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In this section on the Capabilities, Trends & Economics of regional military defense capabilities, the military trends & priorities of Europe are assessed. A discussion of the European defense debate characterizes diverse national defense policies as a hindrance to a cohesive approach within the European Union. Discussion of NATO operations identifies current deployment & limited capabilities in Iraq & Africa, cooperation, & future NATO expansion. The European Security & Defense Policy (ESDP) national force developments address conflict, & terrorism in individual countries. The strengthening euro, & new initiatives by the European Defense Agency (EDA) indicate growth that is further supported by Italian, French, Greek, & UK military fiscal policy. Analysis of the non-NATO European defense identifies challenges to Croatia, & downsizing and budget cuts for Sweden. A detailed assessment follows of NATO & non-NATO countries military capabilities that inventories troops, organizations by service & equipment, deployment, & foreign forces. Tables. J. Harwell

Mitchell Young While, as the name of this blog reflects, knowledge has become a central concern in European policymaking internally, it has not made the same inroads into the EU's external policy discourses. This neglect of knowledge in the field of international relations is not limited to the EU, but given the European policy context, […]
The post Knowledge Power Europe appeared first on Europe of Knowledge.

The aim of the book is to explore the long-standing and multi-faceted relationship between Scotland and the societies and cultures of the European continent, in various epochs and from a large diversity of view points and problematics. The book collects most of the contributions from the IVth annual conference of the Société Française d'Etudes Ecossaises, held in Toulon in October 2005. This international conference gathered fifty European academics, working in a wide range of research field...

The most significant development in Europe during the year to mid-2013 occurred shortly after it began, with a declaration from Mario Draghi, president of the European Central Bank (ECB). He said in July 2012: 'Within our mandate, the ECB is ready to do whatever it takes to preserve the euro. And believe me, it will be enough.' While this statement caused a flurry, it would obviously not have been sufficient by itself, after three years in which Europe's authorities had failed to convince the financial markets that the measures they were taking would, indeed, be enough. But two months later, Draghi revealed that the ECB would underpin the debt of any country that undertook satisfactory reform measures, by buying its bonds. The comfort to the markets provided by this guarantee meant that the ECB did not, in fact, have to make any such purchases, because the market interest rates of Spanish and Italian debt fell to such an extent that the need for them to negotiate financial rescues, conditional on economic reforms, receded. Adapted from the source document.

In his regular column for Juncture, John Curtice looks at British public attitudes towards Europe and questions whether apparent moves towards Euroscepticism by politicians and the public are real or just par for the course.

The question of how to manage the pressure on defence budgets remains at the forefront of many defence ministers' minds, though circumstances vary across countries. Governments are applying a range of strategies to cope with the impact of the financial and economic crisis. While some have initiated austerity measures and seem destined for an extended period off defence cuts, the procurement cuts and delays so far announced do not yet reflect this reality. Adapted from the source document.

Dipesh Chakrabarty's proposition to provincialize Europe harbors ambiguities and contradictions that open it to misreadings. Some misreadings stem from a shallow grasp of Chakrabarty's argument or a cavalier invocation of the title, but others follow from deeper issues in the book concerning the place of Europe in social theory, the universality of concepts from European thought, and the difficulty of escaping the frame of national history. Some problems arising from these issues might be avoided by taking a transnational perspective on the questions Chakrabarty raises, although a transnational approach does not necessarily guarantee success. However one views them, such seeming limitations of Provincializing Europe reflect the risks Chakrabarty took in proposing a project that is simultaneously methodological, institutional, and political. Moreover, they are the source of its wide impact. ; A proposta de Dipesh Chakrabarty de provincializar a Europa é marcada por ambiguidades e contradições que a tornam suscetível a leituras enviesadas. Algumas destas leituras partem de um entendimento superficial dos argumentos de Chakrabarty ou de uma invocação leviana da sua obra, mas outras têm origem em questões mais profundas a respeito do lugar da Europa na teoria social, da universalidade dos conceitos procedentes do pensamento europeu e das dificuldades de escapar ao quadro da história nacional. Alguns dos problemas que advêm destas questões podem ser evitados se adotarmos uma perspetiva transnacional sobre os temas abordados por Chakrabarty, embora esta perspetiva transnacional em si mesma não seja uma garantia de sucesso. Seja como for, as aparentes limitações de Provincializing Europe tornam patentes os riscos que Chakrabarty correu ao propor um projeto que é simultaneamente metodológico, institucional e político. São, de resto, estes riscos que estão na origem do seu vasto impacto.

US-European relations, domestic politics in Germany, France, Italy, and Great Britain, the Bosnian crisis and its perception in the Islamic world, and the Nordic countries in the post-cold war era; 8 articles.

Die europäisch-asiatischen Beziehungen, so die Herausgeber, kranken immer noch an einem Hegemonialdenken, das auf die Kolonialzeit zurückgeht, und das einer gleichberechtigten Partnerschaft im Wege steht. Die vorliegende Publikation möchte diese polarisierende Sichtweise hinterfragen und dazu beitragen, ein differenzierteres Bild nicht nur der geographisch-kulturellen Entitäten Asiens und Europas, sondern auch der komplexen europäisch-asiatischen Beziehungen zu zeichnen. Die Autoren der Beiträge aus den Bereichen Sozial- und Kulturwissenschaften hinterfragen dazu eingefahrene Denkfiguren auf unterschiedliche Weise und auf verschiedenen Gebieten: Da geht es um den Zusammenhang von Übernahme westlicher Technologie und der kulturellen Pluralität Asiens, um Machtstrukturen im akademischen Diskurs im Sinne von Edward Saids "Orientalism", und um die wechselseitige Abhängigkeit von Europa und Asien. Weitere Beiträge sind unter anderem den britischen und indischen Gesundheitswesen im 19. Jh. sowie der Frage nach der gegenwärtigen Situation von Migranten aus dem indischen Raum in Europa gewidmet. Die Beiträge sind aus dem an der Universität Singapur veranstalteten gleichnamigen Workshop hervorgegangen, an dem Wissenschaftler unterschiedlicher Disziplinen im Dezember 2001 teilgenommen hatten. (ifa)