Suchergebnisse

The continued celebration of Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels's Communist Manifesto (1848) in contemporary Western societies is questioned. It is contended that the text disregards three seminal aspects of democratic politics: the centrality of state autonomy, the emphasis of pragmatism over utopianism, & the priority of issues of identity over those of class. Consequently, it is asserted that the Manifesto facilitated rather than prevented the historical emergence of multiple tyrannical regimes. The "law of incomplete realization," defined as the ability of a given state to function without completely realizing its political principles, is introduced & used to explain the downfall of communism. Although Marx & Engels's text remains important, its disregard of democratic politics has resulted in its failure to initiate revolution & reform. J. W. Parker

Analyzes the limits of democracy in the Israeli constitutional regime in the historical & ideological context of its national identity. It is true that, like other democracies, elections are employed in Israel to change governments. However, it is suggested that Israel cannot be considered a liberal democracy because of the close relationship between the Jewish religion, nationalism, nationality, & the state. Rabbinical rules, courts, & institutions prevail in areas of the private sphere such as marriage, divorce, & burial. Moreover, gradations of civil rights are conferred on the basis of ethnic & religious identity. The very definition of the Jewish state is embedded in a conception of Jewish nationality; thus, a kind of tyranny of the majority is dominant. It is concluded that these conditions will have to be reversed before Israel can be considered a true democracy. D. Ryfe

Serious thinkers tend to have a single, central concern that determines the entirety of their work, & Markus's central problem is the Enlightenment. The Enlightenment is not exclusively defined here as the intellectual movement of the mid-18th century, but as the much older philosophical tradition that underlies it. Markus, however, is not inspired by the content of the tradition itself but by its internal dilemmas. He has scrutinized the contradictions of the Enlightenment at least as thoroughly as the authors of the counter-Enlightenment did. Yet, he is not one of them. He does not want to abandon the program of modern philosophy; he does not even think such a turn would be at all meaningful. The question he poses is this: how can one cogently criticize the Enlightenment tradition & at the same time retain at least certain parts of it? What is it that makes the fundamental ideas of the Enlightenment rationally defensible even in the face of all the well-known objections? Adapted from the source document.

Examines the role of the sexual affair between US President Bill Clinton & White House intern Monica Lewinsky in effecting institutional transformations. The notion of "deliberative scenes" is applied to the various events that comprise the Clinton-Lewinsky affair. The argument levied by Republican members of Congress that interpreted Clinton's false testimony about his private life as perjury & obstructing justice is discussed & compared to arguments concerning the rule of law & Auschwitz. The Republican leadership is accused of hiding behind the rule of law in carrying out its attack against the Clinton administration. Noting the increased visibility of politics in the public sphere, it is asserted that politicians in a democracy are obligated to act & remain visible. The implications of the prevalence of deliberative scenes related to the Clinton-Lewinsky affair for the public's participation in politics & the media's continuing coverage of unexpected events are discussed. It is concluded that the affair illustrates the need for democracy to prepare itself for addressing indeterminacy. J. W. Parker

The relationship between democratic free speech & pornography is investigated. After differentiating obscenity from pornography, four arguments against the production & consumption of pornography are discussed (eg, pornography authorizes acts of sexual violence), & four interpretations of democratic free speech that ultimately defend pornography are reviewed: (1) the marketplace model of democracy that emphasizes pornography's political character; (2) Ronald Dworkin's (1992) perception of pornography as a form of ethical autonomy; (3) the republican notion of deliberative democracy; & (4) Joshua Cohen's (1993) pluralistic account of deliberative democracy. Although free speech is defensible in the context of equal free speech, it is asserted that pornography produces asymmetrical free speech. It is concluded that if pornography contributes to the marginalization of women from political activity & institutions, then the placement of legal restraints on pornographic expression is justified. J. W. Parker

Asserting that Karl Marx's antipolitics is prevalent in the contemporary world, it is contended that the current understanding of modern democratic politics requires reconsideration to preserve democracy as an unrealized political & philosophical problem. Marx & Friedrich Engels's Communist Manifesto (1848) is analyzed to determine the origins of antipolitics. It is claimed that the text delineates communism as denying responsibility for decision making; consequently, it is maintained that Marx & Engels's communist politics attempts to transcend politics itself. The Manifesto is deemed antipolitical, because the perception of capitalism as responsible for modern society's disintegration eliminates the place of politics. The creation of a "democratic manifesto" that addresses the history of antipolitics & repudiates Marx's attempt to realize the implications of the French Revolution is advanced. J. W. Parker

The Republican Party's motivation for impeaching US President Bill Clinton is examined in two distinct historical contexts: the perception that attacking the presidency is representative of modern democratic politics that surfaced during the 1930s, & the multiple cultural revolutions initiated during the 1960s. It is contended that Clinton functions as the scapegoat for the Republican Party's failed campaigns against women's & sexual emancipation, pluralism, & secularization. However, the emergence of right-wing politics in reaction to President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal policies is deemed a more important component of the Republican Party's drive for impeachment. It is claimed that Clinton's preservation of national government from Republican ideology & the Clinton administration's central position in the various cultural revolutions are responsible for the Republican Party's targeting. Republicans are accused of abandoning the rules of US democracy as exemplified by the appointment of Kenneth Starr as independent counsel. The Republican Party's advocacy of a more authoritarian & weaker democratic government is contrasted with current political movements in Europe. J. W. Parker

US conservative politicians' support for the return of a "rule of law" to contemporary politics is studied. Although US citizens are congratulated for recognizing the true parameters of the rule of law, expressed in their condemnation of Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr, elected officials are condemned for sacrificing rule of law virtues to implicate wrongdoing among their political adversaries. Kenneth Starr is accused of manipulating the Independent Counsel Act & disregarding the primary virtues of the rule of law, ie, the preservation of state action characterized by generality, publicity, clarity, & stability. The repudiation of the Independent Counsel Act is strongly supported, & the value of previous independent counsels is debated. The establishment of independent counsels restrained by clearly defined & regulated discretionary authority is welcomed, though the capacity of such independent counsels to contribute to democratic politics is questioned. J. W. Parker

The US Congress's attempt to impeach President Bill Clinton is interpreted as an attempt to revise the Constitution. The US Supreme Court's decision to permit civil suits to be carried out against sitting presidents is deemed disastrous. The assertion forwarded by Republican members of Congress that Clinton's transgressions constituted public behavior is repudiated. The reliance on the rule of law by the advocates of Clinton's impeachment is discussed. Although impeachment standards should not be modified to support reinterpretations of the Constitution, it is argued that such standards could be changed to protect the nation's institutional framework. The threat issued by Republican members of Congress to veto national budgets in 1995 & 1998 & their attempt to impeach Clinton are perceived as damaging both the executive & legislative branches of government. The conservative Right's strategy for changing the Constitution is argued to lack legitimacy. The consequences of the Clinton impeachment process for the US's democratic institutions are considered. J. W. Parker

Discusses the attention paid by Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels in their Communist Manifesto (1848) to the issue of internationalism & the assertion that economic inequality is the product of properly functioning systems. It is contended that internationalism is not the result of a given political ideology; rather, it is embedded in the conditions & existence of different countries. Moreover, the Communist Manifesto contains a contradictory interpretation of internationalism. Current theories of the effects of globalization on national economies are discussed, & it is asserted that an institutional framework capable of administrating the global economy has emerged within national territories. Consequently, many states are responsible for the development of the global economic system & the denationalization of national institutional systems. The ability of individuals to challenge globalization is associated with the Communist Manifesto's treatment of internationalism. J. W. Parker

Richard Rorty's critique (1999) of the biblical New Testament & the Communist Manifesto (1848) of Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels is challenged, & the inability of contemporary societies to produce a universal class is explored. It is asserted that Rorty fails to discuss Christianity's & Marxism's concern with social hope; in addition, Rorty is charged with offering a utilitarian account of religious & political ideas. It is contended that the creation of a universal class under the conditions of capitalist modernity is highly unlikely. Nevertheless, it is suggested that Marx's disavowal of religion as a force for instituting a universal class was premature. The underlying theme of Christian universal charity throughout the Manifesto & other seminal communist & socialist political writings is discussed. Speculation is offered about what would constitute a "postcommunist manifesto.". J. W. Parker

Introduces a special journal section on Israel that investigates the conflict between a globalist, civic, post-Zionist Israeli agenda & a localist, ethnic, neo-Zionist agenda. This conflict has stymied all political groups in Israel. The Left prefers the advance of democracy & civic equality, but is reticent about the advance of economic liberalization & the growth of social inequality. The Right favors economic liberalization, yet resists the Americanization of Israeli culture & the pluralization of cultures. Within this political vacuum, Israel continues to progress in per capita income & other indicators of development, but also to increase levels of social disparity & inequality. Essays in this special journal section interrogate the crisis caused by this situation. While they do not agree in many particulars, together they provide an introduction to the major dimensions of crisis & transformation in Israel. D. Ryfe