Suchergebnisse

There are many electoral systems around the world; actually, each country has its own. Without a doubt, Italy also is entitled to have its own electoral system, and it doesn't lack solutions, starting with the restoration of the majoritarian system, for example. The important thing is that there should be an electoral system destined to promote the formation of a majority and government chosen and legitimated by voter. Representation and governability, these are the goals. ; Hay muchos sistemas electorales en el mundo; en realidad, cada país tiene el suyo. Sin duda, Italia tiene también derecho a tener su propio sistema electoral, y no han faltado soluciones, comenzando con la restauración del sistema mayoritario, por ejemplo. Lo importante es que sea un sistema electoral destinado a favorecer la formación de mayorías y un Gobierno elegido y legitimado mediante el voto de los electores. Representación y gobernabilidad: estos son los objetivos.There are many electoral systems around the world; actually, each country has its own. Without a doubt, Italy also is entitled to have its own electoral system, and it doesn't lack solutions, starting with the restoration of the majoritarian system, for example. The important thing is that there should be an electoral system destined to promote the formation of a majority and government chosen and legitimated by voter. Representation and governability, these are the goals.

13 p. ; El presente trabajo invita al lector a hacer un recorrido por la historia de la política electoral colombiana. Retomamos las teorías clásicas sobre la conformación de los sistemas electorales –Sartori-, para analizar el proceso de transformación que sufrió Colombia desde finales de la década de 1950 hasta la reforma constitucional del año 2003. Entendemos que estas reformas fueron el marco que permitieron el paso de un bipartidismo a un multipartidismo moderado. El análisis de la Constitución de 1991 nos permite dar cuenta de las diferentes disrupciones sociales que se sucedieron en el campo social y político de dicho país. En este sentido, focalizaremos el análisis en el proceso de configuración de los nuevos actores políticos relevantes, como los movimientos sociales y los movimientos antisistema y, a la vez, su relación con los partidos dominantes. --

Resumen: Este artículo presenta los resultados preliminares de un proyecto que rastrea la evolución histórica de los sistemas electorales en 21 países de América. La primera sección revisa la literatura existente sobre el tema y resume los objetivos del proyecto. En la segunda sección los autores describen el enfoque adoptado y la información recolectada. La tercera parte ofrece una clasificación de los sistemas electorales de América para el período 1900-2004. En la cuarta sección los autores describen la evolución histórica de los sistemas electorales, y concluyen con una hipótesis de trabajo que postula la afinidad entre el presidencialismo autoritario y los procedimientos que distorsionan la proporcionalidad. En el apéndice se ofrece un sumario de la información recolectada por el proyecto hasta el momento. ; Abstract: This article presents the preliminary results of a project which search the historical evolution of the electoral systems of 21 American countries. The first section checks the literature on this issue and summarizes the project objectives. In the second section the authors describe the adopted perspective and the collected information. The third part offers a classification of the American electoral systems for the 1900-2004 period. In the fourth section the authors describe the historical evolution of the electoral systems, and conclude with a hypothesis which suggests the affinity between the authoritarian presidentialism and non proportional mechanisms. On the appendix the authors offers a summary of the information recollected by the project.

El estudio de los sistemas electorales ocupa un lugar central dentro de la ciencia política argentina. A partir de ellos, comenzó una nueva línea de investigación que buscaba transparentar las diferencias de género en política y el rol de los sistemas electorales. Las producciones al respecto demuestran un claro lineamiento con las posturas institucionalistas, donde lo importante es analizar cómo afectan las reglas, normas o conductas sociales a los diferentes actores políticos. Ello nos permite realizar un racconto de lo sucedido dentro de la disciplina argentina y pensar los caminos futuros. En este trabajo, se analizará las formas en que las categorías de género han sido incorporadas en las investigaciones respecto de los sistemas electorales y de la participación en la ciencia política argentina. ¿Qué ha quedado por fuera de estos estudios? ¿Qué otras líneas de investigación se proponen? ; The study of electoral systems occupies a central place in Argentine political science. From them, began a new line of research that sought to make transparent gender differences in politics and the role of electoral systems. The productions in this matter show a clear alignment with the institutionalist positions, where the object is to analyze how the rules, norms or social behavior affect the different political actors. This allows us to make a summary of what happened within the Argentine discipline and think about future paths. In this paper, we will analyze the ways in which gender categories have been incorporated in research regarding electoral systems and participation in Argentine political science. What has been left out of these studies? What other lines of research are proposed? ; Fil: Perri, María Emilia. Universidad Nacional del Litoral. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias. Santa Fe; Argentina ; Fil: Perri, María Emilia. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Instituto de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Argentina

The analysis of the electoral legislations of the EU member States shows the existence of serious differences among them. As a consequence the representation is clearly unequal. Thus, notwithstanding the wording of Article 14.2 Lisbon TEU, and contrary to the claim that Article 10.1 Lisbon TEU seems to make according to its wording the European Parliament is still an institution that does not represent the European people. ; Las grandes diferencias entre las legislaciones de los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea que regulan las elecciones al Parlamento europeo provocan la desigualdad en la representación; lo que se traduce en que el Parlamento Europeo, no obstante lo dispuesto en el Tratado de Lisboa, sigue siendo una institución que no representa realmente al pueblo europeo.The analysis of the electoral legislations of the EU member States shows the existence of serious differences among them. As a consequence the representation is clearly unequal. Thus, notwithstanding the wording of Article 14.2 Lisbon TEU, and contrary to the claim that Article 10.1 Lisbon TEU seems to make according to its wording the European Parliament is still an institution that does not represent the European people.

The most important legacy of the so-called social school of election for the study of electoral systems was the discovery that when we must democratically elect a single alternative, as happens in a presidential election, the result is actually a large arbitrary measure. With the same universe of voters, different candidates could be elected by using different formulas or by changing the options on which the voters vote. However, depending on the conditions of electoral competence, not all systems to elect a president are equally arbitrary. When more than two important candidates compete, the worst possible system is that currently used in Mexico -- the relative majority. In Mexico's 2006 presidential election under the rule of the relative majority, the declared winner, Felipe Calderon received little more than a third of the vote. This essay analyzes the deficiencies of this system & suggests alternatives. Adapted from the source document.

Fil: Nohlen, Dieter. Universidad de Heidelberg. Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Sociales. Cátedra Ciencia Política. Heidelberg, Alemania ; Tema: Los Derechos Electorales y la Representación Política / Alberto Dalla Vía, coord. --

Describes how Mexico's 1989/90 electoral reforms materialized 1991-2000, focusing on steps to cultivate political independence from the executive & legislative power. The postrevolution (1920-1990) history of Mexico's electoral institution is outlined, showing how the ruling party (the Party of Institutional Revolution) cast a transparent veil of electoral integrity over congressional & presidential elections using various & transitory forms of executive-controlled & party-financed electoral offices. Internal conflicts in the ruling party over electoral financing & economic, political, & social issues led to the 1989/90 establishment of electoral financing & institutional codes & the formation of the Federal Electoral Instit, which was granted unprecedented political & financial autonomy. The following five years (1991-1995) are defined by the institute's efforts to integrate political party diversification & citizenship participation. The final half of the reform decade (1996-2000) is defined by an increased financial & political separation from the executive cabinet & a continuing development of citizen participation spurred by multiparty involvement. The increase in public financing & spending for the Federal Electoral Instit is charted for 1991-2000. 3 Tables, 77 References. Adapted from the source document.

Tras la inmolacion del joven Mohamed Bouazizi, en varios Estados del norte de Africa se iniciaron una serie de protestas que provocaron la caida de los regimenes autoritarios en Tunez, Libia y Egipto. Las autoridades que asumieron provisionalmente el poder, tras reconocer una serie de derechos y libertades publicas a los ciudadanos, organizaron procesos electorales dirigidos a democratizar sus instituciones y posibilitar la elaboracion de nuevos textos constitucionales. El presente estudio analiza y compara, desde una perspectiva juridica, las normas electorales que se utilizaron en los procesos de transicion democratica en los tres citados paises After the immolation of young Mohamed Bouazizi, a series of protests in several States of North Africa began that forced the fall of the authoritarian regimes in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt. Authorities who temporarily took the power organized electoral processes aimed to democratize its institutions and allow the development of new constitutional texts after recognizing several rights and liberties to citizens. This study analyses and compares, from a legal perspective, the electoral rules used in the processes of democratic transition in the above mentioned countries. Adapted from the source document.

In this article the author analyzes the complex mechanisms of the democratic electoral systems in general, based more on the meaning of the discursive interpretations, narratives created for the moment (catastrophic, triumphant or messianic that can assure a connection of the present with the future) in the construction of new temporalities and, above all, in the creation of the figure of 'heroes' (and their respective devotion on the part of unconditional followers) instead of concrete realities. This hypothesis is applied to the case of Barack Obama, who is characterized as a hero who offers hope and salvation. To understand this profile, is a requisite for anyone wishing to understand the reason for his meteoric rise to power. Adapted from the source document.