Cet article réexamine de façon sélective l'abondante littérature économique des 20 dernières années sur la relation entre inégalité et développement. Son principal argument porte sur la distinction nécessaire, et souvent négligée, entre « inégalité des revenus », ou des résultats, et « inégalité des chances » comme frein au développement. Les justifications théoriques d'une relation négative entre développement et inégalité suggèrent que ce n'est pas l'inégalité des résultats, revenu ou consommation, qui est un frein au développement. Ce sont d'autres dimensions, plus fondamentales, de l'inégalités économique et sociale, comme les différences dans les familles ou les milieux sociaux d'origine, dans l'accès à l'éducation, aux soins de santé, au crédit, à la sécurité ou à la justice, ou encore la discriminations à l'égard de certains groupes ethniques ou des femmes. Il se trouve que l'inégalité des revenus sur laquelle se concentre presqu'exclusivement la littérature empirique sur inégalité et développement n'est qu'un marqueur très imparfait de cette définition plus générale de l'inégalité, qui correspond à l'« inégalité des chances ». Mais en même temps, et de façon paradoxale, corriger ces dimensions de l'inégalité requiert le plus souvent des politiques impliquant une certaine redistribution des revenus, bien que l'inégalité des revenus soit plutôt une conséquence que la principale cause des inégalités qui compromettent le développement.
At the exact opposite intuitions according to which regional disparity is an unavoidable consequence of the dilemma of winners and losers, construction of inequalities in Tunisia is attributed to real forces. The first force echoes the economic development model at work since structural adjustment. Indeed, the forced march towards liberalism and globalization zeal and speed in the field has significantly contributed to the widening gap between the coastal and deep Tunisia. The polarization of economic activity which falls within the logic of productivity growth, has not exercised the desired ripple effect which helped to dig the groove separating the rest of the coastal territory. The second source of inequality raised by the thesis is the institutional environment. Indeed, the quality of regulation, political stability and the low participation of the local population in the implementation of development policies and in political life have significantly contributed in the construction of regional inequalities in Tunisia. However, economic growth is pro-poor generally. She contributed in reducing inequalities.In terms of economic policy recommendation, it seems imperative to correct if not reduce to a minimum inequality, to review the liberal flight of the Tunisian economy and its integration into the global economy pushed by a state interventionism (rethink investment incentives in the deeper regions, direct public investment in infrastructure to deeper areas .). The second recommendation refers to the need for a shift towards a territorial development approach that gives pride of place to local stakeholders in the design and implementation of development policies. The third recommendation is the need for a revision of the horizontal and vertical modes of governance to promote the regionalization process and improve the quality of economic and political institutions ; A l'exact opposé des intuitions selon lesquelles la disparité régionale est une conséquence inéluctable du dilemme des gagnants et des perdants, ...
At the exact opposite intuitions according to which regional disparity is an unavoidable consequence of the dilemma of winners and losers, construction of inequalities in Tunisia is attributed to real forces. The first force echoes the economic development model at work since structural adjustment. Indeed, the forced march towards liberalism and globalization zeal and speed in the field has significantly contributed to the widening gap between the coastal and deep Tunisia. The polarization of economic activity which falls within the logic of productivity growth, has not exercised the desired ripple effect which helped to dig the groove separating the rest of the coastal territory. The second source of inequality raised by the thesis is the institutional environment. Indeed, the quality of regulation, political stability and the low participation of the local population in the implementation of development policies and in political life have significantly contributed in the construction of regional inequalities in Tunisia. However, economic growth is pro-poor generally. She contributed in reducing inequalities.In terms of economic policy recommendation, it seems imperative to correct if not reduce to a minimum inequality, to review the liberal flight of the Tunisian economy and its integration into the global economy pushed by a state interventionism (rethink investment incentives in the deeper regions, direct public investment in infrastructure to deeper areas .). The second recommendation refers to the need for a shift towards a territorial development approach that gives pride of place to local stakeholders in the design and implementation of development policies. The third recommendation is the need for a revision of the horizontal and vertical modes of governance to promote the regionalization process and improve the quality of economic and political institutions ; A l'exact opposé des intuitions selon lesquelles la disparité régionale est une conséquence inéluctable du dilemme des gagnants et des perdants, ...
At the exact opposite intuitions according to which regional disparity is an unavoidable consequence of the dilemma of winners and losers, construction of inequalities in Tunisia is attributed to real forces. The first force echoes the economic development model at work since structural adjustment. Indeed, the forced march towards liberalism and globalization zeal and speed in the field has significantly contributed to the widening gap between the coastal and deep Tunisia. The polarization of economic activity which falls within the logic of productivity growth, has not exercised the desired ripple effect which helped to dig the groove separating the rest of the coastal territory. The second source of inequality raised by the thesis is the institutional environment. Indeed, the quality of regulation, political stability and the low participation of the local population in the implementation of development policies and in political life have significantly contributed in the construction of regional inequalities in Tunisia. However, economic growth is pro-poor generally. She contributed in reducing inequalities.In terms of economic policy recommendation, it seems imperative to correct if not reduce to a minimum inequality, to review the liberal flight of the Tunisian economy and its integration into the global economy pushed by a state interventionism (rethink investment incentives in the deeper regions, direct public investment in infrastructure to deeper areas .). The second recommendation refers to the need for a shift towards a territorial development approach that gives pride of place to local stakeholders in the design and implementation of development policies. The third recommendation is the need for a revision of the horizontal and vertical modes of governance to promote the regionalization process and improve the quality of economic and political institutions ; A l'exact opposé des intuitions selon lesquelles la disparité régionale est une conséquence inéluctable du dilemme des gagnants et des perdants, ...
At the exact opposite intuitions according to which regional disparity is an unavoidable consequence of the dilemma of winners and losers, construction of inequalities in Tunisia is attributed to real forces. The first force echoes the economic development model at work since structural adjustment. Indeed, the forced march towards liberalism and globalization zeal and speed in the field has significantly contributed to the widening gap between the coastal and deep Tunisia. The polarization of economic activity which falls within the logic of productivity growth, has not exercised the desired ripple effect which helped to dig the groove separating the rest of the coastal territory. The second source of inequality raised by the thesis is the institutional environment. Indeed, the quality of regulation, political stability and the low participation of the local population in the implementation of development policies and in political life have significantly contributed in the construction of regional inequalities in Tunisia. However, economic growth is pro-poor generally. She contributed in reducing inequalities.In terms of economic policy recommendation, it seems imperative to correct if not reduce to a minimum inequality, to review the liberal flight of the Tunisian economy and its integration into the global economy pushed by a state interventionism (rethink investment incentives in the deeper regions, direct public investment in infrastructure to deeper areas .). The second recommendation refers to the need for a shift towards a territorial development approach that gives pride of place to local stakeholders in the design and implementation of development policies. The third recommendation is the need for a revision of the horizontal and vertical modes of governance to promote the regionalization process and improve the quality of economic and political institutions ; A l'exact opposé des intuitions selon lesquelles la disparité régionale est une conséquence inéluctable du dilemme des gagnants et des perdants, ...
At the exact opposite intuitions according to which regional disparity is an unavoidable consequence of the dilemma of winners and losers, construction of inequalities in Tunisia is attributed to real forces. The first force echoes the economic development model at work since structural adjustment. Indeed, the forced march towards liberalism and globalization zeal and speed in the field has significantly contributed to the widening gap between the coastal and deep Tunisia. The polarization of economic activity which falls within the logic of productivity growth, has not exercised the desired ripple effect which helped to dig the groove separating the rest of the coastal territory. The second source of inequality raised by the thesis is the institutional environment. Indeed, the quality of regulation, political stability and the low participation of the local population in the implementation of development policies and in political life have significantly contributed in the construction of regional inequalities in Tunisia. However, economic growth is pro-poor generally. She contributed in reducing inequalities.In terms of economic policy recommendation, it seems imperative to correct if not reduce to a minimum inequality, to review the liberal flight of the Tunisian economy and its integration into the global economy pushed by a state interventionism (rethink investment incentives in the deeper regions, direct public investment in infrastructure to deeper areas .). The second recommendation refers to the need for a shift towards a territorial development approach that gives pride of place to local stakeholders in the design and implementation of development policies. The third recommendation is the need for a revision of the horizontal and vertical modes of governance to promote the regionalization process and improve the quality of economic and political institutions ; A l'exact opposé des intuitions selon lesquelles la disparité régionale est une conséquence inéluctable du dilemme des gagnants et des perdants, ...
At the exact opposite intuitions according to which regional disparity is an unavoidable consequence of the dilemma of winners and losers, construction of inequalities in Tunisia is attributed to real forces. The first force echoes the economic development model at work since structural adjustment. Indeed, the forced march towards liberalism and globalization zeal and speed in the field has significantly contributed to the widening gap between the coastal and deep Tunisia. The polarization of economic activity which falls within the logic of productivity growth, has not exercised the desired ripple effect which helped to dig the groove separating the rest of the coastal territory. The second source of inequality raised by the thesis is the institutional environment. Indeed, the quality of regulation, political stability and the low participation of the local population in the implementation of development policies and in political life have significantly contributed in the construction of regional inequalities in Tunisia. However, economic growth is pro-poor generally. She contributed in reducing inequalities.In terms of economic policy recommendation, it seems imperative to correct if not reduce to a minimum inequality, to review the liberal flight of the Tunisian economy and its integration into the global economy pushed by a state interventionism (rethink investment incentives in the deeper regions, direct public investment in infrastructure to deeper areas .). The second recommendation refers to the need for a shift towards a territorial development approach that gives pride of place to local stakeholders in the design and implementation of development policies. The third recommendation is the need for a revision of the horizontal and vertical modes of governance to promote the regionalization process and improve the quality of economic and political institutions ; A l'exact opposé des intuitions selon lesquelles la disparité régionale est une conséquence inéluctable du dilemme des gagnants et des perdants, ...
The remarkable growth rate of the Chinese economy has probably enabled it to be one of the few developing countries to catch up with developed countries. In this way, it has been able to significantly reduce severe poverty and economic reforms have led to a general increase in income. But while this positive vision is a reality of the effectiveness of China's economic policy, it is accompanied by growing concerns when looking at fairness. The increasing number of manifestations of discontent testifies to significant social imbalances and raises questions about the constraints this imposes on Chinese growth. What is the origin of these inequalities and what are the main consequences? ; Le remarquable taux de croissance de l'économie chinoise lui a permis d'être sans doute l'un des rares pays en voie de développement à se situer dans une logique de rattrapage par rapport aux pays développés. Elle a ainsi pu faire fortement diminuer la grande pauvreté et les réformes économiques ont permis un accroissement général des revenus. Mais si cette vision positive correspond bien à une réalité de l'efficacité de la politique économique chinoise, elle s'accompagne de plus en plus d'inquiétudes si l'on s'intéresse à l'aspect équité. Le nombre croissant de manifestations de mécontentement atteste des déséquilibres sociaux importants et conduit à s'interroger sur les contraintes que cela impose à la croissance chinoise. Quelle est l'origine de ces inégalités et quelles en sont les principales conséquences ?
Madagascar is a country rich in natural resources, but its population is poor and lives in a significant income gap. This thesis deals with the issue of "household income inequalities in rural areas in Madagascar", in order to clarify this phenomenon which, on the one hand, ruin the rural population and on the other hand, weakens the country's stability and the economic performance. Covering a five-year period of repeated observations, this thesis focuses on data from 667 households, from a balanced panel. The thesis traces the calculation process of farmers' income and "inequality threshold". Adopting linear and non-linear models, it endeavors to specify and estimate determinants that increase or reduce the wealth gap within and between observatories of the Central East Coast of Madagascar. Income inequalities of rural households are found in Betsimisaraka rural society. They are multifaceted. More than eight out of ten households live in the "area of unequal poors". The farmers in Mahanoro are poorer and suffer more inequalities than in Fenerive Est. However, inside the observatory, the situation slightly tends to increase over time. For a rather homogeneous population living in alarming poverty, the inequalities between poor households are not too high. The results of econometric models argue that the good annual production of rice reduces income disparities, whereas the feminine gender and the education level of the household head, the small size of rice area along with the investment, the financial deposit, the hoarding, the "No savings", the debt, the secondary income, the GDP and the political crisis contribute to greater income inequalities. ; Madagascar est un pays riche en ressources naturelles mais sa population reste pauvre et vit dans un écart de revenus important. Cette étude aborde le thème des "Inégalités de revenus des ménages en milieu rural malgache" afin de pouvoir apporter des éclaircissements à ce phénomène qui, d'une part, ruine la population rurale et, d'autre part, fragilise la stabilité ...
Madagascar is a country rich in natural resources, but its population is poor and lives in a significant income gap. This thesis deals with the issue of "household income inequalities in rural areas in Madagascar", in order to clarify this phenomenon which, on the one hand, ruin the rural population and on the other hand, weakens the country's stability and the economic performance. Covering a five-year period of repeated observations, this thesis focuses on data from 667 households, from a balanced panel. The thesis traces the calculation process of farmers' income and "inequality threshold". Adopting linear and non-linear models, it endeavors to specify and estimate determinants that increase or reduce the wealth gap within and between observatories of the Central East Coast of Madagascar. Income inequalities of rural households are found in Betsimisaraka rural society. They are multifaceted. More than eight out of ten households live in the "area of unequal poors". The farmers in Mahanoro are poorer and suffer more inequalities than in Fenerive Est. However, inside the observatory, the situation slightly tends to increase over time. For a rather homogeneous population living in alarming poverty, the inequalities between poor households are not too high. The results of econometric models argue that the good annual production of rice reduces income disparities, whereas the feminine gender and the education level of the household head, the small size of rice area along with the investment, the financial deposit, the hoarding, the "No savings", the debt, the secondary income, the GDP and the political crisis contribute to greater income inequalities. ; Madagascar est un pays riche en ressources naturelles mais sa population reste pauvre et vit dans un écart de revenus important. Cette étude aborde le thème des "Inégalités de revenus des ménages en milieu rural malgache" afin de pouvoir apporter des éclaircissements à ce phénomène qui, d'une part, ruine la population rurale et, d'autre part, fragilise la stabilité et la performance économique du pays. Focalisée sur une période quinquennale d'observations répétées, la thèse porte sur les données de panel issues de 667 ménages. La thèse retrace le processus de calculs des revenus des paysans et du "seuil d'inégalité". Adoptant les modèles linéaire et non-linéaire, il s'attache aux spécifications et aux estimations des déterminants qui creusent ou réduisent les écarts de revenus des ménages intra-observatoires et entre observatoires de la côte Centre-Est. Les inégalités de revenus des ménages ruraux existent dans la société rurale Betsimisaraka. Elles sont multiformes. Plus de huit ménages sur dix vivent dans la "zone des pauvres inégalitaires". Les paysans de Mahanoro sont les plus pauvres et subissent aussi plus d'inégalités que ceux de Fénérive-Est. En revanche, à l'intérieur de l'observatoire, la situation a légèrement tendance à décroître au fil du temps. Pour une population assez homogène vivant dans une pauvreté alarmante, les inégalités entre ménages pauvres ne sont pas trop élevées. Les résultats des modèles économétriques soutiennent que la bonne production annuelle de riz réduit les écarts de revenus tandis que le sexe féminin et le niveau d'éducation du chef de ménage, la faible superficie rizicole ainsi que l'investissement, le dépôt financier, la thésaurisation, le sans épargne, l'emprunt, les revenus secondaires, le PIB et la crise politique accentuent les inégalités de revenus
Moroccan Economic and Social Bulletin ; N° 136-137 ; Moroccan Economic and Social Bulletin ; Périodiques Bulletin économique et social du Maroc ; Moroccan Economic and Social Bulletin ; BESM-article_136-137-03
Poverty is closely linked to inequality. It also depends on the living rules imposed by the system in place, on the basis of imposed or democratically defined economic, political and social laws and regulations. Globalisation favours the "least distant" system in the pay ratio. Globalisation is witnessing both spatial expansion of areas of poverty, but also forms of relative reduction which also encourage the rise of new inequalities, which will gradually lead to a further impoverishment of certain social strata or classes. In the United States, poverty is increasing according to sex, race, lack of diplomas, regions, types of income, age, unionisation, inadequate training or marital status. In this context, therefore, they are not the only competences and merits that underpin social inequalities. Public and private bodies must fight to reduce the growing pockets of poverty. ; Poverty is a state closely related to that of inequality. It also depends on the rules of life imposed by the economic system, on the basis of imposed or democratically defined economic, political and social laws and regulations. Globalization favours the system of the "lesser" in the wage relationship. With globalization, we are witnessing both a spatial widening of the areas of poverty, but also some relative forms of reduction that also favour the rise of new inequalities, which will progressively favour a new impoverishment of certain social classes or classes. In the United States, poverty in connected with sex, race, lack of qualifications, regions, income, age, unionization, unsuitable training or marital status. In this context, skills and merits are not the bases of social inequalities. Public and private organizations must fight for more social justice. ; Poverty is closely linked to inequality. It also depends on the living rules imposed by the system in place, on the basis of imposed or democratically defined economic, political and social laws and regulations. Globalisation favours the "least distant" system in the pay ratio. ...
This dissertation examines the role of gender norms and institutions on human capital formation, labor supply, and political preferences. In the first chapter, I use both theoretical and empirical analysis to study the impact of offspring's gender on their parental political beliefs toward gender issues. I examine the hypothesis that men's political attitudes toward abortion do respond to the presence of a daughter, but differently according to their general political beliefs. This polarization effect of daughters means that the presence of a daughter is associated with more anti-abortion (respectively pro-abortion) views for right-wing (respectively left-wing) fathers. This argument is investigated in a simple economic model and its implications are studied empirically using two original datasets. The model predicts that fathers with paternalistic preferences adopt more extreme political positions when they have a daughter than when they have a son. The empirical investigation provides evidence of a polarization effect of daughters on fathers' views on abortion. The magnitude of the effect corresponds to around 30% of the impact of right-wing political affiliation on abortion support. In the second chapter, together with E. Duchini, we investigate women's employment decisions when institutions limit their chances of having a regular working schedule. We use a recent reform as a natural experiment to show that women do value flexibility when their children demand it. Before 2013, women whose youngest child was of primary school age were twice as likely as men not to work on Wednesdays. To measure mothers' response, we exploit variations in the implementation of this policy over time and across the age of the youngest child. Our results show that, although mothers take advantage of the reform to close 1/3 of their initial gap in the probability of working on Wednesday with respect to the control group. This response seems to be driven by mothers who are more rewarded for a regular presence at work, such as those ...
This dissertation examines the role of gender norms and institutions on human capital formation, labor supply, and political preferences. In the first chapter, I use both theoretical and empirical analysis to study the impact of offspring's gender on their parental political beliefs toward gender issues. I examine the hypothesis that men's political attitudes toward abortion do respond to the presence of a daughter, but differently according to their general political beliefs. This polarization effect of daughters means that the presence of a daughter is associated with more anti-abortion (respectively pro-abortion) views for right-wing (respectively left-wing) fathers. This argument is investigated in a simple economic model and its implications are studied empirically using two original datasets. The model predicts that fathers with paternalistic preferences adopt more extreme political positions when they have a daughter than when they have a son. The empirical investigation provides evidence of a polarization effect of daughters on fathers' views on abortion. The magnitude of the effect corresponds to around 30% of the impact of right-wing political affiliation on abortion support. In the second chapter, together with E. Duchini, we investigate women's employment decisions when institutions limit their chances of having a regular working schedule. We use a recent reform as a natural experiment to show that women do value flexibility when their children demand it. Before 2013, women whose youngest child was of primary school age were twice as likely as men not to work on Wednesdays. To measure mothers' response, we exploit variations in the implementation of this policy over time and across the age of the youngest child. Our results show that, although mothers take advantage of the reform to close 1/3 of their initial gap in the probability of working on Wednesday with respect to the control group. This response seems to be driven by mothers who are more rewarded for a regular presence at work, such as those ...
The aim of this Ph.D. thesis is to show that technological change is a determinant of long run growth and the dynamics of inter-country inequalities. Specifically, we try to show that technological change represents a channel through which the effects of education, capital market imperfections and institutions affect economic growth and long run convergence. We show that the distribution of human capital determines occupational choices of agents whose source of heterogeneity is the level of human capital, economic growth and convergence of a technologically backward economy. The rate of growth of a developed country depends positively on the amount of agents investing in R&D activities. The positive effect of human capital on economic growth is transmitted through technological change. We show that capital market imperfections imply a credit rationing of high-skilled agents and hence reduce economic growth. The effects of credits on economic growth is positive and realized through the technological change channel. We show that, in a democratic economy with high income inequalities, political corruption reduces the rate of taxation and the mean level of human capital, but increases the level of accumulation and the rate of economic growth when the contribution of human capital in the product is small. ; L'objet de cette thèse est de montrer que le changement technologique constitue un facteur déterminant de la croissance économique et de la dynamique des inégalités entre pays. Il s'agit plus précisément de montrer que le changement technologique représente un canal par lequel les effets de l'éducation, des imperfections des marchés de capitaux et des institutions infl‡uencent la croissance économique et la convergence à long terme. Nous montrons que la distribution du capital humain détermine les choix d'occupation des agents hétérogènes de par leurs niveaux de capital humain, la croissance économique et la convergence d'une économie technologiquement en retard. Pour un pays développé, la croissance ...