare i punti di forza (S), di debolezza (W), di opportunità (O) e di minacce (T) che caratterizzano i progetti che verranno analizzati in relazione al PPP. In altre parole quali sono i punti forza/risorse interne ai progetti che possono favorire lo sviluppo di tale partenariato e quali le loro limitazioni/punti di debolezza che lo possono ostacolare, così come le opportunità/fattori positivi esterni al progetto che possono, del caso, essere sviluppati per superare i punti di debolezza individuati e quali le minacce/fattori negativi esterni che derivano dal contesto locale e che impediscono lo sviluppo del PPP nell'area di interesse. Basandosi sulle informazioni ottenute non essendoci progetti in cui i candidati sono formati da un PPP, anche se da un'analisi delle linee guida del bando ('Call for Proposal') relative al Programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia primo bando, è stato rilevato che non vi è un riferimento esplicito a questi, è stato scelto di fare uno screening dei progetti verificando quelli che nel loro interno presentavano almeno come beneficiari diretti e/o indiretti il settore privato. Così come sopra illustrato, tra i paesi confinanti l'Albania è stata scelta la Macedonia a titolo esemplificativo. Tra i 15 progetti presi in considerazione, i 5 progetti selezionati sono: 1. 'Cross-border shared integrated alternative tourism' (Turismo transfrontaliero alternativo integrato e condiviso), 2. 'Business without borders' (Impresa senza confini), 3. 'Cross-border Civil Society Forum' (Forum transfrontaliero della società civile), 4. 'Promoting business women enterprises in the cross border area' (Promozione dell'impresa femminile nell'area transfrontaliera), 5. 'Borders without boundaries' (Confini senza limiti). Queste le dimensioni scelte e di volta in volta da verificare per ogni progetto selezionato: • relativamente al contesto interno, al fine di identificare i punti di forza e di debolezza, sono obiettivi, attori e beneficiari, • relativamente al contesto esterno, al fine di identificare le opportunità e le minacce, sono attori, beneficiari e risultati attesi. Dopo la SWOT analisi, il capitolo da ultimo presenta i risultati chiave della tesi proponendo le strategie che potrebbero migliorare la cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso del PPP. Le considerazioni conclusive della tesi riprenderanno tali strategie ripercorrendo inoltre i punti principali del lavoro svolto. Per rispondere alla domanda che sottende questa tesi, le strategie identificate come approcci alternativi che si possono applicare al fine di consentire ai programmi/progetti di cooperazione transfrontaliera di essere sviluppati in misura maggiore e in maniera più sostenibile, efficace ed efficiente utilizzando lo strumento del PPP e senza usare necessariamente ulteriori strumenti finanziari europei sono quelle cosiddette del 'rafforzamento' e del 'superamento'. In particolare, per rafforzare gli aspetti e i fattori positivi nell'area transfrontaliera e per mitigare e/o dissipare quelli negativi emersi dall'analisi effettuata, le azioni raccomandate sia al settore pubblico, sia al settore privato, possono essere così riassunte: • organizzare congiuntamente degli incontri regolari nei quali i diversi attori possano conoscersi meglio reciprocamente così come scambiare informazioni e migliori pratiche relativamente ai paesi vicini in modo che la discussione possa vertere man mano sul potenziale sviluppo in particolare dell'economia attraverso l'impiego di nuovi strumenti come il PPP, iniziando magari da un settore pilota quale il turismo, • organizzare congiuntamente campagne di informazione sul PPP e corsi di formazione che potrebbero servire al superamento della comune mancanza di capacità di istituire efficienti PPP, • organizzare per i numerosi attori presenti sul territorio dei corsi o eventi finalizzati ad informare sui processi di revisione normativa utile a facilitare e rafforzare la cooperazione tra i diversi attori, la capacità di fare impresa e creare PPP, • rafforzare congiuntamente le reti esistenti e crearne delle nuove attraverso continui incontri capaci di mettere assieme i diversi attori aventi l'obiettivo di superare gli ostacoli/minacce e consideranti il rafforzamento delle relazioni un valore aggiunto atto a migliorare anche la capacità di reperire i fondi necessari. Le azioni invece che si raccomandano solo al settore pubblico sono: • (specialmente a livello locale) gli attori istituzionali quali le municipalità potrebbero organizzare delle riunioni invitando il settore privato, tradizionale e non, al fine di facilitare la comunicazione tra i partecipanti introducendo al contempo il PPP e facilitando l'istituzione di partenariati, • le autorità istituzionali dovrebbero cambiare la loro ottica trasformando le loro politiche nazionali, a partire da quelle transfrontaliere relative ai paesi confinanti, in modo da promuovere il PPP quale strumento di sviluppo agevolandone l'istituzione attraverso le modifiche del quadro normativo laddove necessarie, • realizzare delle politiche aventi l'obiettivo di facilitare gli investimenti diversificando i settori degli stessi e organizzando al contempo dei corsi di formazione professionale per dare l'opportunità alla popolazione in età attiva di diversificare le loro conoscenze e capacità. ; XXIV Ciclo ; 1970
Speeches Delivered In Other Languages. ; United Nations S/PV.8182 Security Council Seventy-third year 8182nd meeting Wednesday, 14 February 2018, 3 p.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Alotaibi. . (Kuwait) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Inchauste Jordán China. . Mr. Zhang Dianbin Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Ms. Guadey France. . Mrs. Gueguen Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Netherlands. . Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren Peru. . Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Polyanskiy Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Mr. Clay United States of America. . Ms. Tachco Agenda The situation in Guinea-Bissau Report of the Secretary-General on developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-04195 (E) *1804195* S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 2/20 18-04195 The meeting was called to order at 3.10 p.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in Guinea-Bissau Report of the Secretary-General on developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) The President (spoke in Arabic): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Guinea-Bissau and Togo to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in the meeting: Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, and His Excellency Mr. Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea- Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Mr. Touré is joining the meeting via video-teleconference from Bissau. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2018/110, which contains the report of the Secretary-General on developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau. I now give the floor to Mr. Touré. Mr. Touré: I thank the Security Council for this opportunity to introduce the report of the Secretary- General (S/2018/110) on the situation in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). As the report already presents a detailed outline of recent events in Guinea-Bissau, my intervention will focus on updating the Council on political developments since its issuance, while analysing present challenges and making proposals for the way forward. This briefing takes place against the backdrop of a rapidly evolving political situation in Guinea-Bissau. Over the past several weeks, a series of key events have occurred with important ramifications. At the country level, President José Mário Vaz dismissed former Prime Minister Umaro Sissoco Embaló and replaced him with Mr. Artur Da Silva. The African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) finally held its party congress despite attempts by national authorities to block it, and re-elected Domingos Simões Pereira as its leader. At the regional level, on 4 February, the Authority of Heads of State and Government of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), pursuant to its decision of 27 January, imposed targeted sanctions on 19 individuals deemed to be obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. Those individuals and their family members are subject to travel bans and assets freeze. They have also been suspended from ECOWAS activities. The ECOWAS Authority also requested the African Union (AU), the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, the European Union, the United Nations and other partners to support and facilitate the enforcement of the sanctions. Since the imposition of the sanctions, the reaction of national stakeholders has been mixed. Those upon whom the sanctions were imposed have described them as unsubstantiated and unjust, while those in favour of the sanctions have characterized them as a necessary measure to safeguard the country's democratic course. Meanwhile, national reactions to the appointment of Mr. Artur Da Silva as the new Prime Minister have been generally consistent. On 31 January, the PAIGC issued a statement denouncing Mr. Da Silva's appointment as not being in conformity with the Conakry Agreement. Last week, the Party for Social Renewal, the second largest party in Parliament, and the group of 15 dissident parliamentarians of the PAIGC also issued public statements stressing that they would participate only in a Government formed under a consensual Prime Minister, in strict compliance with the Conakry Agreement. Thus far, the Prime Minister's efforts to consult with political parties represented in the National Assembly on the formation of an inclusive Government have not borne fruit. Under my leadership, the group of five regional and international partners, comprised of representatives of the African Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, ECOWAS, the European Union and the United Nations, has continued 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 3/20 to harmonize efforts and messaging at opportune moments with the aim of creating a stable and enabling environment for dialogue among political leaders. So far this year, I have convened three meetings of the group. My efforts, together with those of the partners, have focused on engaging national authorities and key political stakeholders in Guinea-Bissau to defuse escalating tensions, encourage political dialogue in order to ease the political gridlock, call for the protection and respect for the human rights of Bissau-Guinean citizens, and urge all aggrieved stakeholders to pursue their grievances through legal and constitutional means. Furthermore, under my direction, UNIOGBIS continues to play a central role in supporting and facilitating the regional mediation efforts of ECOWAS by, inter alia, ensuring the participation of Bissau- Guinean stakeholders at the ECOWAS Summit in Abuja in December 2017, providing substantive and logistical support for the ECOWAS high-level delegations during their missions to Bissau and regularly sensitizing regional leaders to ongoing political developments within the country, while encouraging them to exert their influence on protagonists in order to reach compromises. The absence of a functioning and stable Government for more than three years has limited the ability of UNIOGBIS to effectively and sustainably implement some of its mandated tasks. As recommended by the strategic review mission headed by the Department of Political Affairs in 2016 and endorsed by the Council last year, I have streamlined the UNIOGBIS leadership and structure to promote better integration and complementarity with the United Nations country team and other international partners, while boosting the Mission's political capacities, which has enabled me to exercise my good offices more effectively at the national level. Those changes have also assisted the broader United Nations system in Guinea-Bissau in delivering more focused and integrated peacebuilding support to national authorities and civil society, including women and youth. In this regard, the support provided by the Peacebuilding Fund has been critical. Going forward, UNIOGBIS will need to focus its energies on supporting national leaders in their efforts to appoint an acceptable Prime Minister, establish an inclusive Government, organize and conduct timely elections, and implement the priority reforms outlined in the Conakry Agreement and the ECOWAS road map. Until the completion of the electoral cycle in 2019, Guinea-Bissau remains more than ever a country that requires a dedicated United Nations presence to prevent a further deterioration in the political and security situation at the national level and avoid any negative consequences in the subregion. In this context, my good offices, political facilitation, advocacy and mediation roles, alongside my efforts aimed at promoting respect for human rights and the rule of law and at carrying out integrated peacebuilding support, will continue to be critical. As the Secretary-General has indicated in his report, it is vital that the United Nations remain engaged in peacebuilding efforts in the country while supporting ECOWAS involvement in resolving the political crisis for at least one more year. The Secretary-General has expressed his intention to authorize an assessment of the current mission at the end of that period and to present options to the Security Council for a possible reconfiguration of United Nations presence in the country. It is my hope that the Council will give favourable consideration to this recommendation. The African Union Peace and Security Council (AUPSC), through its communiqué of 13 February, has fully endorsed the measures taken by ECOWAS on 4 February, including the application of sanctions against political obstructionists. It has also requested the African Union Commission to coordinate with the ECOWAS Commission to ensure the effective implementation of these measures. Moreover, it has requested that the Security Council endorse the AUPSC communiqué that endorsed the ECOWAS decision. At this critical juncture, it would be important for the Security Council to continue to reaffirm the centrality of the Conakry Agreement and reiterate its full support for ECOWAS in its mediation efforts and for the measures that it has taken against political stakeholders deemed to be obstructing the resolution of the political crisis. I would further seek the Council's support in underscoring the importance of urgently organizing and holding legislative elections within the constitutionally mandated timeline. Lastly, throughout the past year, the presence of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau (ECOMIB) has consistently acted as a stabilizing factor in the country. I would therefore call on members of the Council and international donors to support the continued presence of ECOMIB through to the holding of a presidential election in 2019, including by advocating for the renewal S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 4/20 18-04195 of its mandate and the provision of the financial support needed to maintain its deployment. I would like to express my gratitude to the Council for its continued interest in promoting peace and stability in Guinea-Bissau. I would also like to commend ECOWAS and its current Chair, President Faure Gnassingbé of Togo, and the ECOWAS Mediator for Guinea-Bissau, President Alpha Condé of Guinea, for their tireless mediation efforts. Finally, I would like to express appreciation to all multilateral and bilateral partners, especially to the AU, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries and the European Union for their commitment to promoting peace and prosperity in Guinea-Bissau. After several years of long-term investment in the stability of Guinea- Bissau, it is time to consolidate and reap the dividends of our concerted efforts. It is vital that we accompany this process to its completion. The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Mr. Touré for his briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Vieira. Mr. Vieira (Brazil): I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for the invitation to address the Security Council in my capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC). Since my last briefing to the Security Council, on 24 August last year (see S/PV.8031), there have been several important developments in the country. The situation in Guinea-Bissau is rapidly evolving, and the PBC is following it closely. At the most recent Summit of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), held in Abuja on 16 December, the Heads of State and Government gave a 30-day deadline for political actors of Guinea-Bissau to implement the Conakry Agreement. The situation was discussed again by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union, held in Addis Ababa on 27 January, in the context of its thirtieth ordinary session. After 15 months as Head of Government, Prime Minister Umaro Sissoco Embaló tendered his resignation to President José Mário Vaz, who accepted it on 16 January. On 31 January, Artur Da Silva took office as the new Prime Minister. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Togo, Robert Dussey, led two ECOWAS missions to Bissau this year. On 1 February, the ECOWAS mission issued a final communiqué stating that the nomination of a Prime Minister by consensus, as determined by the Conakry Agreement, had not taken place and that the ECOWAS Commission would start applying sanctions against those who create obstacles to a political solution. On 4 February, ECOWAS issued a decision listing 19 names that will be subject to sanctions, consisting of the exclusion from the activities of the community, a travel ban, and the freezing of assets of the sanctioned persons and their families. The Guinea-Bissau configuration is actively engaged in following the situation in Guinea-Bissau and in providing support for the country through different initiatives. I am also in permanent contact with the Brazilian Ambassador in Bissau, who maintains excellent relations with national authorities, political actors and United Nations representatives. I would remind Council members that Brazil was one of the first countries to recognize Guinea-Bissau in 1974. In that same year we opened an embassy in Bissau. In 2017, I organized a working breakfast with the members of the PBC and four ambassador-level meetings of the Guinea-Bissau configuration. We issued three press statements last year on the situation in the country. I also briefed the Security Council on two occasions, on 14 February (see S/PV. 7883) and on 24 August. Between 25 and 28 July 2017, I conducted my first visit to Bissau in my capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration. I met many political actors, including President José Mário Vaz, then-Prime Minister Sissoco, a number of ministers, members of all parties in the Parliament, and representatives of the United Nations. On my return, I stopped in Lisbon, where I met with the Executive Secretary of the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, Ms. Maria do Carmo Silveira. On 15 December 2017, the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) approved six new projects for Guinea-Bissau, totalling $7 million, to be implemented between January 2018 and June 2019. These projects are designed to help stabilize the country by providing support to the media and the justice sector, as well as support for national reconciliation efforts and the participation of young people and women in peacebuilding and in politics. The Guinea-Bissau configuration of the PBC discussed and 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 5/20 supported these projects in a meeting held in November last year. The PBC will continue to support Guinea-Bissau not only through the PBF, but also through consultations with different partners, including the World Bank and other international financial institutions. In this context, I am planning a visit to Washington in the coming weeks in order to talk to representatives of the World Bank about possibilities for cooperation with Guinea-Bissau. On Monday, 12 February, I convened a meeting of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the PBC to discuss the most recent developments in the country. On that occasion, we heard a briefing from the Under- Secretary-General for Political Affairs and Head of the Department of Political Affairs, Mr. Jeffrey Feltman. I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General Feltman for his presence there. It was a positive sign of engagement and trust in the role of the PBC. It also showed his commitment to contributing to a solution to the current impasse in Guinea-Bissau. During that meeting, the participants had the opportunity to discuss the recent developments in the country, including the decision of ECOWAS to impose sanctions. They underlined the need for dialogue and mentioned the role of the region, including the importance of the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. Member States also commended the work of the PBF in Guinea-Bissau. Many participants stressed the relevance of respecting the constitutional framework in organizing elections. Member States welcomed the non-involvement of the armed forces in the political crisis. Many delegations mentioned the positive presence of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea- Bissau (ECOMIB). Delegations also supported the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS), which is expected to happen by the end of this month, and underlined the importance of the good offices of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré. Finally, I also would like to inform the Council that it is my intention to visit Guinea-Bissau in the coming months to consult with a broad range of stakeholders on how the PBC can support peacebuilding efforts in the country and help the political actors find a solution to the current impasse. The exact date of the visit will depend on developments on the ground and will be scheduled in consultation with local authorities. I would like to recall that Brazil is currently the Chair of the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP). As was done when I previously briefed the Council, the CPLP has endorsed my remarks. I would like to conclude my statement by reaffirming that the PBC will continue to make every effort to support Guinea-Bissau and I would like to outline the following recommendations in that regard. I reiterate the support of the configuration for the Bissau six-point road map and the Conakry Agreement as the framework for the resolution of the crisis. I call upon the authorities of Guinea-Bissau and key political actors to show leadership and determination by engaging in actions that would lead to the implementation of those agreements. I take note of the efforts of the region to resolve the political impasse in the country. I stress the importance of holding free and fair elections, in accordance with the Constitution of Guinea- Bissau, and call upon the international community to support that process. I underline the importance of renewing the mandate of UNIOGBIS for another year, as recommended by the Secretary-General. I also recognize the effective, preventive and deterrent role of ECOMIB. Finally, I would like to commend the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his efforts to help ensure an enabling political environment in the country. The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Ambassador Vieira for his briefing. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): I would like to begin my statement by thanking the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his insightful briefing on the situation in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau. I will focus my statement on two main points: the implementation of the Conakry Agreement by the Guinea-Bissau signatories and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau. S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 6/20 18-04195 Guinea-Bissau is going through a new phase in the serious and deep political and institutional crisis of recent years. My country and West Africa are concerned about this situation, which is characterized by a political impasse and requires the Council to act with greater firmness alongside the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union to bring the political actors of Guinea-Bissau to honour their commitments. Indeed, despite the signing on 14 October 2016 of the Conakry Agreement, which was supposed to favour the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister and the establishment of an inclusive Government, the country is again without a Government and confronted by a blockage of Parliament and a deep lack of trust between the President of the Republic and his party, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde. The stalemate heightens raises concerns not only of a detrimental delay in the electoral calendar, which calls for the holding of legislative elections in May 2018 and presidential elections in 2019, but also of the exacerbation of political tensions and the growth of the criminal economy linked to drug trafficking. My country welcomes the ongoing efforts of ECOWAS to definitively resolve the crisis in Guinea-Bissau, in strict compliance with the communal arrangements and constitutional framework of the country. The current deadlock in Guinea-Bissau is the culmination of a prolonged deterioration of the political situation and the manifest lack of will on the part of the political actors to commit themselves to a consensual settlement of the crisis, despite the appeals and efforts of ECOWAS. Côte d'Ivoire calls on the parties to implement the Conakry Agreement in good faith and without delay. My delegation once again commends ECOWAS for its leadership and the ongoing commitment of its leaders, the Chairperson of the ECOWAS Authority, President Faure Gnassingbé of Togo, and the ECOWAS Mediator for Guinea-Bissau, President Alpha Condé of Guinea, in the quest for a solution to the political impasse in Guinea-Bissau. Côte d'Ivoire also commends the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau for its invaluable contribution to stability in the country. ECOWAS, after a lengthy process of futile warnings, decided to adopt individual sanctions against 19 persons considered to be hostile to the process of ending the crisis in Guinea-Bissau. The sanctions are a strong signal of the resolve of ECOWAS to bring the country out of a crisis that has persisted too long. Those measures — which specifically involve the suspension of the participation in the activities of ECOWAS of all persons concerned, a travel ban on travel, the denial of visas to them and their families, and the freezing of their financial assets — must be applied with utmost rigour. The sanctions, I recall, are based on the Supplementary Act of 17 February 2012, which imposes sanctions on Member States that fail to honour their obligations vis-à-vis ECOWAS, and article 45 of the Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. My country congratulates ECOWAS on taking those courageous measures, which will serve as a wake-up call to the Guinea-Bissau political class, and looks forward to their effective endorsement by the African Union. Côte d'Ivoire invites the Council to fully support ECOWAS in the interests of peace and national cohesion in Guinea-Bissau. To that end, my country calls on the Security Council to adopt by consensus the draft resolution on the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, which also requires the endorsement of those sanctions. Furthermore, my delegation urges the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP), the European Union and the United Nations to also support the efforts of ECOWAS to effectively implement measures that seek to ensure that the Conakry Agreement be upheld. Institutional and political stability, peace and security in Guinea-Bissau depend primarily on the people of Guinea-Bissau themselves. To achieve that, we call on them to take ownership of the Conakry Agreement. Without the involvement of the parties themselves, the prospects for finding a solution to the crisis and for restoring lasting peace to Guinea-Bissau will remain illusory. With regard to the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, my delegation welcomes the various initiatives to support the political dialogue and the national reconciliation process. Furthermore, we encourage ongoing consultations in order to make progress on security sector reform and to meet the needs of the peacebuilding mechanism under way in Guinea-Bissau. My delegation thanks the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Guinea-Bissau for his efforts in mediation, promoting the rule of law and building the capacity of the Guinea-Bissau institutions. Côte d'Ivoire encourages its international partners, in 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 7/20 particular the United Nations, the African Union, the European Union, the CPLP and ECOWAS, to cooperate more closely with regard to their work on the ground to ensure greater effectiveness. My country also welcomes the strong involvement of Guinea-Bissau women in the political process, and in particular their role in facilitating dialogue between the parties. With regard to the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, I would like to inform the members of the Council that Côte d'Ivoire will soon submit a draft resolution for adoption on that issue. At the same time, if it is acceptable to all members of the Council, a draft press statement will also be submitted for adoption. My country reiterates its appeal to all stakeholders in the crisis in Guinea-Bissau to participate fully in the efforts of the international community, in particular of ECOWAS, to promote the comprehensive implementation of the Conakry Agreement, which guarantees a way out of the political impasse that the country has long suffered. I would like to finish by thanking Ambassador Mauro Vieira of Brazil, Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for all the information that he has kindly provided to the Council. Ms. Tachco (United States of America): I wish to thank Mr. Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, for his briefing and Ambassador Vieira not only for his briefing but also for his leadership of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Recently, the Security Council has witnessed significant success in West Africa in places that have experienced years or even decades of violence and tragedy. Such success includes the first democratic transfer of power in Liberia in more than 70 years and the continued consolidation of democracy in The Gambia, as well as strong economic growth in countries across the region. However, there remain many serious and profound challenges, such as the terrorist threat posed by Boko Haram and the Islamic State in West Africa, elections and reform challenges facing countries with upcoming democratic transition, and humanitarian crises and displacement, all of which merit the continued attention of the Security Council. Given the urgency and magnitude of such problems, the United States believes that a self-inflicted 30-month political impasse, such as that in Guinea-Bissau, is unacceptable. For too long we have gathered to hear updates on fits and starts of political progress that eventually fade to obstruction and obfuscation from the country's leadership. The United States is profoundly disappointed by the decision of President Vaz to ignore the Conakry Agreement by failing to appoint a consensus Prime Minister and to create an inclusive Government. President Vaz must take urgent steps towards a unity Government that will pave the way for peaceful legislative elections in May. The people of Guinea-Bissau are understandably frustrated at the failure of their Government to make progress on the implementation of the Agreement. They deserve better. Time is running out. We have witnessed rising tension. Political gatherings in Bissau have provoked clashes as the people of Guinea- Bissau publicly express their frustration at the skeletal political process. Those clashes led to a crackdown by the Guinea-Bissau leadership. The Government must respect the people's right to peaceful expression and protect that right. On 4 February, the Economic Community of West African States took the ambitious step of sanctioning 19 spoilers of the Conakry Agreement, including their family members. The United States applauds such efforts to hold those in power accountable and to compel them towards finally doing what is right for the people of Guinea-Bissau. We also applaud the renewal of the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea- Bissau and encourage the Guinea-Bissau military to continue its political non-interference, while playing its constitutional role. For years, the international community and the United Nations have put resources into Guinea-Bissau to do important things for the benefit of its people. However, with a Government at an impasse, important issues such as security sector reform and combating transnational organized crime, narcotics and human trafficking cannot be adequately addressed. That is unacceptable. As Ambassador Haley noted in the peacekeeping context, the United Nations cannot operate effectively in environments with uncooperative Governments. That also applies to political missions such as the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea- S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 8/20 18-04195 Bissau (UNIOGBIS). For UNIOGBIS to continue on that path would not be the continuation of a partnership with a willing Government but would simply enable its obstruction. Elections must take place on time and will require support. However, first, the Government must first end the impasse to convince its partners that international support will build on established political progress and a willingness to overcome differences to enable the Government to function again. In conclusion, we once again draw attention to the ordinary people of Guinea-Bissau who, for the better part of their lives, have not known the stability of sustainable democratic governance. The Security Council must keep them in mind as we take steps to put pressure on leaders to abandon their self-serving wilfulness and to take action to better the lives of their people. They should know that our patience has now run out. Ms. Guadey (Ethiopia): I wish to thank Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary- General, for his briefing on the latest developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). I would also like to express appreciation to Ambassador Mauro Vieira in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) for his remarks. The continued political stand-off and institutional paralysis in Guinea-Bissau remain a source of serious concern. The consequent socioeconomic difficulties over the past two years have impacted the people of Guinea-Bissau and will eventually undermine the peace and stability of the country. We appreciate the important role of the PBC and welcome the approval of useful projects to be financed under the Immediate Response Facility of the Peacebuilding Fund to the amount of $7.3 million. Such projects will certainly contribute to easing the socioeconomic difficulties of women and young people, as well as to promoting stability. The centrality of the Conakry Agreement to sustaining peace, security and development in Guinea- Bissau cannot be overemphasized. We reiterate our call for all stakeholders in Guinea-Bissau to respect and to comply with the Agreement in addressing their differences and the challenges facing their country. We urge them to create conditions for the holding of legislative and presidential elections in 2018 and 2019, respectively. All parties should also refrain from actions or statements that could escalate tensions and incite violence. It is indeed vital that the security and armed forces of Guinea-Bissau continue to uphold the country's Constitution and desist from interfering in the political and institutional crisis. Those who continue to obstruct the implementation of the agreement must be given clear signals that their actions will not be tolerated. In that regard, we commend the role of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the high-level delegation it dispatched to Guinea-Bissau two weeks ago. We support its decision on restoring democratic governance and ensuring respect for the rule of law in Guinea Bissau, as endorsed by the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council communiqué issued today. The Council should reinforce the decision by ECOWAS and the African Union and convey a clear and united message to all the parties in this regard. We believe the concerted efforts by ECOWAS, the African Union, the United Nations and other relevant partners continues to be indispensable to finding a durable solution to the political crisis in Guinea-Bissau. We express our support to UNIOGBIS for its continued provision of necessary support to Guinea- Bissau, with the objective of resolving the current political impasse and creating an environment for of dialogue among all of the country's actors. Accordingly, we fully agree with the recommendation of the Secretary General that the current UNIOGBIS mandate be extended for another year, until 28 February 2019. Finally, we echo the appeal of the AU Peace and Security Council for financial support towards the continuation of the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau — whose mandate has been extended to 31 March — until the necessary training of the national security forces of Guinea-Bissau is completed. I wish to conclude by supporting the draft press statement proposed by Côte d'Ivoire, and express our readiness to work closely on the draft resolution that will renew the UNIOGBIS mandate. Mrs. Gueguen (France) (spoke in French): I thank Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, for his clear and precise briefing, which reminds us of just how critical this point is for Guinea-Bissau. I also thank Ambassador Mauro Vieira for his efforts as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 9/20 Commission and for his insistent appeal for support to regional initiatives and for respect for the electoral cycle in Guinea-Bissau. France is concerned about the non-implementation of the Conakry Agreement since October 2016. The Agreement, which provides for the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister, has remained a dead letter, even though it provides a plan to resolve the conflict. This political impasse has consequences on the ground. There have been several clashes between the police and opposition political parties. Respect for human rights is also not assured in Guinea-Bissau. The latest developments on the ground show that the authorities of Guinea-Bissau no longer hesitate to limit the freedom of assembly and the right to protest. The establishment of a robust compliance framework with regard to respect for public freedoms is an essential precondition to the resolution of the crisis in Guinea-Bissau. We therefore call upon the international community to be particularly vigilant in that regard. Due to the risk of a deterioration in the political and security situation, it is high time for all parties to honour their commitments to reach national consensus, all the more so because the window of opportunity is narrowing, as legislative elections are slated for this spring. In that regard, it is particularly important to ensure that the legislative and presidential time table is adhered to. I would like to emphasize three essential points with regard to the renewal at the end of the month of the madate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). First, we must increase our support for regional initiatives. In that regard, France welcomes the ongoing efforts of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), especially the work of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau and the recent adoption of the sanctions list of people obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. That is an important step forward and a clear sign to the relevant local actors. We are convinced that the solution to the conflict will require consultation among local actors and the international community. In that connection, the group of five international partners based in Guinea-Bissau, which comprises the African Union, the European Union, the United Nations, ECOWAS and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, provides a special coordination platform that ought to be supported. Secondly, it is crucial for the Security Council to fully assume its role in resolving the current political impasse in Guinea-Bissau. The Council should increase pressure on local actors, particularly President Vaz, and should direct the parties in Guinea-Bissau to shoulder their responsibilities. Sanctions were adopted in 2012 through resolution 2048 (2012), and additional measures could be taken in conjunction with those taken by ECOWAS. Thirdly, it is essential to renew the mandate of UNIOGBIS, which ends 28 February, and thereby signal the commitment of the United Nations to continuing to participate in the process of resolving the conflict. We should also contemplate restructuring UNIOGBIS following an assessment of the impact of its activities on the ground. It is time for the parties in Guinea-Bissau to move from words to action. Their commitments must now give way to concrete action. Mr. Meza-Cuadra (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): My delegation welcomes the holding of this meeting and thanks Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea- Bissau, for his briefing. We also thank Ambassador Mauro Vieira for his commitment and leadership as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Peru is monitoring with concern the situation in Guinea-Bissau. Despite efforts by the international community and regional organizations to reach a solution to the political crisis, little progress has been made in the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, concluded in October 2016. We would like to make three main points. First, Peru deems the successful holding of 2018 and 2019 elections to be crucial to achieving sustainable peace. In that regard, we are concerned about the nomination of a Prime Minister who does not enjoy consensus among all parties, as called for in the Conakry Agreement. That undermines the credibility of the Government. Additionally, four of the members of the National Electoral Commission, including its President, could not be nominated for the National Assembly, which has not convened since S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 10/20 18-04195 January 2016. Such conditions complicate the holding of legislative elections slated for May. That is why we believe it is necessary and urgent for all parties to resume inclusive dialogue with a view to implementing the commitments undertaken. We welcome the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States, which include imposing sanctions on those who obstruct the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, in line with regional rules and regulations. We believe that it is important to increase the participation of women and youth in the necessary dialogue and subsequent elections. That is why we highlight the efforts of the Women's Facilitation Group, which seeks to increase the participation of women in the country's political processes. Secondly, we are concerned that, despite the current relative stability, a stalled political process could lead to renewed violence and rampant crime, especially considering that the country is vulnerable to threats such as terrorism, organized crime and human trafficking. In that connection, we highlight the launching of the Network of National Human Rights Defenders. As the Secretary-General noted in his report (S/2018/110), reform is needed in this area, including strengthening the armed forces and the professionalization of the police. Similarly, we call for full respect for the fundamental right to freedom of expression in Guinea-Bissau. Thirdly, with regard to socioeconomic development, we would like to highlight the fact that, although the World Bank has reported economic growth of 5 per cent over the past year, it should be borne in mind that such growth is primarily attributed to the country's main exports being sold at a higher price on the international market. Nonetheless, a country whose poverty rate is approximately 70 per cent is socially and economically vulnerable. That is why we believe that peacekeeping and peacebuilding require greater investment in social development, and in particular in Peacebuilding Fund projects aimed at empowering women and young people, promoting national reconciliation and strengthening the judiciary. We underscore the importance of ensuring the predictability and stability of the Fund's financing. We also believe that it is important that the activities promoted by the Peacebuilding Fund be coordinated with the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) and the United Nations country team. In conclusion, we support the renewal of the UNIOGBIS mandate for an additional year, in line with the recommendation of the Secretary-General. We thank the Economic Community of West African States, the African Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, the European Union and other international actors committed to assisting Guinea-Bissau for their valuable efforts. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): At the outset, on behalf of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, let me thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Guinea- Bissau and Head of Mission for the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNOGBIS), Mr. Modibo Touré, and his team for the detailed and important briefing on the situation in Guinea-Bissau. We also thank Mr. Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for his briefing, in which he underscored the configuration's commitment to the various initiatives in Guinea-Bissau. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea has followed very closely and with great interest the developments in the political and institutional crisis in Guinea-Bissau. It has paid even closer attention since the country joined the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP) in 2014, and now that Equatorial Guinea chairs the Committee established pursuant to resolution 2048 (2012), concerning Guinea-Bissau. In my capacity as Chair of the 2048 Committee, I would like to voice our concern about the deadlock in the peace process in Guinea-Bissau, which is hindering the country's national reform programme, thereby threatening to undermine progress in the country since constitutional order was restored in 2014. Equatorial Guinea lauds the commitment and considerable effort made, as well as the human and financial resources made available by international multilateral partners, in particular the Guinea- Bissau group of five, comprising the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the CPLP, the European Union and the United Nations. Undoubtedly, the synergy among international actors with regard to the issue in Guinea-Bissau attests to the desire and willingness of the international community to find a peaceful and 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 11/20 consensus-based solution in the interests of Guinea- Bissau. The Conakry Agreement must continue to be the fundamental reference for national political actors. The Agreement not only outlines the appointment of a Prime Minister who is trusted by the President of the Republic, but whose appointment is the result of consensus among all national stakeholders. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea has taken note of the rejection of the appointment of Mr. Augusto Antonio Artur Da Silva by ECOWAS and the main political actors in Guinea-Bissau, in particular of the two main political parties — the Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde and the Partido para a Renovação Social. Given the lack of consensus surrounding the appointment of the Prime Minister, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea calls upon all political actors in the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, including the President of the Republic, as well as the leaders of the two main political parties, to work together to form an inclusive Government that would create the right conditions ahead of upcoming legislative elections to be held later this year, and presidential elections in 2019. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea supports the electoral calendar as outlined in the country's Constitution. That is why the Republic of Equatorial Guinea believes that an international support mechanism for the electoral process should be put in place for the purpose of updating the electoral rolls and assisting the Independent National Electoral Commission to effectively shoulder its responsibility, and with all other preparations that would allow for the holding of transparent, democratic elections whose results would put a definitive end to the political maze the country has had to navigate over the past few years. The extension of the mandate of UNIOGBIS is a key element in resolving the crisis. As announced, ECOWAS has decided to extend the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau until 31 March. The actions of the United Nations must be part of that undertaking. The Security Council's vote, scheduled for 27 February, must allow the Mission to be extended for a year or more, until presidential elections are held in 2019. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea believes that international partners should continue to focus primarily on mediation, good offices, dialogue and direct negotiations as the only viable paths to breaking the current political and institutional deadlock. The most recent report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) concludes that the population's latent frustration with an uncertain political environment could foster instability and crime. Equatorial Guinea reiterates its gratitude to the defence and security forces that have chosen to adopt a neutral, republican position. Therefore, we urge all political actors in Guinea-Bissau to put the interests of the country and its people, love of State and their responsibility above all other considerations so as to create the right conditions for the holding of free, fair and transparent elections. Stability in the country must not be disassociated from economic recovery. In that regard, we welcome the support of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, through the Peacebuilding Fund, in financing various multisectoral projects. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea will take part in good offices and negotiations. Equatorial Guinea, as a member of the CPLP and Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 2048 (2012), concerning Guinea- Bissau, will support and take initiatives that it believes are necessary to assist in efforts under way to find a solution to the situation in the brotherly country of Guinea-Bissau. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): I would like to begin by thanking the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his briefing. I commend him and his team for the valuable work being undertaken in support of the people of Guinea-Bissau. Let me also extend my thanks to the Permanent Representative of Brazil, Ambassador Mauro Vieira, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. As Ambassador Vieira mentioned his country's long-standing relations with Guinea-Bissau, I thought that I would take this opportunity to point out that Sweden recognized Guinea-Bissau in 1974, and we began supporting General Assembly resolution 2911 (XXVII), concerning its self-rule, in 1968. In the 1970s and 1980s, Guinea-Bissau was one of our largest development partner countries. There is therefore a deep and historic friendship between Sweden and the people of Guinea-Bissau, and it is in that spirit of friendship that we are engaging in support for Guinea- Bissau in meeting its current complex challenges. S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 12/20 18-04195 Moreover, we welcome the opportunity to draw upon the strategic advice of the Peacebuilding Commission and its longer-term perspective, which are essential for sustaining peace in Guinea-Bissau. The activities financed by the Peacebuilding Fund to that end are also important. An integrated approach from the United Nations family in Guinea-Bissau can contribute positively to overcoming peacebuilding challenges. Accordingly, we welcome the efforts outlined in the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110). We are concerned by the ongoing and increasingly protracted political crisis in Guinea-Bissau. A lack of progress in resolving the stalemate undermines peacebuilding efforts and is holding the country's social and economic development hostage. Resolving the crisis is therefore a prerequisite for the consolidation of peace in the country. The six-point Bissau road map and the Conakry Agreement remain the only legitimate way forward, and must be implemented. The appointment of a consensus Prime Minister, as stipulated in the Agreement, is essential. National leaders must live up to their commitments and meet their responsibilities. We strongly commend the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to mediate among the parties to find a solution to the political crisis. ECOWAS is playing an essential role on behalf of the region, and we welcome its continued efforts to reach a consensual implementation of the road map and Conakry Agreement. We welcome the ECOWAS decision to impose sanctions on those impeding the Agreement's implementation. It is important that the international community fully support regional efforts in a concerted and coherent manner. In that regard, we welcome the statement issued yesterday by the African Union in support of ECOWAS, including regarding sanctions. Long-term peace and security in Guinea-Bissau will be achieved only when the root causes of the conflict are addressed. Constitutional reform, reconciliation and political dialogue, strengthening the rule of law through strong and inclusive institutions, and ensuring equal access to economic opportunities are all critical in that regard. It is also essential that all parts of society have their voices heard. In particular, ensuring the full and effective participation of women is crucial. We agree with the Secretary-General that the promotion of, and respect for, human rights is fundamental to sustaining peace and ensuring long-term stability and development in Guinea-Bissau. We echo the Secretary- General's call on national authorities to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms and to refrain from any further acts that undermine the rule of law. Let me also take a moment to welcome the military's neutrality and its posture of non-interference in the political process. Concerning the role of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS), it has a crucial role to play in coordinating international efforts to support Guinea-Bissau, not least of which is supporting preparations for the holding of elections. There is a need to immediately refocus the Office's resources where they can be used most effectively, particularly with regard to resolving the political deadlock and supporting the electoral process so that it moves forward. We strongly support the Office's work to strengthen women's participation as active peacemakers in resolving the political crisis, including by encouraging women's mediation efforts. We welcome in particular that the integration of gender-sensitive perspectives into the work of UNIOGBIS and the United Nations country team has been accorded the highest priority by the United Nations in Guinea- Bissau. We look forward to hearing more about how that process is being taken forward. During the Peacebuilding Commission's meeting on Guinea-Bissau on Monday this week, all key actors, including Guinea-Bissau, expressed the view that the Secretary-General's recommendation for a one-year extension of the UNIOGBIS mandate should be authorized. A one-year extension would allow for longer-term planning and more effective support for the implementation of the Conakry Agreement and the holding of elections. The political crisis in Guinea-Bissau has gone on for far too long. It is now time to move forward with the full implementation of the Conakry Agreement and preparations for the holding of inclusive elections. The international community, together with the region, must stand ready to support the country on its path towards long-term peace and development. Mr. Clay (United Kingdom): I thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Touré and Ambassador Vieira for their informative briefings. The situation in Guinea-Bissau is concerning. It is not the first country in the world to experience a political impasse, but it is a country that continues to emerge from the serious instability and violence 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 13/20 of its recent past. The political impasse has prevented progress on reforms that are critical to addressing key conflict risks in Guinea-Bissau. The situation is only likely to become more volatile as we move towards elections. We have already seen violent confrontations between demonstrators and police, and witnessed worrying efforts to curb political freedoms. Economic growth is at risk, and a serious deterioration in stability would be deeply damaging for development and human rights. The illicit economy and transnational organized crime risk becoming further entrenched, with global implications. More broadly, instability in Guinea- Bissau would affect the wider region, which over the past year has been, for the most part, the site of positive political progress. The United Kingdom welcomes the leadership shown by the West African region, particularly through the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It has shown persistence and patience. This is a crisis that began in 2015. It brokered the Conakry Agreement 15 months ago. It has agreed to countless communiqués and published innumerable statements. It has sent numerous high-level delegations to Guinea- Bissau, including three over the past six months alone. But those most responsible for Guinea-Bissau's crisis have responded with stubborn refusal to give ground and find compromise. Therefore, it is understandable that the region's patience has worn thin. ECOWAS has now been driven to impose sanctions against individuals deemed responsible for impeding the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. The African Union Peace and Security Council has endorsed that move. The United Kingdom supports the ECOWAS decision, and we urge the Security Council and the entire international community to remain united in support of ECOWAS efforts. We also believe that it is important to recognize the bold efforts of civil society in Guinea-Bissau to resolve the crisis. In particular, the mediation efforts launched by the Women's Facilitation Group were an encouraging initiative, and we welcome the support given to them by the United Nations. As set out in resolution 2343 (2017), political support for efforts towards the implementation of the Conakry Agreement should be a priority for the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea- Bissau. The key next step remains the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister so that preparations can proceed for legislative elections in 2018, as per the country's Constitution. As we open discussions on its renewal, the United Kingdom will focus on ensuring that the Mission's mandate responds to today's political reality on the ground, that it is realistic and that it is focused on the highest priority needs. Guinea-Bissau's people watched the country emerge from a period of instability but then found their hopes for democracy obstructed by a political knot that their own leaders tied. Support from the region and the international community to prevent the country from backsliding further will not succeed until those who tied the knot untangle it. We hope that good sense, compromise and the commitment to Guinea-Bissau's future will prevail. Ms. Wronecka (Poland): First of all, I thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Modibo Touré and Ambassador Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for their useful briefings. Poland is following with growing concern the current situation in Guinea-Bissau. We support the efforts of the international community aimed at peacefully resolving the political crisis in the country. We therefore call on all political and civil society actors, regardless of their personal differences and ambitions, to engage in dialogue in a spirit of compromise. In that context, we take note that the army is not interfering in the political process. The implementation of the 2016 road map and the Conakry Agreement is crucial to maintaining peace and stability in the country. We appeal to the Guinea- Bissau authorities to complete their implementation and carry out the parliamentary elections scheduled for May in a peaceful atmosphere that guarantees political pluralism and impartiality. We think that women and young people should be included in all decision-making structures related to security sector reform, the national reconciliation process and institution-building. In this regard, we urge the Guinea-Bissau authorities to ensure the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the freedom of speech and information. Poland commends the important role of the Peacebuilding Commission in Guinea-Bissau in promoting good governance, political dialogue and national reconciliation. We also welcome the significant S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 14/20 18-04195 financial support of the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) under the PBF Immediate Response Facility. Since the PBF began its activities, Poland has provided financial support to the Fund. Poland also supports the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States Mission in Guinea- Bissau (ECOMIB) as it is an important factor in reaching consensus solutions and cooperation. The decision of the ECOWAS Heads of State and Government, published on 4 February, imposing sanctions on those responsible for non-implementation of the Conakry Agreement is a step towards holding responsible those who are impeding a peaceful, consensus solution to the crisis. Due to the fragile security situation in the country, the presence of ECOMIB is most important. In this regard, we welcome the decision to extend ECOMIB's mandate until the end of March. Its role is essential, especially in view of the upcoming legislative elections. The mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) expires at the end of this month. The United Nations should remain engaged in efforts towards peace in the country and support ECOWAS efforts to resolve the political crisis. In conclusion, Poland encourages all the parties in Guinea-Bissau to engage in dialogue. We also express our full support for the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré. We look forward to the upcoming UNIOGBIS mandate renewal. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): We commend Special Representative of the Secretary-General Modibo Touré and Ambassador Mauro Vieira for their comprehensive briefings on the situation in Guinea-Bissau, and extend our full support for their commitment to facilitating a political solution to the crisis. Kazakhstan is deeply concerned by the protracted political stalemate in the country. We join others in calling on all stakeholders to engage in an inclusive political dialogue and immediately implement the Conakry Agreement and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) road map to end the deadlock and restore institutional viability. It is therefore necessary to avoid differing interpretations of the Agreement. We commend the mediation efforts of ECOWAS, under the leadership of Presidents Faure Gnassingbé of Togo and Alpha Condé of Guinea, as well as by the other members of the group of international partner organizations on Guinea-Bissau. We have taken note of the decision of ECOWAS to impose targeted sanctions on those obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. We express hope that this decision will contribute to finding a solution to the crisis and strengthen democratic institutions and capacity-building for State organs. We welcome the extension until April of the mandate of ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau (ECOMIB), which plays a crucial role in ensuring stability in Guinea-Bissau, and urge international partners to continue supporting ECOMIB. The importance of peacebuilding, good offices and coordination efforts of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau cannot be underestimated. We therefore support the Secretary-General's recommendation to renew the mission's mandate for one more year. We also agree with his proposal to assess the mission, should the political impasse continue. We note the importance of holding legislative and presidential elections according to the constitutional time frame, and call on international partners to provide the necessary technical, logistical and financial support for the electoral process. The current political crisis may further fuel transnational organized crime, drug trafficking and terrorist activities. Therefore, increased national engagement and international support are critical to enhancing and extending reforms in the security, judicial and law enforcement sectors. In addition, the most effective measures must be sought to ensure the country's stability and resilience by increasing support for the education and health sectors, as well as the existing development plans, including Terra Ranka and the United Nations peacebuilding plan. In conclusion, we welcome the active engagement of the Women's Facilitation Group, and impress upon the national authorities the importance of ensuring the participation of women and young people in the political process at every stage and at all levels. Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren (Netherlands): I would like first of all to thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré, and the Permanent Representative of Brazil, Mr. Mauro Vieira, who spoke in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea- Bissau country configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC), for their briefings. 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 15/20 For years now, Guinea-Bissau has been marked by a protracted political crisis. In a region characterized by increasing attention to and respect for the rule of law, human rights and democracy, Guinea-Bissau continues to be out of step, as indicated once again in the latest report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110). In the light of this, the Kingdom of the Netherlands wishes to underscore the following three points with regard to the situation in Guinea-Bissau. First, the Conakry Agreement of 2016 and the six-point road map should remain the basis for a political solution in Guinea-Bissau, and its provisions should honoured. Secondly, the diplomatic and political efforts of the region through the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) deserve the steadfast support of the United Nations, and particularly the Security Council. Thirdly, the role of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) in the country at this critical juncture, with elections around the corner, is as important as ever. It is therefore imperative that its mandate be extended. First, with respect to the Conakry Agreement, almost a year and half has passed since the Agreement was concluded. The Kingdom of the Netherlands reiterates the centrality of the Agreement in peacefully resolving the current crisis, and urges the parties to abide by its contents. It is clear that an important roadblock with regard to its implementation is the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister. The need for this appointment has become increasingly urgent. With parliamentary elections on the horizon, it is imperative that these elections be held in a timely, transparent and inclusive manner. Secondly, with regard to support for ECOWAS, while the past six months were mainly characterized by the same intransigence as in previous reporting periods, concerted action and increased pressure on the part of the region, and ECOWAS in particular, could actually lead, when given the necessary support, to tangible progress in resolving the Bissau-Guinean crisis. Yesterday's decision of the African Union Peace and Security Council to support the efforts of ECOWAS is a case in point. The Secretary-General rightly observes in his report that the continuing efforts of ECOWAS to resolve the crisis are commendable. The Kingdom of the Netherlands would like to clearly point out that it supports and endorses ECOWAS mediation efforts and its imposition of sanctions. We welcome the ECOWAS unified action and believe that the presence of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau is vital to the stability of Guinea-Bissau. ECOWAS has shown before that, when united, it has the ability to act as the region's power broker, for example as it did in The Gambia. Like it did then, the Council should firmly support ECOWAS in taking up this role and responsibility, as it should in the case of any other regional organization in Africa that takes the lead in maintaining peace and security in the region. My third point is that ECOWAS cannot do this alone. We commend the African Union and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries for their collaboration with the European Union and for the support they have brought and the constructive role they play. From the report of the Secretary General, it is evident that UNIOGBIS plays a vital role in Guinea- Bissau. With legislative elections scheduled for 2018 and presidential elections in 2019, the role of UNIOGBIS is more crucial than ever. We therefore call for a renewal of its mandate for no less than one year, in addition to allowing for longer-term planning, including setting more concrete priorities for the mission and making adaptations to meet specific needs. UNIOGBIS's convening power in Bissau remains essential, as will be its role in ensuring peaceful, free and democratic elections in Guinea-Bissau, as well as a smooth post-election process. Renewing the mandate for less than 12 months would send the wrong signal. In conclusion, sustained pressure to implement the Conakry Agreement, the maximum possible support to ECOWAS's ongoing efforts and measures and UNIOGBIS's continued support to the political process will be crucial factors in ending the deadlock in Guinea- Bissau, particularly in the light of the constitutionally mandated elections. Mr. Inchauste Jordán (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): We appreciate the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110) presented by Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS), and the briefing by Ambassador Mauro Vieira of Brazil in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea- Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. There has been no significant progress or visible improvement in the situation in Guinea-Bissau, where the general instability seems almost impervious to S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 16/20 18-04195 change, thereby jeopardizing the full implementation of the Conakry Agreement, which is unquestionably the fundamental framework for a peaceful solution to the crisis and for achieving sustainable and lasting peace there. In our view, the negative effects are likely to exacerbate matters if the parties cannot definitively condemn sectarian interests and contribute effectively to the mediation efforts and good offices of the relevant international, regional and subregional organizations. Bolivia firmly repudiates any action that could destabilize or jeopardize the ongoing dialogue and reconciliation process that has been established with the participation of all the parties concerned. We urge that the agreements be definitively consolidated in line with the inclusive national dialogue, which would enable Government members, the political parties represented in the National Assembly and every sector of civil society to arrive at a consensus and implement the agreements constructively through a legitimate commitment to achieving a lasting political and social solution whose sole aim is benefiting the people of Guinea-Bissau, in strict respect for their sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. We acknowledge the active participation of the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States and its Mission in Guinea- Bissau, the European Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries and UNIOGBIS, through its Special Representative, and their ongoing efforts to achieve a rapprochement between the conflicting parties. We believe that UNIOGBIS's work, focused on initiatives aimed at creating opportunities for dialogue and facilitating cooperation in the security and political sectors with the goal of forming an inclusive Government, must be reinforced. It will be crucial to increase the Office's capacity to use peaceful means to deal with the crisis if it is to have more effective and efficient results. We therefore support the recommendation in the Secretary-General's report that the mission's mandate be renewed for another year. We also commend the work being done by the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, appropriately chaired by Brazil, and we emphasize the importance of strengthening its coordination, information exchange and active collaboration with the Security Council, in accordance with the relevant General Assembly and Security Council resolutions. We continue to encourage the initiative of the Women's Forum for Peace. The efforts of women in Guinea-Bissau to achieve a political solution shows that a gender perspective and female participation in mediation and dialogue at all levels are essential. In conclusion, we would like to reiterate once again that in a time of political, institutional and social crisis, ensuring the welfare of the population and especially its most vulnerable sectors should be the overriding interest guiding Guinea-Bissau on a path to permanent stability. Mr. Zhang Dianbin (China) (spoke in Chinese): China would like to thank Special Representative Touré and Ambassador Vieira, Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for their briefings. The situation in Guinea-Bissau has been generally stable in recent months, but it will still require all the parties to work together to meet each other halfway if they are to resolve the political impasse peacefully and as soon as possible. China hopes that the parties in Guinea-Bissau will consider the country's interests, intensify their dialogue and communication in order to bridge differences quickly, implement the Conakry Agreement as soon as possible, form an inclusive Government and resume nation-building efforts. Meanwhile, the international community should continue to follow the situation in Guinea-Bissau. China will continue to support the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau in exercising its good offices and conducting mediation efforts under Mr. Touré's leadership, with the aim of coordinating international support for Guinea-Bissau, promoting political dialogue and advancing the country's economic and social development. The international community should continue to support regional and subregional organizations such as the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries in their role as mediators, while maintaining respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Guinea-Bissau and supporting the countries of the region in settling African issues through African means. Mr. Polyanskiy (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We thank Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, for his briefing on the evolving political situation in Guinea- Bissau. We take note of the report of the Secretary- 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 17/20 General (S/2018/110) and the briefing by Mr. Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil and Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Russia supports the efforts of the United Nations, the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries to normalize the situation in Guinea-Bissau, which is undergoing a prolonged political, social and economic domestic crisis. We are concerned about the lack of tangible progress in implementing the Conakry Agreement. We want to emphasize how crucial the Agreement is to mitigating the political hostility and reducing Guinea- Bissau's potential for conflict. We urge the country's executive and legislative representatives to focus on forming an inclusive Government, introducing reforms, especially in the security sector and the Constitution, and increasing their joint efforts to prepare for parliamentary and presidential elections. It will be vital to strengthen the constitutional order and the rule of law and resolve the accumulating socioeconomic issues. We are pleased that the country's political forces continue to act with regard for the law and that the military has remained neutral. We have taken note of the ECOWAS communiqué of 4 February on imposing targeted sanctions on 19 members of Guinea-Bissau's political elite. Regarding the possibility of imposing similar measures based on the provisions of Security Council resolution 2048 (2012), we would like to point out that the resolution's main aim was restoring constitutional order, which in practical terms was achieved several years ago now. The result is that the resolution's sanctions measures are very outdated. In our opinion its listing criteria have little to do with Guinea-Bissau's current political situation, and in any case would not be usable against participants in the political process who are acting within the law. We are compelled to conclude that the opinions of the Secretary-General's report on the security sector situation give the impression that things have been left unsaid. It would have been more logical to discuss how the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) is implementing the provisions of its mandate with regard to building Guinea-Bissau's capacity to combat transnational crime and drug trafficking, after describing the actual state of affairs in those areas. In general, given the overall situation in Guinea- Bissau, we are willing to consider the Secretary- General's proposal to extend UNIOGBIS's mandate. However, we believe that the Special Representative should focus not only on helping the people of Guinea-Bissau emerge from their political deadlock and preparing for the parliamentary elections in May but also on effectively addressing the root causes of the problems in Guinea-Bissau, which lie in its Constitution's structural contradictions. If the work of constitutional reform is not completed by the start of the next electoral cycle, the country risks encountering the same problems with the new parliament and President. The President (spoke in Arabic): I shall now make a statement in my capacity as representative of Kuwait. At the outset, I join other Council members in thanking the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his valuable briefing. I would also like to express my appreciation to Ambassador Mauro Vieira for his briefing as the chief of Guinea-Bissau Configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. We commend their efforts to support security, stability and socioeconomic development in Guinea-Bissau. We have been following the recent political developments there and regret the fact that none of the provisions of the Conakry Agreement have been implemented since signing it in October 2016. It is unacceptable that there has so far been no appointment of Prime Minister who enjoys consensus by the relevant two parties, which is critical to implementing other items of the Agreement. The situation in Guinea-Bissau differs from other cases before the Security Council in having no security aspects. Unfortunately, however, the impasse has lasted more than a year, and it is the people of Guinea-Bissau who are suffering the consequences. In that regard, we commend the steps that the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has taken to advance the political process, including measures for the imposition of sanctions on those obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, as well as the decision to extend the mandate of its Mission in Guinea-Bissau until the end of March. We want to emphasize the relevance of the role of such regional organizations in resolving regional issues. The efforts of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 18/20 18-04195 deserve support, since it is dealing with a difficult and complicated political situation. However, we hope that it will be able to make progress during the coming period with respect to conducting legislative elections this year and presidential elections next. The legislative and presidential elections, to be held in 2018 and 2019 respectively, must take place within the specific time frame. We therefore call on the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, along with all stakeholders in Guinea- Bissau, such as the European Union, the African Union, ECOWAS and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, to spare no efforts towards that end. We also call on the Government of Guinea-Bissau to ensure its citizens' full participation in the elections, as well as security and freedom of expression and assembly for all. The cooperation between UNIOGBIS and civil-society organizations in promoting and developing the role of women in Guinea-Bissau is very positive. We hope that UNIOGBIS will make a greater effort to guarantee the full participation of all components of the society, especially women and young people, in the next political process and will continue to promote other aspects of its mandate until the current impasse is resolved. In conclusion, we reiterate the importance of the Conakry Agreement as the basic reference for resolving this political crisis in Guinea-Bissau, and the efforts of ECOWAS and President Alpha Condé of Guinea to advance the political process in order to maintain the security and stability of Guinea-Bissau and the region. We stand ready to cooperate with Côte d'Ivoire in preparing a draft resolution for the extension of the UNIOGBIS mandate, in response to a request by the Secretary-General. We also support the issuance of a Press Statement to clarify the unified position of the Council regarding the situation in Guinea-Bissau. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I give the floor to the representative of Guinea-Bissau. Mr. Delfim da Silva (Guinea-Bissau) (spoke in French): I thank you, Mr. President, for inviting my delegation to the Security Council table and for giving me the floor. I would like to take this opportunity to congratulate your country, Kuwait, on its assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of February. We wish you success in your work. I would like to thank Mr. Modibó Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Guinea- Bissau, for his presentation today of the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110). I would also like to thank Ambassador Mauro Vieira of Brazil once again for his constructive statement on behalf of peacebuilding and constitutional and democratic order in Guinea-Bissau. And I would like to express our gratitude to all the Ambassadors of States members of the Security Council for their attention to my country, Guinea-Bissau. The political crisis in Guinea-Bissau did not begin with the signing of the Conakry Agreement in October 2016, but much earlier. The Conakry Agreement represents a step in the right direction for resolving the crisis by consensus. In the past 15 months, the two main parties — the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) and the Party for Social Renewal (PRS) — have repeatedly and publicly expressed their disagreement on a crucial point of the Agreement, which is having consensus on choosing a candidate for the post of Prime Minister. If a consensus was reached, the agreed candidate would then be appointed by the President of the Republic, in line with the Constitution. The PAIGC states that there was such a consensus in Conakry. The PRS, for its part, affirms that there was not. Fifteen months later, the lack of consensus has prevented the appointment of a Prime Minister, which must be consensus-based. How can the President appoint a consensus Prime Minister without, at the very least, the prior agreement of the two largest political parties? In short, the crisis over the consensus is really what has paralysed the Conakry Agreement and is prolonging the stalemate in the 15-month political crisis in Guinea-Bissau. The question is how to overcome the crisis concerning the consensus. Some believe that the imposition of sanctions will be conducive to it. We are not sure of that. Sanctions are unlikely to defuse a crisis and can even be counterproductive. It is important to bear in mind that while it is easy to adopt sanctions, it is much more difficult to impose a consensus. In any case, continuing to seek a solution to the crisis is clearly the most important thing that we must do. We need a compromise solution, a credible name, a person whose academic, political and professional 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 19/20 background can bring about such a compromise. We need someone who, without being the favourite candidate of the PAIGC or the PRS, has a background that would enable him to bring the parties together and thereby reach a compromise. The recent appointment to the post of Prime Minister of a PAIGC leader, the engineer Artur Silva, a former Minister of four Government departments — Fisheries, Defence, Education and Foreign Affairs — suggests that he is the right person to help bring about such a compromise. Moreover, after his appointment, Silva was re-elected to the higher bodies of the PAIGC, its Central Committee and Political Bureau — at the party's most recent congress, which ended a few days ago, proving that he has earned the political confidence of the party's most important bodies. Prime Minister Silva has already held working meetings in Bissau, which I would say are encouraging, with all the parties to the Conakry Agreement — the Ambassadors of Nigeria, Senegal, China, the Gambia and the representative of the Economic Community of West African States in Guinea-Bissau. Finally, through the appointment of a senior PAIGC leader, justice can be done to the party that won the last legislative elections. But above all, there will be no losers, since the PRS will be guaranteed strong representation in a Government of inclusion. This is not a zero-sum game. Under this principle of compromise, which allows a certain degree of flexibility regarding the principle of consensus, there will undoubtedly be a winner — my country, Guinea-Bissau. In conclusion, I reiterate our thanks to the members and want to assure the Council that Guinea-Bissau will continue to count on their support in these difficult times for the sake of civil peace, political stability and solidarity. The President (spoke in Arabic): I now give the floor to the representative of Togo. Mr. Kpayedo (Togo) (spoke in French): I would first like to thank you, Mr. President, for the opportunity to address the Council once again on the situation in Guinea-Bissau, in my capacity as Coordinator of the Ambassadors of the member countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) that are accredited to the United Nations. I also want to thank the Secretary-General of the United Nations for his report on the situation in Guinea- Bissau (S/2018/110), presented today by Mr. Modibo Touré, his Special Representative, whom we welcome here, along with his team, and whose briefing has provided us with a thorough picture of the situation in that country. Lastly, I would like to thank Mr. Mauro Vieira for his commitment and efforts in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Since it began, the crisis in Guinea-Bissau has continued to be a source of great concern for the Heads of State of West Africa, who are therefore sparing no effort to arrive at a favourable and lasting outcome. This issue has been on the agenda of every recent meeting of our subregional organization's Summit. In my last statement to the Council in August (see S/PV.8031), I discussed the trampling of the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, which led to the possibility of having recourse to the ECOWAS sanctions. Since then, the impasse is still there, despite the proposal for a new road map by President José Mário Vaz at the conclusion of the fifty-second Ordinary Session of Authority of Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS, held in Abuja on 16 and 17 December 2017, and reaffirmed in Addis Ababa at the ECOWAS Extraordinary Session held on 27 January, on the margins of the 30th Ordinary Session of the African Union Assembly. In that regard, the President-in-Office of ECOWAS, Mr. Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé, in consultation with his peers, dispatched a mission of the ministerial sanctions committee to Guinea-Bissau on 31 January and 1 February 2018, led by Mr. Robert Dussey, Togo's Minister for Foreign Affairs, Cooperation and African Integration. Its purpose was to assess the progress made by the parties to the crisis in implementing the Agreement and to report to the ECOWAS Heads of State on the potential consequences if the stalemate persisted. Following that report, the Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS, in view of the fact that no significant progress has been seen in the implementation of the Conakry Agreement despite ongoing mediation and calling on all of Guinea-Bissau's political leaders to show their sense of responsibility and respect for their country's Constitution through a frank and inclusive dialogue, decided to activate the sanctions mechanisms against individuals and organizations that are hindering a settlement of the crisis, with the aim of promoting the restoration of democratic governance and respect for the rule of law in Guinea-Bissau. As a result, 19 political figures have been subject to sanctions since 4 February, in accordance with our S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 20/20 18-04195 decision 01/2018, on individual sanctions designed to promote the restoration of democratic governance and respect for the rule of law in Guinea-Bissau. The list is not exhaustive,and the monitoring committee for the implementation of sanctions — composed of Togo, Guinea and the ECOWAS Commission — therefore reserves the right to revise it as the situation on the ground changes. Here I should point out, as the representative of Côte d'Ivoire noted earlier, that these sanctions were established through ECOWAS's Supplementary Act of 17 February 2012 concerning sanctions regimes against Member States that do not honour their obligations to the Community, and are based on article 45 of the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. They include suspended participation in Community activities, and a travel ban and financial assets freeze for those listed and their families, wherever they may be. The sanctions cannot be effectively implemented without the assistance of the United Nations and other multilateral and regional organizations. In that regard, I would like to take this opportunity to call for multifaceted support to ECOWAS in implementing these measures, which we hope will help to create an atmosphere conducive to the restoration of dialogue among the people of Guinea-Bissau, with a view to resolving this political and institutional impasse, which has lasted too long. In conclusion, I would once again like to invite all the parties to the Guinea-Bissau crisis to show a spirit of compromise, responsibility and openness to a peaceful, negotiated and lasting solution to this dispute, which hampers development efforts in the country and therefore in the entire subregion, which is still dealing with persistent security challenges. The meeting rose at 5 p.m.
Transcript of an oral history interview with Joshua Fontanez, conducted by Sarah Yahm at Killeen, Texas, on 10 April 2015, as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. Joshua Fontanez graduated from Norwich University in 2012; the bulk of his interview focuses on his experiences as a gay student at Norwich University, especially regarding the formation of the university's Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Questioning, and Allies Club. His later work for OutServe-SLDN is also discussed. ; 1 Joshua Fontanez, NU 2012, Oral History Interview January 14, 2015 2015 Kingwood Dr. Killeen, TX 76544 Interviewed by Sarah Yahm SARAH YAHM: Can you tell me where you were born? Where are you from? JOSH FONTANEZ: I was born in Willingboro, New Jersey. I grew up – was raised my entire life in New Jersey. I lived in a small town called Browns Mill, New Jersey in the pine lands, cranberry bogs and blueberry bushes and right outside a huge military base, Fort Dix-McGuire in Lakehurst. SY: Sorry, I need to have you say your full name. If you will, just say who you are. JF: Yes, Joshua Aaron Fontanez. SY: Excellent. So you grew up next to a big military base, so when did you start being interested in the military? JF: Oh, I always wanted to be in the military. I can remember first grade my first grade teacher used to – her husband was in the military, and he used to come in and he'd talk all the time, so I always had that desire to be in the military. What rank or what job I wanted changed but I always had that passion that calling to be in the military in some form or fashion. SY: And you didn't come from a military family? JF: Neither of my parents were in the military. A lot of my aunts and uncles, my grandparents were all in the military. SY: Interesting. I've been asking everybody this question: did you play games as a kid? Did you play imaginary games where you were in the military? JF: We played like soldier and stuff like that. My dad still has pictures of me with tree branches running around outside, or you know not necessarily modern-day military but also like medieval times, sort of. My cousins and my sister and stuff like that or as I got older you got like little toy guns and stuff like that and we used to do war games inside the house clearing rooms and stuff like that, you know, hide and go seek with little toy guns and stuff like that. SY: Interesting. So you always kind of wanted to be in the military, when did you figure out that you were gay? 2 JF: So I look back in history and it's kind of like – Look, the signs were always there, when I look back, I think I first, I want to say, I first was kind of like okay I had a hint of it my freshman year of high school. That was when I started to actually, not just the emotional aspect but going into that part of my life becoming more sexually attracted to men and stuff like that. SY: And, how – were you freaked out about it? It's interesting because in all the interviews I've read with you and about you, you seem super confident, pretty angst free about being gay. So what that the case when you were fourteen? JF: It was not at all. It was even like the mentality – I look back and I want to give my fourteen year old self a big hug, and just tell him that it's going to be okay. It's going to be better. There was a lot of nervousness and even though like my parents are completely supportive of who I am and my lifestyle and stuff like that. I grew up in a Christian home – it did play a huge role in that. So I remember, I want to say it was like the first time I ever kissed a guy. I went outside to mow the lawn, and I was just praying that I would be healed and that I could be normal and stuff like that, almost to the point of tears. But, it was definitely a huge, huge struggle. A lot of loneliness, depression, not really understanding, a lot of denial at the same time, because you know even in high school you get the questions, Why don't you have a girlfriend? Why aren't you hitting on girls? You are going to this ball or this prom or this or that, why aren't you chasing after them or getting dates or anything like that? So— SY: Yeah, so did— were there adults or mentors who supported you? JF: I wasn't even out. I didn't come out until college, so no one really knew, like some people, like I talked to my sister now and she had like a hint later on in high school, but really no one really knew, just kind of like a couple of other gay people like I would meet knew, but usually they were all in the closet too. It was not something we were ever open about, and it was to a huge point in my life until I accepted who I was that the people who were even in high school who were out, both male and female— So you know, I was extremely mad at them and it was like the whole aspect of — I would make fun of them just as much as anyone else would and that's one of the things I look back, and I'm like "Wow, you were horribly wrong for doing that." It was part of my own insecurity of fear of if I can't be who I want to be they shouldn't be who they want to be either. SY: Were you is afraid that they would recognize something in you and out you in some way? JF: In some way, like, even when I talked to some of my friends a lot of them were like, Yeah, we knew. It was very clear and then I would respond, If you knew why didn't you say something and support me tell me and come up and confront me? There was a huge aspect of would they, 3 and it was even a societal thing because even in high school I got involved in student government or JROTC or the different mentoring things they had in high school, I always thought, I can't be that leader and that role model and be gay at the same time. I remember when I came out to my best friend, I told him— I came out to him, I want to say right after I graduated high school so it might have been like our first break back from Norwich. I told him, listen, I don't have this pressure on me to be this role model anymore for the high school, for all these leadership positions, so I want to tell you that I'm gay, and the reason why I never told you is because I never thought I could. Like, I couldn't be gay and be a leader. I couldn't be gay and be a role model at the same time. SY: So most people don't describe going to a military academy as realizing that they can be gay and be a role model, but it seems like that's what happened to you. So, what happened at Norwich that enabled you to come out that first semester? JF: So coming out to my – I only came out to my friends back at home. I didn't even come out. It wasn't until my senior year that I came out to friends at Norwich and that was a whole different fear, that was a huge fear under Don't Ask, Don't Tell, but I started out to my friends back at home just simply because I needed – it got to the point where I needed to tell someone. The pressure was just overwhelming. The additional stress that comes with going to college, being away from family for the first time, financial independency, all the different clubs and activities I was involved in, and to throw into that, ok now your emotional life, and this part of my life I was still, there were still times when I was like, maybe I can convince myself to be straight. Maybe if I just try hard enough that I can just overcome this. It did for a long time, like even, I want to say up until my junior year of college, a lot of depression, mental stuff. You know, because on the weekends, because it was a dry campus — so if we left campus to go drinking and stuff like that, a lot of binge drinking, it was just emotionally destroy me and physically it had a huge aspect on me as well. SY: Were you accessing like the gay community in Vermont? Or were you just pretty closeted? JF: So a little bit, so there was – you have like the gay, for one any community, ironically, I always laugh because it was like you would think a state as liberal as Vermont there would be a huge gay community, and there's a pretty good one that I found out later on definitely as I started getting more active in activism but it's like then you have Northfield. So even like my freshmen year, I didn't have a car in college until the second half of my junior year. Even trying to reach things, you have to go to Burlington, Vermont. Even in Montpelier there is a very, very small, in my opinion, community where you constantly can meet. Then a big aspect of it which we try to put out there is that no one knew. Like no one knew that there was all these different communities out there and organizations you can go to and different activities and conferences. I spend hours and hours and hours researching and sending out hundreds of emails to different 4 colleges and professors up and down the east coast trying to find out information, tons to people in the different colleges in Burlington, trying to get help from them, whether it was UVM or any of those different colleges. It was definitely difficult in that aspect. SY: I wonder if there was a point in your time at Norwich before you came out especially under Don't Ask, Don't Tell when you were like, Hey these two parts of myself are incompatible. Did you doubt being in the military? JF: I never doubted being in the military because like I said, my mentality was always this that I loved the military so much and I love— I'm such a patriot that is how I used to view it and I was so dedicated to serve my country and defend the Constitution and our way of life and I knew that I was willing to be trained and do things that my family couldn't do. I knew they couldn't defend themselves, and I was will to, so if sacrificing my happiness and sacrificing who I was as a person was something that I needed to do to accomplish those goals that was something that I was completely willing to do. To being able to complete my military service, to complete that obligation I feel I had to for my country, my values, my beliefs, I was willing to stay in the closet as long as I needed to be able to accomplish that mission. SY: So when did you decide to come out at Norwich? JF: We actually— I'm trying to remember when I first came out – see the first person I came out to, the very first person I came out to at Norwich was – okay when I say come out, there were a couple of cadets – when you found out who the gay cadets were, you talked or you know gay civilians, but actually openly came out to was, I want to say, was Dr. Newton, and it was, I want to say when it was, it was right after Junior Ring Ceremony of my junior year. In tradition of Junior Ring Ceremony, big party, big condo events, and stuff like that, and so everyone was drinking and at the party I kissed a guy. Just like the rumor mill spills, before I could get to campus the next day, everyone knew. I remember going to the office the following Monday, sitting down with Professor Newton and she saying like, You know Josh a couple of the cadets were talking and a couple of my students were talking and they said that you kissed a guy this weekend. And I was like, You know to be completely honest, Dr. Newton, I think I feel you already know but I do identify myself as a gay man. She said, "I know. I've known for a while." And at this time the repeal, Congress had officially passed it, but it didn't come into effect until the following, the upcoming fall. She said, just be careful there are some – at this time, I was still a very controversial leader on campus, even at this time. SY: Why were you a controversial figure on campus? JF: My junior year I was elected the student government president, and by this time I have accepted that I was gay. I knew I was gay, and I knew I wanted to start a club on campus. By 5 this time, we knew we had to wait. Everyone saw the writing on the wall. Sitting in ROTC classes, the instructors would talk about the repeal and the possibility of repeal and what we thought about it. SY: How would they talk about it? Would they talk about it in positive terms or negative terms? JF: They would pretty much just ask – They would just use the Socratic Method. They would just come in and be like, Hey, Congress is talking about repealing Don't Ask, Don't Tell. SY: And what would your classmates or rookmates— what type of things would they say and did that have you frightened? JF: Most of them would say, I really don't care, that's what would shock me the most. A lot of them say, Hey, I really don't care as long as they do their job. But, they would then go and make jokes, gay jokes, and they would still put down people if they thought they were gay and it was still viewed as a negative thing. SY: How much were slurs like faggot thrown around? How much were there gay jokes? Was the culture hostile in that way? JF: It was. Even to the point of my senior year, it was still a societal thing and in a lot of aspects it still is. Perfect example, my second semester, I got moved into a new room my freshmen year and Cadet [Ringcone? 0:18:28], now Lieutenant [Ringcone? 0:18:29] in the Army, he's an Apache pilot, probably my best friend. I was the best man at his wedding. But, his freshman year we got into a big discussion, and he swore that being gay was a psychological disorder and it could be fixed. And, he is now probably one of my biggest supporters after I came out. Even when the club came up, he was at every meeting, when we did Pride Week he was there cooking. When I got threats and different letters slid under my door and stuff like that, he would chase people down the alleyway trying to catch them after they did it, or he would walk with me around campus because certain staff members were afraid I would get jumped and stuff like that. One of my greatest supporters and still one of my closest friends, just seeing that change – Some of my other close friends, they would see how using words like "That's so gay" even something that is so easy and is used by society so much they would catch themselves and look at me and say, "Hey, I'm sorry. I didn't mean that." Or they would stop people and correct them, like an underclassman would come around and be like, Hey, stop being so gay, or they would use different slur words and they would stop them and be like, Are you serious? Well, what wrong with being gay? You'd see how much someone's attitude would completely change when they actually get confronted by someone. They did that. 6 SY: Just wondering, it sounds like when you were around people corrected their language and stuff, but I wonder how much it was a real part of them. What do you think? JF: I would say, if I was a betting man, I would say it probably it would still be a big part of the culture, because it takes someone who is consciously there holding people to standards. One of our biggest examples when we would have discussions, you wouldn't do it with race or with gender, but at the same time, someone can't hide their gender and they can't hide their race but if you make fun of someone so much and make the environment hostile enough you can force someone not to admit that they were gay. That was a big thing, even with the repeal people would be like, I have no problem with you being gay and being in the military, but just don't be gay around me. And we had this one student, he – long, long post – Pride Week was very controversial, and this guy who was a very popular guy in the Corps of Cadets came out as being gay, and put on Facebook that he didn't need a Pride Week to come out, and he pretty much said that, Me being gay makes my friends extremely uncomfortable and because it makes them uncomfortable that I have enough respect for them not to be gay around them. So pretty much it was the mentality – in my opinion it was like good that you came out but at the same time look at what you just openly admitted is. Who you are, who you can't change, the people you love, you're not even willing to show that emotion around people who claim to be your best friends because it makes them feel uncomfortable. That's what a lot of people would do, they would be – the aspect because all the conversations I used to have with newspapers and stuff like that, the university would make it very clear that they've never had a policy that would restrict students from being gay. They would never kick them out for being gay, but you look at our civilian population who is never restricted by Don't Ask, Don't Tell like our Corps of Cadet students were through their ROTC scholarships and stuff like that, but they still fully admitted, I'm scared to walk around campus holding my boyfriend or my girlfriend's hand. I'm afraid to bring them to the Junior Ring Ball. I'm afraid to show them affection and caring in an open environment because I don't know how people would react. I don't know how that would – so, in that aspect its different than being able to – you're never able to – used to say the term is, you know, you can serve freely not get kicked out but you can't serve openly. You can't be who you are. You couldn't, you know, because a lot of people would get a lot of looks or sayings and I mean, they were, they were pushed back into the, not into the closet, but people would know they were gay but they wouldn't ever bring their significant other around. We had our senior year, our regimental XO came out as being gay, and I knew he was gay since my freshman year. When he finally got the courage to come out, he came out in more anger because he didn't think— he though a lot of the attention on the gay community put a spotlight on it but even after he came out as gay, he was still afraid to bring the guy that he was dating to the Junior Ring Ball. So he didn't even show up to the event. It was that aspect of, Yeah, like okay, we know you are gay, the [real? 0:12:42] is done, but you just can't be gay around me. 7 SY: How did you know he was gay? Did he come out to you? Or was it a sort of sub-culture where people who were closeted on campus but out to each other? JF: Yes, so there were, so it was always that difficult thing, mentality of how to find out who was gay. You had a lot of different avenues. Clearly, we didn't have meetings or anything like that like we did when we had the club, but usually there were two different ways. There was an online dating site. You would go on there and you would see different people. SY: Online dating like Grindr or something and Norwich? JF: No, no, no, it was called, what was the name of it, this was old school, Manhunt. SY: Oh, Manhunt. JF: Yep, and I remember – I know what Grindr is, I didn't hear about Grindr, ironically it was my straight friend who told me about Grindr, but not until my senior year. Manhunt was like the big, back then, the big dating site. I remember being on one night, and I saw him on there, and we talked and stuff like that. Ironically, he lived three doors down from me. We lived on the same floor. So we would talk and stuff like that. So that was one way, but that wasn't a huge way, because unless you knew about the website, no one would go on it. The other event was, and yet again, unless you knew about it, you didn't go either, but it was – So Vermont doesn't have a gay club. Vermont has a gay night. So in Burlington, the club Higher Ground has what's called First Friday. So the first Friday of the month, the club is a gay club. People travel hours from all over Vermont to come there because it's really the only outlet, that one day a month. So you would go there and you would actually see different cadets there and stuff like that. SY: Can you talk about that a little more? Do you remember your first time going to Higher Ground, going to your first First Friday? How did you get there? Did you hitch a ride? Were you scared? JF: My very first time was— When was it? It wasn't until my junior year that I actually went to the club. I'd heard about it, but I really didn't know about it, and I went with a civilian who was – it was her and her girlfriend. I went as support. Because even all the equality stuff we did up to my junior year, I always did as an ally. No one else has the courage to stand up and do it that would be my line. So, I will be the one that takes the brunt force and stand up and help the people who have no voice. SY: Oh, I see, so when you were a controversial student council figure because you were doing equality work but you were doing it as a straight ally. 8 JF: Yeah, roger, one of the first things we passed, as student government president was, I passed an executive order that declared that the student government represented everyone equally and it was one of the first – My research, I hadn't been able to find any other documents, I mean, I'm sure there's a couple, but it listed based up on sexual orientation, gender identity, and of course it went through the standard stuff like, sex, age, student lifestyle whether they are civilian or Corps. We ended purposely with sexual orientation and gender identity, and that was like a huge thing. Strategically, we did that on purpose because we literally spent all of our junior year building up this controversy of having people start talking about it, breaking the ice, so that when we created the club, it wasn't such a – even though it was a huge shock, it wasn't as big of a shock. We went to Higher Ground, met a couple of cadets, saw a couple. It was really awkward because you walk in and you kind of like ignore each other. It's kind of like, Oh, I didn't just see this person here. We would do that, but we went a lot more often my senior year. We actually, as a club we would go up, and that would be like a club outing. We would also be networking because we would work a lot with the different universities would meet us up there and all the other kind of stuff. It was interesting, you'd find out, I actually met – so ironically, I know you mentioned how it worked with my military service. At the time, without mentioning names or rank, I remember being on Manhunt one night, and I saw an Army ROTC instructor on it, who was stationed at Norwich and worked there. It was kind of like the same thing. I didn't message him, he didn't message me. It was kind of just like, okay, log off real quick. I remember, at this time I was a work study at the Admissions Office. I used to work at the front desk as a, I want to say receptionist, but I guess, I don't know what the masculine term for that is, but I was there answering the phone and stuff and greeting people when they came in. He came in and he said, "Fontanez, can you help me carry some stuff back?" And, I was like, "No problem, sir," and I carried it back. He sat down and he asked me if I ever heard of this site Manhunt. By this time, I am terrified, my heart is beating, I'm thinking, I'm going to lose my scholarship, and I couldn't pay for Norwich without my Army scholarship. There was no way. And I was like, Sir, I don't think you can ask me that question, and I don't think I can answer that questions. Pretty much citing Don't Ask, Don't Tell, and he was like, Okay, that answers my question. He told me, "I just want to let you know that I saw you on the app and clearly I'm gay too." He was like, "Do you plan on having a family one day? Do you want to fall in love and stuff like that?" And I was like, Yeah, I do. He was like, "Okay, you need to not make the military your life then." He was like, because – In my mind when I look back, I think when he said that, he never envisioned the end of Don't Ask, Don't Tell, because he had served under it for so long, but he was actually getting out of the Army, so he could be with his significant other and moving away from Vermont. But that was his tip to me, Listen, if you actually want to be happy in life, you want to have a family, you want to have a significant other that you care about and can care about you and you can live your life openly, do your initial service and get out because you can't do it while you are in. 9 SY: How did you feel after that conversation? JF: I don't think what he told me really sunk in as much as I was scared out of my mind that he knew. Even going through my senior year, thinking about it, the mentality always shocked me how some people just can't envision it any better. Great guy, but he couldn't see it getting any better. He just saw the worst, and I see a bad situation I want to make it better, doesn't mean – I'm an extremely controversial person at nature. I have no problem, I don't care who you are or what your position is, if you are not doing something right or if I feel like I am being wronged then I'm going to say it. I will try to be political about it, I will be respectful but like, you can threaten me, you can do whatever, it really doesn't matter. I mean, I remember sitting in the office of the Commandant of Cadets and yelling at the top – We were pretty much yelling at each other and another commandant had to come in and pull him out, but I knew I was right and he knew I was right. He just wasn't willing to admit to me that he knew I was right. SY: What were you yelling about? JF: It was about Pride Week. He didn't agree that we should have a Pride Week. He didn't think that Don't Ask, Don't Tell was a big issue. He thought that everyone was fine with it, that society had changed. He quoted that he just got back from a deployment with the National Guard. He was like, We didn't have any issues with people who were gay on the deployment. We actually joked about them being gay and stuff like that. Did you just hear what you said? You just openly admitted that you were making fun of one of your soldiers on a deployment because of who they were. Just because you can joke with them, and maybe they laugh back with you, doesn't make it okay. We just got into the huge aspect of the culture of fear. I mean it was. The aspect of – It all came about because what we did to fund Pride Week we would go to each department, so we would go to Math and ask, Hey, can you sponsor an event? Like we had in seven days, we had over fourteen events. I want to say we had fifteen or sixteen events. Unprecedented. Some colleges like UVM and Saint Michael's and all the other colleges, they'd never even had anything like that before or to the level that we were having stuff. We had speakers coming in from all over the place, we had the Governor of Vermont come to an event. So we were just trying to get like, Hey, can you sponsor this event? We had a veteran who came in and he talked about how he was in the Navy under Don't Ask, Don't Tell, CID [criminal investigation division] would show up to the gay clubs and literally hunt them down, and he remembered like being in a club and someone coming in warning him and him having to run out the back door. So we got Veteran's Affairs to sponsor that event. We just had all these different things to sponsor, and we were trying to get the Corps of Cadets to sponsor an event. The commandant had a very religious and moral objection to it, not only the club but the lifestyle, so he wasn't willing to sponsor it. I said, "No problem, but at the beginning of every event, we are 10 going to list by name the organizations which support us, and it is going to be very evident that the Corps of Cadets did not. And, he was so upset about that. SY: He wanted it both ways, huh? JF: So he was like, You can't put us in the spotlight like that, and I was like, Listen, it's no problem, you can have your morals and beliefs but you need to be willing to publically stand by it. I was like, We will, yet again this is my real controversial part, I am going to put out a press release to everyone from CNN to NPR to – and I just listed all these different news agencies and they will know that you didn't stand with us. Then it escalated, because it was the mentality like, You are a child, we are the adults and you need to listen to us, and my aspect was like, I am a twenty-two, twenty-three year old tax paying citizen, don't call me a child. It would go on and on from there. SY: Let's step back for a second, and I wanted to ask you about the day you found out that Don't Ask, Don't Tell had been repealed, how you felt, and you had a meeting that day, didn't you? December 20th? JF: Yeah, so what we did was, well, so Congress passed it, as soon as Congress found out, they lost the majority in the House. They took a vote in December of 20 – so they took a vote on December, if I remember my history right, 2010, because they knew when January come around, they would lose the majority in the House. So this was literally the last time they could do it. So I remember, I remember joy, but at the same time, fear, because it was, like, now I have no excuse. Like, every excuse now has been removed from me actually being who I was. So at this point it came – like, the writing was on the wall. It was, like, listen, we have so much time to actually laying the foundation, if we want to get this club put out. And by this time we start networking, we start calling people. We actually started drafting executive orders to try to lay on the foundation, because, you know, the club just didn't pop up one day. It was pretty much two years in the working of just getting different clauses put into the student government bylaws, which would allow us to do stuff a year down the road that led to the club being successful and stuff like that. So after we knew the club was going to be founded, Don't Ask Don't Tell, the legislation passed 2010, they said they were going to give a year so the military knew how to respond to it. That spring of 2011, the – so this plays an important role, because I was going up for the regimental commander, I put my name in. And I was one of the top three who was almost going to be regimental commander. And I told myself if I got regimental commander, I could never focus on this fight. I couldn't do both at the same time. So after I wasn't chosen for regimental commander, I took that as a sign, like, listen, okay, this needs to be your role and your passion for the next year. So I remember sitting down that very 11 afternoon, because I was student government president with President Schneider, and I said, "Hey sir, I want you to know, I want to ask you, what is your – within six months the appeal's going to be up. What do we plan to do as a university?" And his answer to me was, "Well, we're going to wait to see what guidance the Department of Defense puts out." And I told him, "Sir, I think we're missing a huge opportunity. We've always been the first. We have ROTCs here, we don't have to wait for the Department of Defense." I was, like, "There are students here," you know, without coming out to him, I was, like, "You know, there are students here who are hurting. You know, they're suffering." And he said, "Okay." So then we went in the – we had the re-election for student government, and I didn't win, so at the inauguration of the incoming president, my last act as student government president was to pass an executive order which created the club. So the student bylaws for the student government allows a student government president to recognize a club up to 14 days; they have 14 days before the student body government, like, the Senate, had to pass that club. So there were only 10 days left in the school year. So we announced it that day so that the club would officially exist with full authority of the university throughout the entire summer, so we could strategically plan and set up. We had the full weight of going and saying we're a university club. So we announced it then, which of course you can imagine being shocked, like, sitting in – we used to do the inaugurations on the top floor of the Wise Campus Center, so everyone being, like, you know, holding their breath. But then we used the summer to start working with different news agencies and they did different articles about, you know, the first gay club at a military college. We used that time to do a lot of different strategical stuff when it came to planning conferences, and, you know, how are we going to do the club fair, and stuff like that? What type of videos are we going to do? And we came back, and by that time – we also used that time to, like, lobby our Senators, because, you know, by this time, though they weren't out, there were different elected officials in the student government who were gay, so we knew who they were. And you know, we went up to then, we're, like, listen, this is time for you to actually stand in defense of who you were. So we lobbied them and we utilized them to lobby their other friends. And by the time we came back, we had a unanimous vote, not one objection. And then like you said, we met on the same day the appeal ended, we met in the Kreitzberg Library. I was told Dean Mathis was really, really skeptical; she was more scared and more concerned for us than anything. She's, like, "Listen, Josh, if you can get five people there, it'll be a success." We had over 25 individuals there; top officials from the university, civilians, Corps of Cadets, straight, gay, bisexual. And it was just a good time. And people started talking; I mean, I remember one civilian stood up, and she's, like, "I've been at this university four years and I literally thought I was the only person here like me. To walk into this room and know that for four years, I actually wasn't alone; that I had people who were just like me. I had a family here." And she just broke down in tears. And 12 that meeting that day was probably one of the most memorable things in her life, you know? There was such a movement for her. And it just relieved so much weight off of her. And it was just a stepping stone. That meeting was really the stepping stone because we did it in a pu– and we did. We strategically chose the location. We wanted it to be in a library, you know, demonstrating knowledge. We made sure none of the blinds were closed. We wanted to make sure everyone knew what we were doing. We had a booth at the club fair, so everyone knew when the meeting was. Everyone was welcome. We had a newspaper reporter there, she did a news article on it. So yeah, I mean, it was definitely well thought-out, but it was just a starting point, because that was at the beginning of the year. And like I said, just that year went through the roof. So it was definitely a great starting point. SY: And yeah, I guess I want to talk about Pride Week, and I want to also talk about the response to – what was the response to that first meeting? JF: So the first meeting wasn't bad. It was kind of, like, real neutral. Because our aspect was, we initially started the club of – so a lot of people had different opinions. So a lot of people said, like, I want to be part of a club. But I'm not ready to be out. So they wanted the club to be held in, like, you know, a secret room where only you would be invited if your friend knew you were gay, or something like that. SY: Okay, great. JF: So no one would know. And then we had the aspect which I sided with, which we just asked if we struggled a lot with was, hey, this is our first year of the club, it's very controversial, we have to be public. SY: Right. JF: So it was, like, the aspect of, we still made sure we took precautions to make sure people who weren't out still had an avenue to come and talk with us. You know, we did some things behind the scene. But we moved our club meetings to the Wise Campus Center, that open – it was literally a full wall of glass. And we did it purposely during chow hour. So everyone had to walk by and had to see the club happening. You had to see people getting education on – you know, anti-bullying, anti-harassment, safe sex, the different political movements. How to get involved. You know, we had speakers from different places come in and talk to us and stuff like that. But no one could deny it; no one could say, "I didn't know." No one could say, "Why didn't you tell me?" Or, you know, "If I just knew." SY: Right. 13 JF: So the responses were mixed, because some people were, like, "Well, you're throwing it in my face." You know, I remember we had a staff sergeant in the Marine Corps who was a student there, he was a MECEP [Marine Corps Enlisted Commissioning Education Program]. And he said at a meeting once, he said, you know, "I have no problem that you're gay. You just need – the fact that pretty much that I have to see that you're gay, that you throw it in my face, that you make it public." SY: (inaudible) [00:09:08]. Because it seems like there are a lot of people who said that about Pride Week. They were, like, "Well, there's nothing wrong with being gay, but why do they have – why does it have to be a whole week? Why do they throw it in my face?" So what's your response to that statement? JF: I guess the best statement is, so we had a Pride Week, so that's one week out of the year. But we look at all these other weeks that are based around the heterosexual culture. We have Junior Ring Ceremony where you and your date walk under the sword arc, or you have Regimental Ball where you do pretty much the same thing. You dance, and you do this. We have the Winter Carnival, and all these different Valentine's Day, and just event after event after event. And Pride Week wasn't – the majority of Pride Week wasn't even about just for individuals who identified themselves as being homosexual. A lot of the knowledge behind it was, they were extremely controversial topics no one wanted to talk about. So we have this university full of 18-year-olds, depending on how long you're taking to graduate, 26, 27-year-olds, but who are extremely uncomfortable to talk about safe sex. So we had multiple seminars about safe sex, you know? What it means to actually be responsible and use a condom, and the different apparatuses out there for safe sex, including abstinency, so abstinence. So we covered every base. We had classes out there about bullying, which is not just an issue that happens – it wasn't even focused on a heterosexual versus homosexual kind of thing. It was just bullying in general. One of the events was an arts and craft event, which, ironically, was the most attended event. Because oh, I can get free stuff? I can get free food? OK, I'm going to show up. We had a movie about religion accepting all cultures, not just homosexuality, but different religions and different walks of life in a wide spectrum. We had the prom. We had a dance. So, I mean, it was just a wide, wide spectrum of events. Now, we purposely did say it was going to be a Pride – because there were, on the other end of that spectrum, there were different things that dealt directly with the homosexual community. I mean, we definitely were depending on some of the speakers we brought in, such as our veteran speaker, when he spoke about his fear living under Don't Ask, Don't Tell, and how his life had changed and stuff like that. But it was that aspect of, one, no one had to attend any of the events. 14 None of these events were mandatory at all. It wasn't any Corps of Cadets, you know, we have to do an afternoon training event where we march the entire Corps of Cadets down and they have to sit down and they have to listen about how difficult their life is going to be now that they have to treat everyone equally and with some dignity, no matter who they love. You know, they weren't giving up their Saturday afternoon to march down to the football field to sit and watch a drag show, or something like that. There were options. And I think more importantly, at least to me that spoke was, you know, the university – and I'm sure it will always maintain this line – that it never did anything to prevent an individual from being gay, but they never took steps and they never gave options for individuals who were gay. There were no options. And that's what we gave during Pride Week, was a unified effort to show that there were so many options. But at the same time, no matter if you were gay or straight, there are a lot of things that affect us all, like, bullying, alcoholism, depression, safe sex. Those go across it. So a lot of individuals just took it back and were like, OK, I don't need to go to these events, because I'm not gay. And some people didn't even show up who wanted to show up because they were so afraid. You know, the university had meetings after meetings about what happens if protestors show up? What happens if there's violence? What happens if someone gets jumped? You know, anything like this. But – SY: Did the university make any effort to keep people safe who were coming out? JF: I mean, they did. I got a lot of threats. Both my junior and senior year, I had a camera outside my door, my dorm room door, because I'd get threats. People would slide letters under my door or send me emails or Facebook messages, or cut things, you know, because we used to have our schedules, our door cards, and they'd cut it up, or they would throw trash at my door and stuff like that. Or, like, throw the entire – SY: How did you make sense of that, and how did that make you feel about Norwich? JF: It made me feel like I was doing something right. I mean, if people don't act out – I mean, there's always resistance. You look throughout history, I mean, there's always going to be resistance to change, right? If I was doing something right – if I wasn't doing something right, I'd probably be the most popular kid on campus. If I just went with the flow, you know, I disputed the lines of traditions, and this is how the old Corps was, and this and that, I'd probably be the most popular person in the world. Anytime anyone ever did something like that, it just motivated me. I knew I was doing something right. SY: And how did you feel, you know, how this fit into the idea of the citizen soldier? How did you feel like you fit into their idea? 15 JF: I mean, it's the aspect of, you know, what is citizenship? Unfortunately, I think a lot of the Corps of Cadets focus on the soldier aspect more than they focus on the citizenship aspect. And it makes me funny, because it's, like, okay, yeah, we're soldiers. But then sometimes it's like we're soldiers until it comes to discipline and, say, physical fitness. Because, like, you know, people talk about, like, you know, there's the alcohol policy on campus. So yeah, I'm a soldier, but then when it comes to following the rules, it's, like, well, I'm a college student, you know, don't get too crazy with that soldier stuff. And then it's, like, you know, well, physical fitness, which is one of the pillars for the university. And it's, like, well, at the same time, I'm a college student. Like, this is the time I'm supposed to live and stuff like that. Well, to be a soldier, you need to be physically fit. So we focused a lot on the soldier part, like, wearing the uniform, training the freshmen, you know, the rank structure, the saluting and whatnot, which are great; great disciplines, great lessons for life, no matter if you go military or civilian, it's a great foundation. And a lot of aspects, we do forget about the citizenship aspect, in my opinion, and we don't focus on it a lot. And I think that is the constant struggle between the academic professionals at the college and the Corps of Cadets in the Commandant's office at the university. Because I think one of the things that really made me the person I am is my education, is having professors, like Professor Miana and Professor, you know, Dr. Newton, who taught me so much in life. And definitely Dr. Newton, when it came to just politics in general, and being who you are, and the ability to articulate what you mean in an effective way, but at the same time being strategic. And there's always butting the heads, and I think they really do butt heads a lot, because you have, you know, well, what's more important? Sergeant's time training or actually doing your academic work? What's more important? You know, that parade we do on Friday, or making sure that our students go to an extra study hall session? And there's that constant thing. But at the same time, I mean, even citizenship on the aspect of – you know, I used to tell when I was battalion sergeant major, I used to tell my NCOs, I would, like, listen, got it. You have sergeant's time training. Now, what's going to do your cadet more – prepare them better for life? Are you going to sit there and have them remember all these dates in the Rook Book and in two years, they're not going to remember a single thing, because upper classmen aren't required to remember that? Or is it more important to understand, like, you know, at least 30 of your cadets are going to raise their hand and promise to uphold and protect the Constitution of the United States. Have they ever even read the Constitution? Other than the first amendments in our Bill of Rights, and most of them probably couldn't even tell you all of them, you know, could they even tell me what the Constitution had in it? What does Article 1 cover? What does Article 2 cover? You know, which one's more important? There was always the mentality, well, this is 16 how we did it when I was a freshman. This is how my father used to do it when he was here as a cadet. And we really do, we do miss the citizenship – and through that whole struggle of founding the club and Pride Week, and all the fallout and stuff like that, and the strategic planning over years, you know, I used to sit down with Dean Mathis, and I would sit down with her at least three to four times a week, if not daily, depending on the week. And I used to sit down with her, and my line to her would be, it's, like, "Dean," you know, "I sit back and I really do wonder, you know, if Captain Alden Partridge was here today, would he be proud of what he saw?" SY: What do you think he would say? And what do you think he would be and what do you think he wouldn't? JF: I think on the aspects of us as a university, I think we have some great values. I think we have some great foundations. I think we've put out some great leaders. I think that's what he would be proud of. I think he would be proud of the tradition, and the university still being there. You know, the university does have a very high academic standard, and it does. Every time Dr. Kelly would sit down with us and he said, there's no reason why our retention rate, academically, shouldn't be higher, and that's what we need to strive for. And the Corps of Cadets, even from my freshman year to my senior year, the focus on academics was improved greatly. And they do, they put out some great, great leaders throughout the world. But I think it would be – he would be ashamed on – for an individual who fought so hard to have women go to college, you know, you look at the archives, or you hear President Schneider talk about the archives, and how hard he tried to get women to come to college, to see professionals in that college discriminate against individuals for whatever reason. Or for the mentality of – you know, our college was founded on the mentality that he left West Point because he didn't like that, the mentality, the leaders could only come from that one avenue, that we weren't putting out civilian leaders simultaneously. To see such closed-mindedness. And that's what I used to tell them. I'm, like, listen, our college is great, because we are the first. The first Corps of Cadets to have women, the first Corps of Cadets to allow African American. These were extremely controversial things in the time. So why wouldn't' we want to be the first to have an open LGBT organization on college? You know, that is where I feel he would kind of shake his head, and say hey, what's happened? You know? And trying not to get so political, but a huge feedback we got was, do all the AARs [after action reports], because you can imagine Pride Week went up to the board of directors and back down, everyone did an AAR. And a lot of it had to do about the alumni and the funding, and the threats that came from funding from alumni. 17 SY: I'm glad you said that because it looks like nationally, Norwich's Pride Week got a ton of incredibly positive attention in the press. JF: Yes. SY: And within Norwich and some of the alumni it was, pardon my language, a shit storm. So what happened after the club fallout? JF: Well, here's what – I mean, simultaneously, like, even when Pride Week was happening, I used to get Facebook messages from alumni all the time. And they'd be, like, "Hey, you're destroying the university," you know, "You need to put a stop to this right now," and all this other kind of stuff. But the ball was rolling. So Pride Week wasn't just like a random event, right? We didn't just randomly say, OK, this week we're doing it. Like, over in January, we got approval from President Schneider to hold the event, like we had a full outline, we went to General Kelly, we went to President Schneider, we had a full event. They approved it all. Got funding. Now, our shield, on the strategic aspect was, we got two sitting Congressman, a sitting Senator and the Governor of the State to all support us. So President Schneider couldn't back out of it by this time. And then we got CNN, MSNBC, NPR and stuff like that to also do articles on it. So it was happening. And we purposely did it that way, and strategically did it that way, that no matter what type of pressure we got, it was going to happen. But they didn't tell the alumni. And that's something they personally take blame for; we didn't tell the alumni. But I remember sitting down – I'm trying to remember his name, unless it's Dave Whaley? Dave – no. I'm trying to remember who's the Head of Alumni Relations. But I remember – I can't remember his name now. But I remember him saying – I want to say this was right at the end of Pride Week when we were doing all the AARs, and then we knew it was just – I mean, the president had to go and put out a video because people were threatening not to come to Alumni Weekend; people were threatening not to donate, and it was crazy. But he – I remember the Head of the Alumni Relations said, "It's not the fact that you had the event, or that it was a gay event. It's the fact that you did it too soon." And pretty much what he was telling us was, "We're not telling you not to be gay. But the alumni aren't ready for you to be gay and the alumni aren't ready for a club like this. And because the alumni aren't ready, you shouldn't do this event." And he gave me a metaphor about a highway, like yeah, "We all have to travel on the same highway, and you guys just came out of the exit without thinking about the consequences, so quickly. And you cut off the vehicle in front of you and it caused this huge wreck." And my response to him was, "Well, sir, I remember a couple of years ago we had the second in the hundred-something year our university has existed, second female cadet Colonel. And that individual got a lot of hassle as well." And I 18 was like, "The alumni were not ready for that." I was like, "The alumni – she got so much harassment, I remember her very first meeting as a cadet Colonel, she said, 'I only think I got this position because I am a woman.' And the room went quiet. And I stood there in shock, I don't believe she just said this." So I told him, I was like, "I will not allow you sit here and put these people back in the closet because the alumni aren't ready for them. This is their life." Yet again, this is on the top floor, right outside the president's office, top floor, and I said, "I will not allow you to do that. They have their lives." I was like, "You cannot tell a 19-year-old to go back in because someone he's never met before isn't comfortable that he's gay at a university they attended 20, 30 years ago." I was like, "That is completely inappropriate." And yet again, I was like, "We are not living up to our values." You know, and we used to sit there when we did events and stuff like that, we'd list the different values of the university. We'd list down, this event is covering this value, you know? To not just act, but also to think, and things like that. But yeah, I mean it was – SY: It was really pretty brilliant. JF: So yeah, I mean, it took a while. I mean, I always used to tell Dean Mathis I find it funny that Norwich gave me the education to eventually cause them all this problem, all these problems. SY: Yes, that's right. JF: Because a lot of it did come from the academics that I learned from Norwich. I mean, at the least, they can at least know they were very successful in educating their student body. And knowledge is power, which yet again, they should be very proud of. But yeah, but I mean, so another result of it was, yet again, they waited until I graduated, because they knew if I was still there it wouldn't happen. But they literally waited until after I graduated, and President Schneider announced that the following year they wouldn't be holding a Pride event, that he felt – pretty much he said it caused too much hassle, like no club should have so much attention on them because it's not fair to the other clubs. Though, you know, yet again if I was still at the university, it would have been – I gave the students who were still there some tips and came back for Alumni Weekend and had some very nice conversations. But they waited until I was out the door to make that announcement, and they did that purposely. SY: And there hasn't been a Pride Week since? JF: There hasn't, no. The club still meets, they'll actually be meeting today – today's Thurs– no. No, they actually do have a – I'm trying to remember if I just saw the Facebook – they're meeting Thursday. So they still meet on Thursday. 19 SY: I'm going to interview Meche when we actually can line up our schedules. But he told me it seems like there's – he's really upset that the club's losing momentum. JF: Yeah, it is. I mean, so for a club like this, it takes a really, really, really strong – it takes a strong leader, because you have to be willing to be controv– as much as I hate to say it, you have to be willing to be controversial. You have to be willing to stretch the limits. You have to be willing to say, hey, this isn't right. And yet again, some people, they really do get tied up on rank, right? Like, okay, the cadet – the Commandant is a Colonel in the Vermont State Militia, I can never question that authority. I respect the authority, I'm not going to be disrespectful. But at a certain point, there's a lot of different avenues where I can question it if it's not being conducive to my life or to my education. SY: That's where I think the whole civilian soldier thing is interesting, because it seems like one side of Norwich teaches you to follow orders. And another side of Norwich teaches you critical thinking. And those two sometimes collide, right? JF: Oh, they do, yes. Very much so. SY: Yes. And so I guess in your time since Norwich, how do you think this, what you learned in Norwich, which, in some ways, is how to push to sort of improve and change a military system? How has it served you since you've left? JF: It served me pretty well, I mean, as soon as I graduated, I got some good news. We got invited to the White House. So we were able to go to the White House for a social there. I mean, it was – I thought it was kind of, like, I was like, I thought it was kind of a hoax, because I started getting some hate mail sent to my home address and then I got a letter, big card stock, saying, you know, from the White House. I'm like okay, this is kind of random. And yeah, it was an invite, like you know, we're having the first national LGBT Social at the White House, we would like you and a guest to attend. I'm like, no! And then I got an email, you know, from the head, like yeah, we need all this information because Secret Service has to do a background check on you. And I was like, okay, I was like, great! I was like – so I contacted a really good friend of mine, Sue [Follen?], she's a former Captain, she's a West Point grad, she's really involved at West Point. I was like, "Hey Sue, I'm going to the White House. Can I wear my uniform?" And she says, "Yes." She's like, "Because you know, if it's at the White House, it's not a political event, so you can still wear your uniform." We had JAG look into it, that was great. Perfect. So you know, brand new Second Lieutenant, and I got my dress blues on, I invited Rob Morris who's a Navy pilot now, straight ally, one of our best. He was actually our Coordinator of Allies for the club. I said, "Come on, man, you definitely deserve this." He 20 came, great. We met people from – there was a bunch of military people there we met. We got to witness the first same-sex engagement proposal at the White House. SY: That's neat. JF: Yeah. We got tons of pictures, like, we went in the China Room, we went in the First Lady's room, the Lincoln Room, the Green Room, just taking pictures, all that kind of stuff. And President Obama came out and gave a speech. Came up, you know, we were in uniforms, so he came and shook our hands, he thanked us for our service. But, I mean, we just met people, I mean, we met authors for NCIS from California, to lobbyists, the director of the – I don't know his official title, but he's, like, the advisor to the president when it comes to the AIDS epidemic, both in the United States and worldwide. So we got to meet with him and talked with him, and just made great connections. So that was a great experience. But from there there's a national organization called OutServe-SLDN [OutServe-Servicemember Legal Defense Network], so it's an international organization that represents LGBT soldiers and veterans. So we have – there's organizations and there's clubs, chapters. Anywhere there's a military base. So every state has a chapter. We have chapters in Korea, Japan, Germany, Italy, England, anywhere where there's a military presence, there's a chapter. So I met with them and I started getting involved with them. And then just about a year ago, I got invited to serve on the board of directors. So at 24 years old, I sit on the board of directors of an international nonprofit organization. We work with the White House, with Congress, the Pentagon, State legislatures, of course other nonprofits, like HRC and stuff like that. So I get invited to different events all the time, depending on my travel and stuff like that, I get to make some of them. But we get invited to the Pentagon from time to time. But now we're actually working on – because even with the repeal in place, there is no discrimination law protecting LGBT soldiers. So you can serve openly, but you can still legally be discriminated against, and nothing can happen to the person who's discriminating against you. So we're actually, as an organization, we're working with Congress and different DOD individuals to actually get in the EO policy LGBT. So one of the things that just happened was in July, I want to say, if I'm remembering my data properly, Secretary Hagel signed – added LGBT into the Military Human Rights Charter, which is the first step to getting the LGBT, or LGB since they still don't identify transgender as service members – SY: (inaudible) [00:34:04] in there, yeah. JF: Yeah, into the EO policy. SY: That's (inaudible) [00:34:07], right? JF: Yeah. So, I mean, it's helped me a lot, working out like I'm just – I mean, I'm about to go 21 down to Austin in a little bit to – in a little bit – but in a couple of days to start working and volunteering with HRC, now that my training is a little bit more steady. So it's been good. It definitely gave me the education, the foundation, the courage, the drive to do what I need to do to meet my goals and passions. SY: So I just want a couple more questions, and then you must be exhausted (inaudible) [00:34:44]. So first of all, I bet there were some gay alumni who contacted you, right? I would imagine that you've had positive encounters from alumni? JF: Yes. Yes, I mean one of the most positive – so when the news first broke out that we were going to have a Pride event, I remember one of my first messages I received was from a Board of Fellows, and she contacted me, and she was, like, "I want to start off with letting you know I'm extremely proud of you. Extremely proud to call myself a Norwich alum this day." She was, like, "I also want to warn you, though, that you're about to go through some hell." She says, you know, "Through this, I just want to let you know that I want you to stay strong. If you ever need someone to talk to, let me know. And I'll be there to help you, whether it's through a phone call," or, you know. And then we had just this past – I want to say it was just this past Alumni Weekend, this past one that we just passed, or maybe it was the one before that. A transgender Corps of Cadets member contacted me. So when she went through the Corps of Cadets, she was a he, and she just got interjected into the old guard. So she's saying, like, "I'm extremely proud of you guys," you know, "I'm going to this huge" – it's going to be, I mean, 70-something going into the old guard as a female, but went through the Corps of Cadets as a male – SY: This is Georgia? JF: Yes. SY: Yeah, I mean, I did interview her. I did. JF: Yeah. You know, so she contacted us. What was another really positive one? Even more recently, I had positive one. I was at the HRC dinner in DC, so thousands of individuals. And they hold it at the conference center there in DC. And this guy comes up to me, he says, "You're Joshua Fontanez, right?" And you know, by this time, I'm still in my dress uniform, this was – oh, when was this? This was recently. This was, like, this was in September of this year, so years after this all happened. So I'm like, "Yeah." He's like, "I'm on the Board of Fellows at Norwich." He's like, "I just want to let you know that even though it happened years ago, I still remember when the articles first came out. I'm extremely proud of you still. Keep up the good work. Keep in contact," like he handed me his business card. So yeah, we got a lot of positive support. And that was definitely one of the things we talked about, you know, when we talk about it strategically, is how do we get more alumni involved when it comes to the positive 22 aspect? And unfortunately, it was, like, yeah, of course we have a lot of pressure when it comes to alumni not liking organizations like this, or liking a movement like this or liking events like this, and they have financial influence to try to slow it down or stop it. So how do we find the alumni who actually have the money to push it along and stuff like that? SY: Well, one of the largest donors we have right now is Jennifer Pritzker. JF: Yeah. SY: So, I mean, you know, there's some hope in that direction, I would think. In terms of the LGBTQ. JF: Yes, because I remember, I think the Pritzker fund, the donations actually went up from – that was, like, one of the things – I think that was one of the things that really did save us, is their donations went up as this club got more notice. And that was one of the things that we were told. So that was definitely a saving grace in that aspect. SY: Yeah. And she gives millions of dollars to the university. JF: Yeah. SY: Another question I have, and this is, like, me putting my academic historian hat on, and like, we both know that, like, Norwich's gay history when, like, you know, your club had its first couple of meeting on September 20th, right? JF: Yeah. SY: And I wonder if there is any way to sort of capture some of these stories of the, like, many, many closeted years of Norwich's history. So if you can think of any alum who are up to talking with me about their experiences when they were here in classes, decades, you know, in the decades before this, that would be great. JF: Yeah, definitely. And I – SY: And have you heard any stories? Have you heard any stories that you can tell? JF: I haven't heard a lot of stories, so my stories have always been, like, second-hand stories, so, like, definitely to get the names of the individuals you want to talk to, the two people I would say talking to is Dean Mathis, because, I mean, she was there when it was still two colleges, you know, when we had the off-campus civilian college. And she tells stories all the time about 23 students coming up to her, begging her for a club like this, and her always telling them, I mean, and this was the one thing she always regrets, is she used to tell them, like, "Listen, I'm scared for you." Like, "It's not that I wouldn't support you, that I don't think the university needs it," she goes, "I don't think I could protect you." You know, "I think you would physically be assaulted," or, you know. And that would be her advice to them, it's, like, not that I don't want to support you, but my advice to you is to stay safe, and I don't think you can safely do this. So she could probably give you some good names, I mean some really good names. And at the same time, President Schneider. Because President Schneider use to tell, I don't know, I forget the alumni, but he used to tell me, "We have an alumni who works in the Pentagon who used to, I want to say he used to be in the Navy, and now he's just a civilian contractor in the Pentagon. So he'll bring interns in and stuff like that, and they'll work for him for a couple of months, and at the end, he'll tell them, like, 'Hey listen, it really doesn't affect your internship, but I want you to know that I'm gay, and that we worked together for this entire time. So now that you go through your life, you know that, one, there are successful gay people out there, and we're just like everyone else.'" And then I think the alumni – I don't know if you've been – I'm sure you have been – in the main building, is it Jackson? Jackman. It's only been a couple of years, I'm already forgetting – my memory – so Jackman Hall, they have the long Corps of Cadets pictures, where they used to put the whole Corps of Cadets and they have the long ones, I guess the photographer, whoever used to be the regimental photographer for that, who actually came up with the idea to do the photograph like that is gay, and is open. I can't remember his name, President Schneider used to mention him from time to time in our meetings, when we had our one-on-one meetings together. So those are two individuals I would say definitely sit down with and talk, because they can give you, like, 10, 15 years ago, you know – I can tell you a couple when – SY: I'd love to get 40 years ago. JF: Yeah. SY: You know? I would love to do that. But I, you know, and this is the problem, of trying to turn over a queer history, and it's hard to do. But, you know, it would be great if I could get somebody from the '50s or the '60s to talk. But I don't think that'll happen, sadly. JF: I mean, with timing, Alumni Weekend, or as you hit up one alumni, maybe they give you a couple other names. I mean – SY: Yeah, yeah. 24 JF: There's definitely that domino effect out there. SY: Yeah. Yeah, yeah. All right, so I'm just wondering, my last question, any other people I should talk to? Any other students that were active with you at the time who you feel would want to be interviewed? JF: So right now, and she just got back from her study abroad from China, Rickie [Feitner?]. If you try to look up her Norwich email, her real first name is Rebecca, but everyone calls her "Rickie." She was extremely, extremely active. She was a freshman my senior year. Extremely passionate. Dr. Newman is an individual I'd talk to. She currently doesn't work at the university, she works in Delaware. The head of the Civic Center – SY: Oh, yeah, I've already met with her. JF: OK. Perfect. Nicole. SY: Dominico. JF: Yeah, Nicole. Who else? The – Dr. Kelly. He's – SY: Dr. Kelly, oh, yes? JF: Because he's in the engineer department now, if I'm tracking correctly, still. SY: Yeah, no, he is. He's still here. Was he very supportive? JF: Yeah, I mean, he was. Because he was always that father figure, like, he was very – oh. He always had that aspect of, like, he knew – it's not necessarily like he agreed with the lifestyle, but he knew it was the right thing to do. And he used to have this story about, like, you know, I don't know if it was his sister-in-law, but she had a wife. And he said, "I've never seen two people ever show so much love for each other or so much care for each other, than these two." SY: I think it's his cousin. JF: It's his cousin? SY: She's (inaudible) [00:43:51]. JF: OK. So yeah, he used to have a family member, and he used to tell that story. 25 SY: Yes. JF: But him and his wife showed up to the prom that night, and he said, like, you know, "In all my years here in Norwich, it's the first time I ever saw two same-sex individuals actually dance together, with each other. And they didn't care that I was watching." As a Commandant, or head of Student Affairs at the time, you know, one of the top officials, you know, for the university. I mean, he was extremely, extremely supportive. He was always one who never spoke quickly. He used to think before he spoke. You could just look at his face, and you know he was thinking. He always took that time to think before he spoke, which unfortunately, in society today is a lost art. I'm trying to think of other students, I mean, I can email you a list of other students. SY: Yeah, why don't you email me, just when you think about it. JF: Yeah. I mean, I can get you a list, but I want to give you full names. I already have, like, four or five people in my head, like, both allies and individuals who identified as either being gay or lesbian. I'm actually thinking of people who were on both sides of the issues, because I definitely want to have a full 360 of the event and the issues, and stuff like that. I mean, it was. There were some individuals who were gay who didn't agree with the club, or who didn't agree with the movement, and who were very content on being in the closet and this being an issue that was never brought up. So I think they definitely deserve to be heard as well. SY: And I really do think, you know, 20, 30 years from now it will be, some historian is going to go into the archives and be, like, look at this moment on this military campus, right? Look at the controversies, right? So the more people I can talk to who can speak to the issue and all the complexities about it. JF: Yeah, and definitely on the historical aspect, I said, like, I'm sure you have or you will talk to President Schneider, because I remember he got a call from VMI. And the four-star there pretty much called him and said, "Listen, I have – because of your college having this club founded, students want to found one at my college. And I have no clue on how to react to this. How did you deal with this?" I got an email from a girl in Taiwan who wanted to know how we could help them found their club. We mentored both the West Point and the Air Force Academy with getting their clubs started. We sent students down to a private school in Massachusetts to do lectures with them on how to be supportive of LGBT students, and stuff like that. So the scope of just how much instantaneous in one year we affected multiple universities and high schools and stuff like that was astounding. 26 SY: Yeah, it's pretty amazing. Do you think you to some degree you shifted the culture of the university too? Maybe not even in terms of gay issues, but in terms of (inaudible) [00:46:44]. JF: I think so. I think, I mean, it made people – it called a lot of people out on an issue. Because, I mean, a lot of people, I would say the cultural aspect undoubtedly, because I remember everyone used to be, like, you know, in public, because you know, it's taboo to be, like, oh, "I hate" – to openly say, like, "I hate a gay student." No one would openly say that and keep their job. And I remember Dr. Kelly got every faculty member – so not the academic staff, but all the other faculty. So all the Commandants, all the Sergeant Majors, all the support staff, and he brought them down to the Milano Ballroom and had a meeting. And afterwards, I went to Dean Mathis, and went, "How was this meeting?" She's like, "Josh," she's like, "You don't believe the beehive you just smacked." She's like, "An individual who I literally work" – because her office was combined with one of the Commandants' office, because they were redoing his office. She's like, "He sits there every day, sees you come in and talk to me about this club and about your movements, and about this stuff." She's like, "He is probably one of your least supporters." She said, "Behind closed doors, he doesn't believe this club should exist, he doesn't believe in your lifestyle, he doesn't believe in what you do." And she said, "Let me tell you this right now." She's like, "General Kelly put them all on notice." She was like, "That meeting officially was their official warning to HR. If they do anything" – because the big mentality really was, their concern was that a Commandant would turn their back. Like, say, like hypothetically, I was getting jumped or something like that, that they would turn their back and not do anything about it. Or, like of an event happened and a Commandant – because if the Commandants had to be on duty during these events, like if they had to show up, that was their biggest fear, is, like, if they would see something happening or know something was going to happen and not do anything about it. Which is kind of a shame to say if, you know, a 40, 50-year-old adult who the majority of them had prior military service. SY: Yeah. JF: But he put them all on notice that day. And I mean, it's the mentality, this was our faculty and staff. It was like, now you – it wasn't even the student body, you know, LGBT members were scared of. It was their own professors, their on Commandants, their own mentors, you know? I think we destroyed a big culture of fear. We definitely established that students can make a change, and students can question and still be successful. But yeah, a lot of stuff when it came to bullying, when it came to acceptance, I mean – and I always find it funny, because some of our individuals who were completely against us in the gay community would have never came out unless there was this controversy. It was, like, some of these individuals who were, like, "Oh, I know you've been gay for a year," or two years or three years. "You never had plans on coming out, not until this" – "I don't even care if you were against us," I was like, "But you came 27 out." So I'll take that as a win, because I know you may not thank me now, but in five years when you find your significant other and you're extremely happy, you know, you're going to thank me for that, 'Hey listen, four years ago I came out,' you may regret why you came out, or the stance you took when you came out. But you're out." So it's like, I'll take – SY: People evolve, right – JF: Yeah. SY: I mean they feel when they first come out, it's better than when— Here's where they (inaudible) [00:50:15], I'm sure they changed their mind. JF: Oh, like I said, I have complete empathy, because I know, I was in their shoes. Like I said, I was in high school making fun of individuals who were out. So, I can – I never held that against them, because I knew the process of what I went through when I came out. And I knew the process, I know the fear, I knew the pain. I knew the loneliness that can be there and the reaction of human nature, I want to be – you know, if it was cool, if it was okay and accepted, you wouldn't be a minority, you know? People don't make fun of the majority of people, you know? So therefore, you want to be in the majority, you want to be the accepted person. You want to be the cool side of the lunchroom, or whatever. So you naturally migrate towards them. And unfortunately, unless you have individuals who constantly remind you or keep you accountable, you do give up some of the aspects of who you are, or what you believe in, to assimilate to that culture. SY: Yeah. Did you get physically attacked at any point? Or just a lot of threats? JF: Oh no, just a lot of – I was a big muscular guy, I mean, I could – SY: Right. JF: I could handle myself. SY: [That's good?]. JF: No, like, and I was never fear – I mean, there were, I mean, like I said, there were definitely some staff members who were extremely afraid that, you know, that I would be beaten up, or if, you know – I was told never to walk around, like, at night, you know, alone. They had the cameras outside my room and all this other kind of stuff. But I never had fear, I mean my mentality in life has always been, like, I'm destined for greater things than being beat up, or 28 pushed down some stairs, or something like that. I'm, like, you know, that was never a fear of mine. SY: I don't know if I have any more questions, any last things to add? We covered a lot. JF: I think we did. I mean, it's definitely – I enjoyed it. SY: You enjoyed the interview, or just other – JF: Oh, I enjoyed Norwich, I enjoyed the interview, I enjoyed the events, I mean – SY: So you did this, yeah, and that's what's going to be great, that you really did enjoy Norwich. Even through all of this, how do you feel – I guess that's it. How do you feel now when you reflect upon your four years at Norwich? JF: Oh, I'm extremely proud of – I mean, I would go back again. People tell me all the time, like, I mean, I have a lot of coworkers from all the different military colleges, whether it's Citadel, VMI, West Point. I think I'm the only one who says, like, yeah, I'd go back and do it in a heartbeat again. Absolutely. Met a lot of people. I don't know, maybe it's just my first – because I'm not sure, I met some people from Norwich who said, like, "No, I'd never go back," I mean, between the knowledge I gained there, the connections I gained, the friendships I gained, you know, the high-speed pace that was between, like, okay, have to balance classes. I mean, I literally would leave my room at 6:00 in the morning for PT and usually not get back until 8:00 at night, just because between classes, meetings, sitting in the board of director's office, with President Schneider, and you know, all the Commandants, and voicing the opinions of the student body, whether it was through student government or the Corps leadership, or working with volunteer organizations, through Nicole's office, or working with Greg and student activities. I mean, I loved it. It offered so much. That's why it was shocking when people say, like, "Oh, I'm bored at Norwich," or, "There's nothing to do." I'm like, "There's absolutely an amazing amount. Norwich gives you the potential to be whoever you want to be and do whatever you want to do. You just have to be willing to actually tap into that potential, tap into the resources that are there, utilize them properly." And I mean, what you can do, where you can go is unlimited. And some places don't give you that opportunity. And, I mean, Norwich gave me the opportunity, and I feel that I utilized it to the best of my ability. SY: Well, that seems like a good place to end. Thank you for talking today. END OF AUDIO FILE